Solastalgia Following Environmental Change in Gold Mining Areas of Zimbabwe: A Case Study of Lived Experiences

Abstract

This case study examines the experience of solastalgia among individuals residing in gold mining towns in Zimbabwe, particularly as environmental degradation intensified, to illustrate the experience of solastalgia through the expressions and reflections of individuals who have been impacted by it. Ecological degradation has intensified, and national forest cover has been declining at an average rate of 327,000 hectares per year between 2000 and 2010. Meanwhile, artisanal gold mining releases more than 24 tons of mercury into ecosystems annually, contaminating water bodies. The research employed a qualitative design grounded in the interpretivist paradigm and utilized an inductive methodology. Data were obtained through in-depth interviews with 11 individuals who had resided in areas impacted by mining for an extended period. Thematic analysis was employed to examine individuals’ emotions, thoughts, and behaviours in response to environmental changes, with an emphasis on feelings of loss, sadness, frustration, and disconnection from place. Participants exhibited intense emotional reactions to environmental changes, including profound sadness, anger, feelings of helplessness, and a longing for the past. Of the participants, 70% reported experiencing profound sorrow, while 60% indicated that they employed community support as a coping strategy. The degradation of forests, water sources, and biodiversity contributed to a sense of alienation regarding their environment and identity. Nevertheless, some demonstrated resilience through their faith, community support, and efforts to safeguard the environment. However, their ability to heal and adapt was hindered by persistent systematic neglect and unfulfilled commitments. This case study contributes to the growing literature on solastalgia by presenting specific instances from Zimbabwe, a region where the phenomenon remains inadequately comprehended. This expands the concept of solastalgia to encompass the ecological degradation resulting from mining activities in Africa.

1. Introduction

Environmental degradation from gold mining has become a pressing issue in many parts of Zimbabwe, profoundly affecting both ecosystems and communities [1]. Artisanal and small-scale gold mining, often poorly regulated, has led to deforestation, soil erosion, and pollution of water sources [2]. In mining zones, rivers once clear are frequently contaminated with silt and toxic chemicals, such as mercury and cyanide, thereby endangering both wildlife and human health [3]. Communities living near mines have reported the decimation of hills and forests, the displacement of wildlife, dust pollution, and water contamination [4]. These environmental changes not only threaten livelihoods and physical health but also have less visible, though equally severe, emotional and psychological impacts on residents [5,6,7]. Research has shown that environmental degradation has intensified, and national forest cover has been declining at an average rate of 327,000 hectares per year between 2000 and 2010, while artisanal gold mining releases more than 24 tons of mercury into ecosystems annually, thereby contaminating water bodies [8].

One concept that has emerged to describe the distress caused by environmental change is solastalgia. Coined by philosopher Glenn Albrecht, solastalgia refers to “the homesickness you have when you are still at home” due to an unwelcome change in the home environment [5]. Solastalgia has been described as a form of living grief and anxiety while one remains in their home environment as it undergoes degradation [9,10]. It captures the feeling of loss of solace from one’s surroundings, which is caused by the pain of seeing one’s once-familiar place become unrecognizable following environmental degradation [10,11]. Ecological changes brought by destructive mining have been identified as triggers for solastalgia. This phenomenon can manifest as profound sadness, anger, helplessness, or a sense of displacement even when one has not moved anywhere [7].

In Zimbabwe, many residents have deep attachments to their land, which is not just a backdrop for life, but a source of identity and heritage passed down through generations [12]. When mining operations transform lush villages into barren landscapes, residents experience not only material hardships but also what can be termed environmental grief, or eco-grief—a form of mourning for the loss of an ecosystem that once provided comfort and identity [13,14]. This study aims to investigate the lived experiences of environmental change and solastalgia in the context of Zimbabwean gold mining areas. The study draws on qualitative insights from community members who have witnessed the transformation of their environment and describe the emotional and social repercussions of that change.

