4.1. Pension Benefits Compared to the PL
According to
Table 4 and
Table 5, the PL for Kapuas Regency in 2022 was IDR 424,066 (EUR 25.15) per individual and IDR 1,840,446 (EUR 109.17) for a poor household based on the average number of household members in Indonesia (4.34). The PL for Kapuas Regency was the lowest among the regencies in Kalimantan Tengah (Central Kalimantan) Province. The maximum pension benefits for level I (IDR 2,176,100/EUR 129.07) and level II (IDR 3,094,200/EUR 183.53) (
Government Regulation Number 8 Year 2024) were only slightly higher than the PL for Kapuas Regency. Furthermore, the maximum pension benefit of level I (IDR 2,176,100/EUR 129.07) is less than the PL in Central Kalimantan (IDR 2,381,861/EUR 141.28) and Indonesia (IDR 2,592,657/EUR 153.79) (
Table 4). The maximum benefits for levels III and IV are higher, amounting to IDR 3,885,600/EUR 230.48 and IDR 4,779,900/EUR 283.52, respectively.
The discussion above shows the pension benefit would help prevent civil service pensioners in Kapuas Regency from falling below the PL. However, for around 1% of pensioners receiving the highest level I pension payment (
Table 2), the difference is only around IDR 335,654 (EUR 19.91); and they will be living in poverty in other regencies in Central Kalimantan. This is illustrated by
Table 5, which shows that the pension benefits of all interviewees in Kapuas Regency are above the PL. Nonetheless, the pension benefit of F is slightly more than the poverty threshold across Indonesia (around 9%). Meanwhile, L and O (at level II) are somewhat higher than the poverty level in Indonesia (around 12% more). If they relocate to other parts of Indonesia and food or non-food prices rise by more than 12%, they may fall into poverty.
4.4. Adequacy and Adjustment
To learn about adequacy, we asked the interviewees about the extent to which their CSP benefits covered their basic needs (such as food and lodging) and their advanced needs (such as entertainment and travel). The adjustments of the interviewees were further analyzed through the lens of the three income hypotheses.
According to
Table 8, all the interviewees believed their pension benefits would be sufficient to meet their basic needs. The ability of a CSP to allow one to meet their basic needs suggests the system can keep people out of poverty. Nevertheless, 86.67% (13/15) of the interviewees commented that their pension only met their basic needs. Only 2 of the 15 interviewees said it covered continuous or advanced needs. These two participants had the highest RRs, at around 59% of their incomes, and the same grades before retiring but were different genders. Their benefits are among the upper half of the interviewees, as they are both from level IV but not the highest.
The interviewees further discussed their pre-retirement quality of life in Kapuas Regency and their response to the present pension situation. It was revealed that the interviewees’ expenditures had varied widely before their retirement. However, most of them (both male and female interviewees) had foreseen and prepared for the reduction in income, albeit only to fulfill basic needs after retirement in Kapuas. “My monthly pension is enough for daily needs”, said one of the female interviewees, who had an RR of 56%. She realized her pension could not cover advanced needs. “However, it would be difficult if I became ill and had no personal savings”. This shows that this reduction in income needed to be prepared for even though her RR was still above the recommended 40% ratio. This is partly because the salary itself, especially the basic salary, was low, according to another female interviewee, who had an RR of 47.92%. She only received pension benefits of around IDR 2,846,700 (EUR 168.86) below the minimum wage in Kapuas Regency (IDR 3,261,700/EUR 193.47). She stated, “Because my pension is too low, I must be minimalist with my needs. However, it is preferable to have a modest pension than none at all. In general, I am satisfied with my life”. The consumption-smoothing patterns were also captured from several male interviewees. In addition to the previous mention of saving, one interviewee stated, “Although my salary was low, I planned my pension when I worked as a civil servant and saved a little money to have a better life”. Another male interviewee stated, “We should save our money to have a better pension life; however, it is impossible to do that with a low salary”.
The issue of a low salary also came up in the discussion of how much the pension benefit could cover the participants’ current expenditures. Despite the RR being higher than the 40% threshold set by the ILO, most of the interviewees said they could only cover 25% of their monthly expenditures. This means their previous salary had not fully covered their expenditure either. Pensioners from levels I and II are more likely to meet RR objectives but have an inadequate working-life income before and after retirement. Low-income pensioners (levels I and II) are more likely to rely on the state’s income offered through the CSP plan benefit. They will have fewer opportunities to convert their wealth into income (or to use it to reduce expenses, such as those related to real estate). Meanwhile, pensioners at the highest level (IV/e) have a “comfortable” living standard when working, especially due to the allowance of a certain structural position. By their own admission, this group of pensioners found it difficult to enjoy a similar standard of living during retirement since they will have a low RR. They will be unable to maintain their pre-retirement standard of living. One of the interviewees with a relatively high pre-retirement income focused more on the items that they will need to let go than on their saving strategy before retirement.
