1. Introduction and Background
The role of energy as a fundamental resource and an important driver in the growth process in the global economy is undisputed. As such, any changes in the global price of oil, a major source of energy, have significant implications for macroeconomic fundamentals in both oil-importing and oil-exporting nations. The implications are more crucial for oil-exporting economies given that oil revenue influences fiscal policy and overall macroeconomic stability. Additionally, the impact of oil price fluctuations on macroeconomic fundamentals has become more important and compelling to policymakers in oil-dependent countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Despite its resource endowments, the region faces a high unemployment rate, one of the most critical global economic problems, and its concomitant challenges
1.
Theoretically, an increase in oil prices translates to increases in oil revenue, improved balance of payment, higher consumption, and investment in the oil sector, which potentially creates jobs in extractive and related industries. Similarly, higher oil revenues lead to increased economic activity and, consequently, higher economic growth and employment across different sectors in oil-exporting countries. On the contrary, sharp declines in oil prices can lead to reduced investments, fiscal constraints, and job cuts in the oil industry, consequently affecting other sectors and employment opportunities.
There is existing empirical evidence linking positive oil price shocks to job creation and consequently lower unemployment (
Alfalih, 2024;
Adeosun et al., 2023;
Tien, 2022). For instance,
Karlsson et al. (
2018) found a negative relationship between oil price increases and unemployment in Norway, while
Tien (
2022), using data from Vietnam, also found that oil price increases have a significant negative impact on unemployment. Another strand of the literature found evidence linking positive oil price shocks to higher unemployment (
Abdelsalam, 2023;
Zivkov & Duraskovic, 2023;
Tien & Hung, 2022). These studies argue that rising oil prices can significantly increase unemployment when, for instance, the price increase results in currency appreciation that reduces the competitiveness of other export industries, leading to job losses, called the Dutch disease effect (
Adeosun et al., 2023;
International Monetary Fund, 2016). Similarly, oil price increases can lead to inflation, which reduces competitiveness in other sectors and potentially leads to job losses in those sectors, thereby increasing unemployment.
Therefore, the literature presents two opposing perspectives on the impact of oil price changes on unemployment: one suggesting that a positive oil price shock reduces unemployment, while the second suggests that rising oil prices lead to more job losses.
The third group of studies focused on identifying the channels through which oil price fluctuations are transmitted to affect unemployment (
African Union, 2015;
O. K. Kocaarslan, 2019). Several variables, such as economic diversification, trade openness, institutional quality, FDI, and labour market regulations, have been identified as factors that mitigate the positive impact of oil price increases on unemployment (
African Development Bank, 2024).
Motivated by these inconclusive results in the literature, this study investigates the distinct role of labour market institutions in moderating the effects of oil price volatility on unemployment in nine African oil-exporting countries, including Angola, Algeria, Cameroon, Egypt, Gabon, Niger, Nigeria, the Republic of Congo, and Sudan. While studies such as
O. K. Kocaarslan (
2019) suggest that different countries experience the effects of oil price changes on unemployment differently due to the quality of the institutions, previous research has not adequately investigated how labour market institutions can moderate the effects of oil price volatility on unemployment in African oil-exporting countries. This study addresses this gap by focusing specifically on the role of these institutions in a region that has not been well-studied. It argues that the different results found in studies on the link between oil price shocks and unemployment are likely due to the different labour market institutions in each country. Therefore, the study hypothesises that the impact of oil price changes on employment is moderated by the presence of labour market institutions. The study seeks to answer the following research questions:
What is the effect of oil price shocks on unemployment in Africa’s oil-exporting countries? Does the presence of good labour market institutions moderate the effect of oil price shocks on unemployment? Systematically analysing how different institutional settings influence the transmission of oil price shocks on the labour market provides valuable insights into the effectiveness and potential improvements of labour market institutions in mitigating the adverse effects of oil price fluctuations on employment.
This study is important for net oil-exporters in Africa and other developing countries for three compelling reasons. Firstly, these countries suffer from persistently high unemployment, a structural issue that is frequently aggravated by weak LMIs that fail to properly manage the labour force and absorb shocks (
International Labour Organization, 2023); therefore, addressing this institutional weakness is critical for focused reform. Secondly, because these economies rely heavily on oil, their labour markets are extremely exposed to volatile oil price swings (
OPEC, 2023), and therefore, it is essential to determine how LMIs may be effectively exploited to insulate workers and stabilise employment. Finally, the results from this study are critical for oil-exporting African governments’ initiatives to diversify economies from natural resource dependency (
African Union, 2015). The findings will provide policymakers with critical, evidence-based guidance on reforming specific LMIs to both cushion the labour market against external shocks and facilitate the structural shifts required for long-term growth and resilience across all oil and non-oil industries.