A review of the literature revealed a striking absence of prior studies on solastalgia in sub-Saharan Africa, with a particular focus on Zimbabwe. The concept of solastalgia has been primarily investigated in Australia, where it originated, and in other parts of the world, with a notable lack of studies focusing on African contexts [6,7,10,11]. To the researcher’s knowledge, no published research has specifically examined solastalgia among Zimbabwean communities, and only a handful of studies have addressed it in any part of Africa [1,2,4]. The case study, therefore, underscores the originality of the present study as it breaks new ground by exploring solastalgia in a Zimbabwean setting, addressing a critical gap in the literature. Establishing that such environmentally induced distress is occurring in gold-mining areas of Zimbabwe contributes a novel regional perspective to the global discourse on environmental change and mental health. This case study builds on existing literature, including studies on solastalgia in other contexts, to highlight the novelty of its application in Zimbabwe.

This case study presents a detailed qualitative data analysis of these experiences, identifying key themes and subthemes that characterize how people make sense of and cope with environmental degradation. The case study integrates the concept of solastalgia into analysis, examining how it is reflected in the participants’ feelings of homesickness, loss, and distress while still living in their home areas. By doing so, the case study contributes to a growing body of literature on the psychosocial dimensions of environmental change. It provides a context-specific understanding of how artisanal gold mining impacts Zimbabwean communities at an emotional level. In the following sections, the literature review is outlined, the research methodology employed is presented, and the results are discussed, accompanied by illustrative quotes from participants. The case study concludes with reflections on solastalgia and its implications for communities and policy.

2. Literature Review

According to Albrecht [5], solastalgia is an issue that affects all those facing environmental transformation in their home and is likely to cause physical and mental health problems, whether caused by natural disasters, war, or industrialization. Research shows that those experiencing solastalgia suffer psychological distress [15]. It was also identified that poorer well-being following exposure to natural disasters was mediated by solastalgia, which indicates that it may be a risk factor for poor well-being after a natural disaster [11]. The desire for a changing environment, as opposed to the past, illustrates a temporal component of solastalgia [10]. Therefore, this case study suggests that environmental degradation from gold mining may lead to solastalgia, which has the potential to impact well-being and future quality.

Environmental degradation through gold mining can disrupt long-standing feelings of past connections to an area [10]. It has been argued that place attachment has an essential temporary quality [7] that can trigger memories and connections, contributing to self-conceptualization in the present [16]. This, therefore, implies that environmental degradation brings about changes that may be unwelcome and, at the same time, evoke feelings of grief, worry, homesickness, and disconnection, which can be difficult to accept [17]. It can, therefore, be argued that environmental change brings about disasters that can cause anxiety and worry about an unwanted future environment, which will adversely impact place attachment, sense of belonging, and overall well-being [18].

Growing concerns have been raised about the mental effects and emotional impairments caused by environmental change [19], though research on response to these effects and solastalgia is still in its infancy [14,20,21]. It must be noted that solastalgia is not a mental illness [10], even though the experience correlates with symptoms of mental health conditions like anxiety, depression, and psychological distress [13].

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a disorder characterized by distress following a traumatic event, whereby people with it experience nightmares about the traumatic event [10]. Previously, PTSD was studied concerning disasters [22], but of late, solastalgia has been studied concerning climate change [23]. Research on the linkage between solastalgia and mental health has conceptualized it as the driver of poorer well-being [11], which aligns well with the idea that solastalgia can escalate to mental health problems [5]. In the same vein, solastalgia is characterized by a feeling of powerlessness and a lack of control over environmental changes [24], accompanied by frustration and a sense of betrayal, as those with the power to protect the environment often fail to do so [18].

Climate change, induced by environmental change, is now with us. At the same time, little is known about the lived experience [10], which motivated this study to explore solastalgia in the context of environmental change in gold mining areas of Zimbabwe. Furthermore, solastalgia has been identified as a relatively new concept that has not been thoroughly researched in relation to losses resulting from ecological change. Consequently, there are calls to explore it in greater depth, both through qualitative and quantitative investigations [14].