Therefore, pensioners may have other sources of income in place to supplement their retirement income. One of the interviewees who had just retired revealed that they worked for a private company to cover their monthly expenses, stating, “My pension benefit is insufficient; it only covers less than 25% of the monthly cost. Therefore, now I am working for a private company”. Some of the interviewees still had bank loans during retirement since their income did not cover the expenditures from when they became civil servants. These loans can also be seen as another attempt to smooth their consumption by depending on more than just pension benefits. This smoothing may also be affected by the need to provide regular financial support to other family members, as stated: “I have to support my family every month, although only a small amount”. This is a crucial factor, as most aged pensions operate under the assumption that they will not have any dependent children in their families (
Tanton et al. 2009).
According to the
European Commission (
2018), pensions are not the only type of financial support people rely on as they age. Many people accumulate wealth (including via home ownership) during their working lives (
European Commission 2018). Although we found that several of the pensioners had savings, as shown above, the low income of civil servants makes saving difficult. One form of relief for our interviewees in Kapuas Regency was that they owned homes. According to
Table 9, nearly all the pensioners (12 of the 15 interviewees) lived in their own houses. They probably bought their houses when working as civil servants for the Kapuas government. As in studies such as those by
Saunders and Wong (
2011) and
Jacques et al. (
2021), 3 of the 15 interviewees who had not secured home ownership though that it was not possible to do so under their current conditions. Previously, two struggled to buy a house as single parents, while another one sold his home to cover his health problems in the past, stating, “I had a house before, but I had to sell it because of an accident a few years ago. Now, I do not have money to buy a new one”. Another member of this group stated, “Since I do not have a house, I have to arrange my pension for house rent payment. So, the pension benefit is not enough”. One interviewee indicated that the issue of housing is a crucial element if the government wants to reform the system: “Agree if the government will reform the pension system because some pensioners still do not have a living house (unwealthy)”.
The adjustment, or lack thereof for some, shows that behavior cannot be identified with only one income hypothesis. Most of the interviewees indicated that they were willing to adjust their consumption to the conditions considered basic given their retirement income (i.e., in concordance with the absolute income hypothesis), while some expressed that they had taken some measures to smooth their consumption by saving some of their income or finding another source of income after retirement (PIH). There is also a regional dimension to this decision. The lower PL for Kapuas Regency reflects the lower cost of living in the district, which explains the absence of any mention of moving out of the district in the interviews. One high-income participant who had a high level of travel before retirement planned to cut their amount of travel after retirement. Homeownership and the existence of social networks such as family were also indicated as being reasons to stay in the interviews. In addition, one participant also looked at job opportunities after retirement. This not only confirms
Park and Hewings’ (
2007) or
Önder and Schlunk’s (
2019) arguments that the adequacy of retirement benefits would affect the pattern of migration and, hence, the level of development in an area but also opens up other factors to be investigated further.
It is important to note, however, that for most pensioners, the smoothing process is not engaged in to bridge a big gap between before and after retirement, as their salaries are already considered low. The RIH is also adhered to, as the definition of basic consumption is impacted by the pensioners’ previous places in the household income distribution. The main implication of this is that although the pensioners will be able to fulfill what are considered their basic needs, it will be harder for them to adjust to further changes such as an increase in prices.
Furthermore, based on the explanation above, the Indonesian government should determine how many pension payments are adequate to achieve the goals of the pension system, intended to prevent retirees from falling into poverty. It should measure the possibility of improving adequacy without risking the sustainability of the CSP system. Sustainability would suffer if pension benefits were changed on their own. As a result, in addition to raising pension benefits, pension reforms should be implemented. Pension reforms might counteract the increase in government costs. Many nations have started carrying out systemic or parametric reforms based on international experiences. However, the Indonesian government should determine the transition cost if it intends to enact systemic reforms that would replace the present system with a new one. Therefore, we recommend implementing parametric changes such as raising the contribution rate, switching to automatic price indexation of benefits, and progressively raising the retirement age (
Palacios and Whitehouse 2006).
Since pension systems should provide pensioners with an adequate income regardless of the state of the economy, switching to automatic price indexation of payments would protect pensioners’ purchasing power. In addition, raising the retirement age would enhance the financial sustainability of the plan since more civil servants would be contributing to the system, and the pension budgets would be reduced because pensioners would receive benefits for a shorter period. Until now, the retirement age has remained 58, while Indonesian life expectancy has increased by 1.09 years, rising from 67.2 years in 2000 to 68.3 years in 2021, according to the WHO (
World Health Organization Data 2021). Therefore, considering the current life expectancy of Indonesians, the government should raise the minimum pension age.