While the influence of oil price variations on unemployment has been researched in both developed and rising nations, African economies have been mostly disregarded. This study has become even more relevant and timely, considering new findings showing high levels and incidences of poverty strongly linked to unemployment in Africa (
Zaman et al., 2023). The rest of this paper is organised as follows. The next session presents a brief description of oil prices and unemployment trends in the studied countries.
Section 2 provides a review of the related literature,
Section 3 presents the empirical methodology adopted in this study, while
Section 4 presents the results, summary, conclusion and policy recommendations.
Stylised Facts
Africa’s crude oil exports rose from 4.8 million barrels per day in 1995 to a high of 7.53 million barrels per day (mbd) in 2010, with the top exporters of crude oil being Nigeria, Angola, Libya, Algeria and the Republic of Congo. However, crude oil exports dropped significantly to 4.91 mbd in 2024 from their 2010 level. This was mainly attributed to the reduced demand from the US, volatile and lower oil prices and the consequent effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. On the contrary, oil exports from the Middle East, a region with the highest crude oil exports in the world, rose from 13.82 mbd in 1995 to 16.44 in 2024.
Regarding unemployment patterns, African oil-exporting countries have historically recorded higher unemployment rates than the world average (
International Labour Organization, 2023). Between 1990 and the early 2000s, many of these countries experienced relatively high unemployment rates, with Nigeria having an average jobless rate of 10.5% (
World Bank, 2023). Similarly, the average unemployment rate for the 2013 to 2023 period was around 12%, with Nigeria and Libya having the lowest of 4.1% and the highest of 19.2%, respectively (
International Monetary Fund, 2024). On the other hand, lower unemployment rates for some oil exporters were attributed to the oil boom in the mid-2000s that spurred tremendous economic growth and job creation. For instance, Angola’s unemployment rate dropped from 26% in 2000 to 7.3% in 2014 (
World Bank, 2023). However, the oil price crash from 2014 to 2016 had severe consequences for many African oil exporters, leading to economic contractions, fiscal deficits, and rising unemployment. These statistics sharply contradict global unemployment rates that averaged 6% over the 1990 to 2023 period.
On the other hand, the quality of labour market institutions in African oil-exporting economies varies significantly across countries, with notable differences in labour market flexibility, wage structures, education and skills development programmes, and social safety nets. For example, a 2018 World Bank report highlighted Nigeria’s relatively flexible labour market, characterised by a large informal sector and limited minimum wage regulations. In contrast, Algeria’s labour market is known for its rigidities, including extensive regulations on hiring and firing, which could hinder job creation and economic dynamism (
OECD, 2020). Additionally, the strength of social safety nets varies across countries, with some providing comprehensive unemployment benefits and social assistance programmes, while others have limited coverage and inadequate funding (
International Labour Organization, 2019). For instance, Nigeria and Angola faced significant challenges in establishing comprehensive social protection due to high levels of informality and weak administrative capacity, leaving large segments of their populations highly exposed to the full brunt of oil price downturns (
International Monetary Fund, 2024;
UNDP, 2025).
These variations in labour market institutions have significant implications for employment outcomes, wage levels, and how economies respond to oil price shocks, thereby determining the resilience and adaptability of their labour markets. Countries with flexible labour markets, strong education systems, and robust social safety nets are generally better equipped to adjust to oil price fluctuations and mitigate their negative employment effects. Conversely, countries with rigid labour markets, weak education systems, and inadequate social protection are more vulnerable to oil price shocks and may experience persistent unemployment and social unrest. Therefore, labour market institutions influence labour market flexibility, wage determination, skill development, and social protection mechanisms, all of which can moderate or exacerbate the effects of oil price shocks on unemployment levels.
2. Literature Review
2.1. Theoretical Literature
An effective theoretical framework that combines macroeconomic linkages with the micro-foundations of labour market dynamics is necessary to comprehend the intricate interactions between changes in oil prices and unemployment. Several important theoretical frameworks serve as the foundation for this study, each of which provides a unique perspective for examining this crucial link, especially in economies that export oil.