This Study/Current Study

This case study contributes to the above call by exploring the experiences of solastalgia by Zimbabweans with lived experiences within the gold mining communities. This helps in understanding how solastalgia is experienced. The case study aims to depict the experience of solastalgia by presenting the main ideas that participants affected by gold mining shared about environmental loss. The aim is to convey the participants’ vivid experiences of this environmental change through their own words. Aligned with previous studies, such as [10], this case study examined interview transcripts that addressed multiple topics, including health, well-being, coping, and resilience, during and after gold mining activities. The central question guiding the research and analysis was: What feelings and experiences are associated with unwelcome climate and environmental change? The case study, therefore, examined features of solastalgia that have been investigated in previous studies of other environmental crises, like grief and sadness, powerlessness, and frustration [14,24]. Recent research has presented the possibility of anticipating future ecological loss based on present distress [25]. Environmental degradation resulting from gold mining activities across the country was considered an ideal case study to elucidate the temporal aspects of solastalgia. To the best of the researcher’s knowledge, these temporal elements of distress have yet to be investigated in the context of solastalgia within the gold-mining sector of Zimbabwe.

3. Materials and Methods

This qualitative case study employed a phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of individuals affected by environmental degradation and climate stressors in Zimbabwe’s gold-mining communities. The design was guided by interpretive philosophy, emphasizing subjective meaning and contextual understanding. This case study employed a qualitative research design to explore the personal lived experiences of individuals residing in gold mining areas of Zimbabwe. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with community members affected by environmental changes due to artisanal and small-scale gold mining. Each interview followed a guided protocol of open-ended questions designed to elicit narratives about the observable ecological changes in the community, the emotional responses to these changes, coping mechanisms employed by individuals and the community, changes in sense of place and identity, and concerns for the future. Participants were encouraged to describe their experiences in their own words and to share specific feelings associated with the environmental transformations around them. This research is framed as a case study focusing on the lived experiences of solastalgia among residents in gold mining areas of Zimbabwe. Although the sample size is small, it offers rich qualitative insights that highlight the complexities of environmental degradation in this context.

Participants were recruited purposively from artisanal gold-mining communities in Kadoma, Shurugwi, Penhalonga, and Chegutu, as they were highly exposed to environmental transformation and its associated psychosocial impacts. Community leaders and local NGOs facilitated introductions to potential participants who met the inclusion criteria—namely, adults aged 18 years or older with a minimum of five years’ residence in the gold mining area. A total of eleven (11) (N = 11) participants (pseudonyms used for confidentiality) were interviewed. All participants were long-term residents of gold mining-affected communities in Zimbabwe, ensuring they had witnessed the before-and-after of mining operations in their community. Participants were recruited through local community organizations and word of mouth, ensuring a diverse representation from affected communities. They included both men and women, ranging roughly from young adults to elders, thereby providing a diverse perspective on the multi-generational impact. Interviews were conducted in person in the local language (with translation to English where necessary) and typically lasted between 30 and 45 min. Verbal informed consent was obtained from each participant, and they were assured of anonymity and the right to withdraw at any time. Interviews were audio-recorded with permission and later transcribed verbatim for analysis. To protect identities, any potentially identifying details in the transcripts were removed.

The qualitative sample of 11 participants was deliberately small and purposive, chosen to yield depth of insight into the phenomenon of solastalgia rather than broad generalizability. In qualitative research, samples are often kept small to allow in-depth exploration. After 11 interviews, the point of data saturation was reached as no new themes were emerging. The chosen participants provided rich, detailed narratives that aligned with the case study’s objectives, thereby ensuring a diverse perspective within the gold-mining communities was captured while still reaching saturation. This sample size was therefore appropriate for the interpretive, qualitative approach, balancing manageability with the need to support the case study’s aims of adequately understanding lived experiences in depth.

The interview transcripts were analyzed using Braun and Clarke’s six-phase framework thematic analysis [26]. This method was chosen for its flexibility and suitability in identifying patterns of meaning across qualitative datasets. The case study was primarily inductive, deriving themes from the data content itself and informed by an interest in the solastalgia concept. The six steps began with familiarization with the data, during which the researcher thoroughly read and re-read all transcripts to become immersed in the content. During this phase, the researcher paid special attention to the emotional tone of each account and the context of described events, seeking to understand the participant’s story. This was followed by the second step of generating initial codes, in which transcripts were systematically reviewed to identify meaningful units of text related to the research issue. Codes were grouped into categories based on semantic and conceptual similarities. Two researchers independently coded a subset of transcripts to ensure reliability, followed by reconciliation discussions to establish consensus themes. Codes were then applied to segments of data that captured essential details. Coding was performed manually, with codes written in the margins of printed transcripts and later compiled using a spreadsheet. The third step involved searching for themes by grouping related codes and determining the higher-level ideas they represented. The fourth step involved reviewing themes, whereby each potential theme was checked against the data to verify that the collated extracts formed a coherent pattern and that the theme was distinct and meaningful. Some themes were merged, others were split, and some codes were reallocated. The fifty-step process involved defining and naming the theme, in which each theme was then clearly defined in terms of its essence and scope, and a detailed description of what each theme included was noted. The final step involved compiling the findings into a report for this research. In the Findings section below, themes accompanied by narrative descriptions are presented, along with illustrative quotes from participants. Care was taken to select vivid quotes that were representative of the broader sentiments expressed under each theme. A summary table (

Table 1. Summary of themes, subthemes, and illustrative participant quotes.

Theme	Sub-Themes	Illustrative Quotes
1. Environmental Degradation and Landscape Change	➢ Deforestation and loss of biodiversity ➢ Water pollution and health hazards ➢ Dust, noise, and habitat destruction	✓ Lush green hills stood stripped bare, leaving behind barren, eroded land. ✓ “The once clear and flowing rivers became polluted with sediment and chemicals.” (P7) ✓ “Many animals have lost their habitats… The once vibrant ecosystem has been severely degraded.” (P11)
2. Emotional Distress and Solastalgia	➢ Grief, sadness, and depression ➢ Anger and a sense of injustice ➢ Nostalgia and longing for the past ➢ Helplessness and powerlessness	✓ “I feel a deep sadness… the place I once loved is no longer the same.” (P3) ✓ “It makes me angry and bitter… To see [our lands] destroyed for short-term gain is a travesty.” (P2) ✓ “I often find myself longing for the past… those memories are bittersweet as they remind me of what we’ve lost.” (P4) ✓ “It’s frustrating to feel powerless… It’s a heavy burden to bear.” (P10)
3. Coping Strategies and Resilience	➢ Avoidance and distraction ➢ Seeking solace in faith or family support ➢ Community collective actions ➢ Barriers to coping (lack of support)	✓ “I try to avoid thinking about the changes… I focus on work or hobbies.” (P3) ✓ “Talking to other people who feel the same way helps a little.” (P4) ✓ “My faith has helped me cope… Through prayer I find inner strength.” (P2) ✓ “We’ve organized community clean-up days and tried to speak out… but it’s not enough.” (P8)
4. Disruption of Place Attachment and Community	➢ Loss of belonging and identity ➢ Erosion of cultural heritage ➢ Community fragmentation and conflict ➢ Social ills (crime, substance abuse)	✓ “The place I once called home is no longer the same… It’s difficult to feel a sense of belonging when the environment… is being destroyed.” (P2) ✓ “Our natural areas were our heritage… passed down from generation to generation.” (P7) ✓ “The community has been divided. Some profit from the mining, but others are struggling… It’s like we’re living in two different worlds.” (P4) ✓ “The influx of miners has led to increased crime, alcohol abuse, and prostitution… eroding our cultural values.” (P5)
5. Fears for the Future and Hopes for Change	➢ Worries about environmental collapse ➢ Concerns for children and future generations ➢ Desire for accountability and change ➢ Personal growth and ecological advocacy	✓ “I worry the long-term consequences of continued mining will be devastating… future generations will suffer.” (P2) ✓ “I’m afraid there won’t be much left for our children… no forests or wildlife.” (P4) ✓ “They will never enjoy the same experience I had with the land, given the changes… exposure to toxins can result in long-term health problems.” (P5) ✓ “I have learned to appreciate the beauty and fragility of nature… and a strong commitment to environmental conservation.” (P2)

) provides an overview of the themes, subthemes, and example evidence.