Firstly, a basic macroeconomic connection is offered by Okun’s Law (
Okun, 1963), which asserts an empirically inverse relationship between changes in the unemployment rate and the growth rate of real GDP. Shocks to oil prices have a direct effect on GDP growth in countries that export oil; a drop in oil prices can cause an economic contraction, which raises unemployment in accordance with Okun’s Law. This study builds on this fundamental knowledge by analysing how the Okun coefficient, which measures how responsive unemployment is to changes in output, is not constant but rather mediated by the institutions that currently govern the labour market. In contrast to more flexible labour markets where adjustments may be quicker and more noticeable, strict employment protection laws (EPL) may cause labour hoarding, which would initially reduce the immediate unemployment response to negative shocks but could ultimately result in greater unemployment persistence or reduced job creation.
Secondly, the classical and neoclassical labour market theories offer micro-foundations to explain the persistence of unemployment. According to the classical approach, markets clear automatically at the real wage, suggesting that any protracted unemployment is either frictional or voluntary, induced by rigidities such as trade union involvement or minimum wage regulations, which keep the real wage above the market-clearing level. The neoclassical method refines this by claiming that firms will hire workers until the real pay matches the marginal output of labour. From this standpoint, an oil price crash that affects overall economic productivity necessitates a lower real wage to preserve employment. When institutional constraints such as inflexible EPL prohibit actual wages from declining, businesses respond with involuntary layoffs rather than wage reduction. This supply-side perspective is critical for understanding why oil-exporting countries’ persistent structural unemployment in their labour market institutions has prevented the pay flexibility needed to adapt to productivity shocks caused by oil price volatility.
Thirdly, theoretical assertions attribute the negative impact of oil price increase on employment to the Dutch Disease experienced by resource-rich countries. The influx of oil revenues following a positive oil price shock in oil-rich nations strengthens the local currency. Such an increase in exchange rates results in exports from other non-oil tradeable sectors becoming more expensive and uncompetitive internationally, leading to the de-industrialisation of these sectors and consequent job losses.
Lastly, the vast body of research on policies and institutions demonstrates how institutions such as good governance, transparency and upholding the rule of law enhance proper resource allocation and lower transaction costs in resource-rich countries. On the contrary, poor institutions would foster rent-seeking behaviour, leading to inefficiencies, economic declines and job losses in these countries. Similarly, certain labour market institutions
2 influence unemployment outcomes in response to external shocks such as changes in the price of oil. For instance, rigid employment protection legislation (EPL) (
Nickell, 1997;
Blanchard & Wolfers, 2000) could impede job creation during upturns but postpone layoffs during downturns. On the other hand, strong social safety nets can reduce the social costs of unemployment, promote easier labour market transitions, and avoid long-term unemployment by protecting human capital (
International Labour Organization, 2019).
2.2. Conceptual Framework
The review presented above is the basis for the conceptual framework on how changes in oil prices affect unemployment rates in African oil-exporting countries. The main theme is that the oil price–unemployment relationship is greatly influenced by high-quality labour market institutions. These institutions enhance the positive relationship between oil price increases and job creation through their flexibility and effectiveness. On the other hand, these high-quality institutions are also expected to reduce the adverse effects of a negative shock by ensuring smoother labour market operations, thereby reducing sudden increases in unemployment. In addition, real gross domestic product is incorporated as a control variable to isolate the structural effects of the oil price and institutional quality from the overall macroeconomic cycle, thereby supporting the theoretical underpinning of Okun’s Law’s principles.
Through the integration of these theoretical insights and the derived conceptual framework, this paper develops a thorough empirical framework for analysing how various labour market institution configurations in oil-exporting economies interact with changes in oil prices to influence unemployment outcomes. This, in turn, illuminates effective policy levers for promoting sustainable development and strengthening labour market resilience in resource-dependent countries.