Several steps were taken to ensure the reliability and trustworthiness of data analysis. A triangulation investigation was employed by having multiple researcher assistants independently code a subset of the interview transcripts and then compare the results, which helped minimize individual bias and achieve consensus on key themes. Additionally, a clear audit trail of the study analysis was maintained, and writing reflexive memos throughout enhanced dependability by allowing others to trace how conclusions were reached. Member checks were conducted with two participants, summarizing the case study’s preliminary themes to them to verify that our interpretations resonated with their experiences, which helped ensure the credibility of the findings.

Throughout the analysis process, measures were taken to ensure trustworthiness, including peer debriefing and maintaining an audit trail of coding notes and decisions related to theme development. Reflexivity was also practiced, with the researchers acknowledging their background. By following Braun & Clarke’s structured approach, the case study aimed for a rigorous and transparent analysis that faithfully represents participants’ shared and divergent experiences regarding environmental change and solastalgia. The following section provides results and discussion.

4. Results and Discussion

The thematic analysis yielded five key themes capturing the lived experiences of solastalgia among community members in Zimbabwe’s gold mining areas: (1) Environmental Degradation and Loss of Landscape, (2) Emotional Distress and Solastalgia, (3) Coping Strategies and Resilience, (4) Disruption of Place Attachment and Community, and (5) Fears for the Future and Intergenerational Concerns. Each theme encompasses several subthemes that further detail specific aspects. Table 1 provides an overview of these themes, subthemes, and illustrative examples from the data. Each theme is then described in turn, integrating direct quotes from participants (labelled as P1, P2, etc., for anonymity) to illustrate and substantiate the findings.

4.1. Theme 1: Environmental Degradation and Landscape Change

All participants vividly described the physical environmental changes that have occurred in their communities since the advent of intensive gold mining. This theme encompasses the tangible degradation of the landscape and ecosystems, which forms the backdrop of the solastalgia experience. Three closely related subthemes emerged: deforestation and loss of biodiversity, water pollution and associated health hazards, and dust, noise, and general habitat destruction. Together, these changes paint a picture of a once verdant environment transformed into a damaged landscape.

4.2. Deforestation and Loss of Biodiversity

Participants consistently reported a significant decline in vegetation and wildlife. Forested areas, once rich with trees and wildlife, have been stripped of their natural resources by mining operations. To emphasize this point, one participant (P9):

“Lush green hills were stripped bare, leaving behind barren, eroded land.”

Participants observed that forests, which had stood for generations, were being cut down and cleared to accommodate mining infrastructure. This deforestation has led to a cascade of biodiversity loss. One participant (5) remarked:

“The mining activities have had a significant impact on our local wildlife. Many animals have lost their habitats and have migrated to other areas. The once vibrant ecosystem has been severely degraded.”

It was revealed that birds, which were once commonly heard and seen, have become scarce, and larger wildlife, such as antelopes or bush pigs, have either fled or died off due to habitat destruction. The silencing of birdsong and the disappearance of animals were cited as daily reminders of the change, an eerie quiet replacing what was once a lively natural chorus.

4.3. Water Pollution and Health Hazards

Another universally experienced change was the pollution of rivers and water sources. Participants recalled how streams that used to run clear turned murky or changed colour as mining intensified. One participant (P6) recounted:

“The once clear and flowing rivers became polluted with sediment and chemicals.”

Siltation from soil erosion has clogged riverbeds, and more alarmingly, the use of mercury and cyanide in gold extraction has introduced toxins. Several interviewees (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P9, P10, P11) expressed fear of using local water. To emphasize this point, one respondent remarked (P9):

“We are now afraid of drinking water from the river in fear that it would have been contaminated with cyanide, and we have been trying to avoid letting our animals, like cattle and goats, go astray in fear of them drinking contaminated water.”

Residents reported observing fish mortality and the decline of other aquatic organisms, thereby confirming the contamination of the rivers. The contamination of water has led to a decrease in water quality, resulting in skin rashes for some individuals, while gastrointestinal disorders have become increasingly prevalent among community members. In addition to water pollution, dust from mine dumps and smoke from machinery exhaust permeate the air, resulting in a decrease in air quality. Residents frequently mentioned an increase in respiratory problems, such as coughing and chest discomfort, that they attribute to inhaling dust. Fine dust settles on houses and crops, and during blasting, some people described choking on clouds of debris. These environmental hazards have generated renewed concerns over health and survival in a previously healthy ecosystem, which aligns with the literature [27].

4.4. Dust, Noise, and Habitat Destruction

Participants emphasized a stark distinction between the sensory perceptions of the “before” and “after” states of mining. The incessant clamour of hammer mills has disrupted the previously tranquil environment. Several interviewees (P2, P3, P5, P6, P8, P9, P11) described the noise from blasting and heavy trucks as unrelenting, leading to stress and sleeplessness. One respondent (P6) remarked:

“Sometimes my whole house trembles when they blast the rock.”

Blasting has even caused structural cracks in some homes. Along with the noise, there is pervasive dust everywhere. Fine particles cover laundry hung outside houses, reducing visibility on roads. This dust has smothered nearby vegetation, making farming more difficult. Habitat destruction extends beyond just forests, as entire hills disappear, and pits scar the landscape. One community member (P10) remarked that:

“Places where we used to cultivate or graze cattle are now open pits filled with dirty water.”

This subtheme captures a landscape that has been visibly and audibly transformed from green to grey, from quiet to noisy, thereby causing residents to feel that their home itself is being physically taken away or converted into an alien place.

4.5. Theme 2: Emotional Distress and Solastalgia

Accompanying the physical transformations were intense emotional responses. This study’s theme explored the psychological and emotional consequences of environmental degradation, focusing on the lived experience of solastalgia. Several significant subthemes are highlighted, including regret and sorrow, indignation and injustice, nostalgia and homesickness, as well as powerlessness and helplessness.

4.6. Grief and Sadness

Many described their feelings in terms analogous to bereavement, as if they were mourning a death. Witnessing the land’s deterioration has been found to make it harder to feel a meaningful connection to the environment, leading to feelings of powerlessness and unease. Participants described the barren landscape as evoking a deep, profound sense of emptiness, likening it to a void left in the heart where a once-thriving forest used to be. One participant (P8) remarked:

“I feel a deep sense of sadness and frustration about the state of our planet now…. the place I once loved is no longer the same”.

This aspect of the study illustrates the strong connection between participants’ emotional well-being and the condition of their environment. The distress of solastalgia often manifested as a depressive mood as participants spoke of feeling “down,” “depressed,” or “disheartened” daily as they woke up to dust and destruction. Some interviewees (P3, P4, P7, P9, P11) admitted that in some cases, they find it difficult to go outside. They don’t want to see wasteland and try to avoid grazing animals in certain areas because they are afraid of them falling into pits. This pervasive sadness is akin to what environmental psychologists term eco-grief—a form of mourning for environmental loss [10,25]. The voices of our participants show a realization that something special has been lost, and they are mourning in situ for their nation.

4.7. Anger and a Sense of Injustice

Alongside sadness, anger was a prominent emotion, primarily directed at the government and mining companies. Several participants (P2, P3, P5, P6, P7, P8, P11) felt that the changes to their environment were wrong, unjust, and unfair, and that they had been robbed and deprived of their natural heritage. Participants expressed that profit was being prioritized ahead of the planet and the welfare of people and animals. To emphasize this, one participant (P6) remarked:

“The mining companies have prioritized profit over people… It’s unfair that future generations will suffer the consequences of our actions.”

Participants who saw themselves as stewards of the environment and betrayed by the government described the destruction of heritage for short-term gain as a “travesty” and “an injustice”. The aspect of this study is consistent with broader patterns of solastalgia, where environmental degradation elicits not only sorrow but also directed frustration toward perceived agents of harm [28,29].