2.3. Empirical Literature
Several studies have examined the general impact of oil price changes on unemployment rates, but the findings are conflicting. Using wavelet methodologies on data from the US, Canada, France, Italy, the UK, Germany and Japan,
Adeosun et al. (
2023) reported that oil prices and uncertainty significantly drive unemployment. Similarly,
Ahmed et al. (
2023) employed the logistic smooth transition autoregressive (LSTAR) process and found that high oil price volatility states increase levels of unemployment in the United States. A study by
Koirala and Ma (
2020) applied a bivariate GARCH-in-mean VAR model and reported an increase in unemployment following a positive price shock in the United States for the period 1974 and 2018. Similarly,
O. K. Kocaarslan (
2019) used a GARCH-in-mean VAR model for the period 1974 to 2017 in the US and results confirmed that oil price uncertainty is positively related to unemployment. In a separate study,
B. Kocaarslan et al. (
2020) used a nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) on US data and concluded that oil price increases further increase unemployment in oil sectors while having no significant effect on unemployment following an oil price decline.
Several empirical studies used data from other regions outside the US to analyse the relationship between oil price shocks and unemployment. For instance,
Cuestas and Gil-Alana (
2018) employed the NARDL model on data from Central and Eastern European countries for the period from 2000 to 2015. The study found that oil prices and the natural rate of unemployment flow in the same direction: a positive oil price shock increases unemployment, while decreases in the oil price reduce unemployment. Similarly,
Raifu et al. (
2020) found a long-run positive relationship between oil price and unemployment in Nigeria after applying a non-linear ARDL.
Cheratian et al. (
2019) also employed the NARDL model on data from oil-importing and oil-exporting countries in the MENA region. The study reveals that an increase has a long-run positive effect on unemployment in both oil-importing and oil-exporting countries.
On the other hand, some studies found a negative relationship between oil price and unemployment. For instance, a study by
Tien (
2022) indicates that an increase in oil prices led to a decline in the unemployment rate in Vietnam between 1999 and 2020. This was supported by
Nusair (
2020) in a study that was carried out in both Canada and the US.
Karlsson et al. (
2018) also found a negative relationship between oil price increases and unemployment in Norway between 1997 and 2015. Similarly,
Alfalih (
2024) adopted the ARDL model using time series data for the period 1991 to 2019 from Saudi Arabia and found a negative relationship between oil price increases and unemployment. In the case of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries,
Cheikh et al. (
2018) suggest that higher oil prices can lead to lower unemployment due to increased economic activity and government spending.
The findings from the reviewed empirical studies highlight the complex and context-dependent nature of the relationship between oil prices and unemployment, showing that under certain conditions, positive oil price shocks can indeed reduce or increase unemployment in oil-exporting economies.
While some studies have explored the role of institutional quality on the oil price–unemployment nexus, the specific role of labour market institutions remains unclear, especially within the context of African oil-exporting economies.
Raifu (
2021) employed Pooled OLS and panel ARDL on data from 24 oil-exporting African and Asian countries for the 1991 to 2019 period. The study investigated the role of institutional quality on the oil price–unemployment nexus. The results revealed that the effect of an increase in oil prices on unemployment is enhanced by the presence of good institutions such as democratic accountability and the rule of law. However, the study did not assess the effect of labour market institutions. Similarly,
Agboola et al. (
2024) found that increasing institutional quality minimises the negative impact of oil price shocks on macroeconomic variables in a panel of eight non-OECD emerging economies. This suggests that the effectiveness of oil price changes in reducing unemployment may depend on the quality of labour market institutions.
Table 1 below summarises the key studies reviewed above.
The existing literature provides a foundation for understanding the complex relationship between oil prices and unemployment. However, there is a need for further research to specifically examine the role of labour market institutions in oil-exporting economies, particularly within the African context. This research can help policymakers design and implement effective labour market policies to mitigate the negative impacts of oil price fluctuations on employment and promote sustainable economic development.
5. Discussion of Results
The empirical findings presented make an important contribution to the research, notably by emphasising the critical and different roles of institutional characteristics and commodity prices in influencing macroeconomic outcomes for African oil-exporting states. The long-run finding of a strong negative and significant coefficient for oil price provides strong support for the resource-driven economic expansion hypothesis, directly aligning with empirical work by
Alfalih (
2024) on Saudi Arabia and
Cheikh et al. (
2018) on MENA countries, which found that higher oil revenues stimulate aggregate demand and government spending, resulting in lower unemployment rates. This finding, however, contrasts significantly with research on developed oil-importing countries (
O. K. Kocaarslan, 2019;
Koirala & Ma, 2020), in which oil prices function as a cost-push shock.
The study’s most important conclusion is a negative and substantial association between the labour market institutional index (LMII) and long-term unemployment. Together with the result on unemployment, the negative and significant coefficient on the interaction term confirms that unemployment is further reduced in economies with good labour market institutions. The results are plausible given that countries with good labour market institutions are generally better equipped to adjust to oil price fluctuations and mitigate their negative employment effects. Intuitively, high-quality labour market institutions not only stimulate job creation during periods of oil prosperity but also shield against employment declines when commodity prices drop. The result also echoes
Agboola et al.’s (
2024) more general claim that institutional quality reduces the adverse effects of external shocks and is supported by the beneficial role of labour market institutions, as reiterated by
Nusair (
2020). In addition, the results of this study suggest that quality institutions may improve labour market resilience by lowering the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment and allowing workers to adjust to productivity shocks brought on by fluctuations in the price of oil, thereby averting the structural unemployment that the rigidity models predicted.
Additionally, Okun’s Law (
Okun, 1963) is easily validated by the long-run coefficient for RGDP, which affirms the basic inverse relationship that unemployment decreases with economic expansion. The idea that the full effects of output on employment are realised over time, however, is supported by the short-run RGDP impact, which is in line with micro-foundations such as labour hoarding that prevent immediate layoffs or new hiring in response to transient output fluctuations. Lastly, a stable and statistically significant adjustment process is confirmed by the significant and negative error correction term, which gives strong confidence in the reliability of the estimated long-run relationships. The system corrects more than 10% of any unemployment disequilibrium in the subsequent period. In contrast to the oil price effect, the short-run LMII coefficient has immediate significance, indicating that policymakers can address unemployment more quickly and easily through institutional reform.
6. Conclusions and Recommendations
This study examined the distinct role of labour market institutions in moderating the effects of oil price volatility on unemployment in nine African oil-exporting countries for a 30-year period from 1994 to 2024. This study was motivated by inconclusive results in the literature on the oil price–unemployment nexus, and suggestions that differences in labour market institutions are the main cause of the mixed results. To appropriately assess how labour market institutions exacerbate or alleviate the effects of oil price shocks on unemployment over time, the study employed a Cross-Sectionally Augmented Autoregressive Distributed Lag model (CS-ARDL) on a panel dataset of nine African oil-exporting countries from 1994 to 2024.
The main hypothesis was that countries with quality labour market institutions would experience less unemployment during periods of oil price increases. The study establishes the existence of a reduction in unemployment following oil price increases. Furthermore, a negative impact of labour market institutions on unemployment was established in this study. Of importance is the fact that good-quality institutions reduce unemployment. In addition, RGDP was found to have a long-run negative and significant effect on unemployment, confirming that unemployment falls as output grows. Our results also suggest that economies with stronger labour market institutions exhibit greater resilience, effectively cushioning the negative consequences of oil price shocks. These institutions appear to facilitate a more efficient reallocation of oil revenues and labour resources towards job creation in non-extractive sectors. In other words, countries with high-quality labour market institutions perform better in diverting oil revenues into sectors that create employment.
The econometric results from this study have clear policy implications. Firstly, overall quality labour market institutions play a pivotal role in the extent to which the oil price affects unemployment. While oil price increases stimulate a reduction in unemployment in African oil-exporting countries, the presence of quality labour market institutions further enhances this unemployment-reducing effect. Therefore, policymakers must prioritise labour market institutional reforms to absorb oil price shocks and reduce unemployment. Furthermore, policy reforms should be targeted at the specific aspects of the labour market institutional index, i.e., wage bargaining systems, the generosity and design of social safety nets and unemployment benefits, active labour market policies, employment protection legislation, and trade union density and power.
Secondly, African oil-exporting countries are challenged to create and promote institutions that ensure oil revenues are channelled towards productive sectors to further enhance reduction in unemployment during periods of oil prosperity. The creation of oil stabilisation funds will enable oil-exporting economies to absorb oil price shocks as well as shield against employment declines when commodity prices drop.
One of the limitations of this study is employing an aggregate index for labour market institutions instead of disaggregated measures. Individual aspects of labour market institutions would have accounted for more specific causal effects of institutions on the oil price–unemployment nexus. The study therefore recommends that future studies consider analysing individual aspects separately to assist policymakers in focusing on targeted institutional aspects.
Another limitation of this study is that it focuses only on oil-exporting countries in Africa. Future studies may consider countries outside Africa for comparative analysis. Another option may be a comparative analysis between net oil importers and net oil importers from across the globe.