4.8. Nostalgia and Longing for the Past

A defining feature of solastalgia is the experience of longing for something which is no longer available, which was evident in participants’ nostalgic reflections on how their surroundings environment “used to be.” Two respondents remarked:

“I often find myself longing for the past and vividly remember the days when we could spend hours exploring the nearby forests and swimming in the clear river. Now those memories are bittersweet, as they remind me of what we’ve lost”.

And the other one stated:

“Yes, I feel like I’m not truly at home anymore. It’s not just the loss of the trees, but a part of my identity feels lost with the land”.

This aspect of the study is evident in the expressions of participants, who reveal how people essentially miss their home while still living in it, because the environment has undergone drastic changes. This nostalgia, as it recollected the past, offered a measure of comfort but intensified the grief when contrasted with the present, as those memories not only inflicted pain but also reminded people of all that they had lost. A common expression of this solastalgia condition was temporal dissonance, which was evident in participants who continued to reside in the same physical space yet perceived it as belonging to a bygone era, an aspect that aligned with literature findings [7].

From a policy perspective, addressing solastalgia requires both environmental and community interventions. Land rehabilitation, which involves tree planting, pit filling, and water treatment, can help restore damaged areas and ease community distress. Involving locals, especially young people, in these efforts may also help rebuild their sense of agency and hope. Additionally, providing accessible mental health support, including counselling through clinics or trained community health workers, alongside community dialogues, can help residents process their experiences and strengthen social cohesion.

4.9. Helplessness and Powerlessness

Several participants (P2, P3, P5, P8, P9, P10, P11) expressed a profound sense of powerlessness in the face of environmental change. They reported that, despite their individual or communal efforts, they were unable to prevent the large-scale degradation that influential actors drove with the blessing of political figures. This helplessness contributed to feelings of anxiety and despair as people were worried that “no one is listening” to their complaints. Participant described attending meetings and writing petitions about the mining’s impacts, “but nothing changes, as environmental degradation keeps getting worse. This perceived inability to protect one’s home area leads to a kind of existential despair. Some noted that this powerlessness led them to question their agency and worth, as they felt unable to save the environment. Such sentiments, which are symptomatic of solastalgia’s mental health toll, have been linked to solastalgia by research and have been noted to increase the risk of depression and anxiety stemming from loss of control and chronic stress by researchers [7,10,21]. In this study, participants’ language and words like “hopeless,” “defeated,” and “burdened” suggested considerable psychological distress.

4.10. Theme 3: Coping Strategies and Resilience

This section examines the coping mechanisms and resilience attributes that emerged from participants’ narratives during the interviews. The subthemes were identified and ranged from avoidance and distraction, seeking solace in faith and family, community collective actions, and barriers to coping, which are discussed below:

4.11. Avoidance and Distraction

Psychological avoidance, defined as the deliberate effort to avoid engaging with distressing environmental changes, emerged as a common coping strategy among participants. Many participants (P1, P3, P4, P5, P7, P9, P10, P11) reported diverting their attention from emotional distress by engaging in everyday activities, including minor pleasures, routine responsibilities, and household chores. Another participant (P1) echoed this:

“I keep busy with my family and work, but sometimes it’s hard not to think about what’s happening”.

This strategy of staying busy was viewed as a double-edged sword, as it could provide temporary relief, although participants were aware that it was not a long-term solution. One interviewee (P11) remarked that:

“At night, it hits me, when I’m not busy, I start remembering how it was, and I get sad again.”

This aspect of the study reveals that although avoidance may provide temporary relief from emotional distress, it often delays meaningful emotional processing, which aligns with existing literature findings [6,9]. Participants’ reflections, such as the admission that “it’s not the healthiest”, reveal an awareness that this strategy stems more from the necessity of enduring day-to-day life than from its effectiveness as a long-term coping mechanism.

4.12. Seeking Solace in Faith or Family Support

Faith, family, and friends emerged as a substantial source of strength for several participants (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P8, P9, P11) as they indicated deriving strength from social and spiritual support structures, representing a more positive advancement. It was noted that engaging with others who share similar sentiments can provide some relief, but resolving it does not resolve the underlying difficulties. Communal discussions, whether informal chats or community meetings, allowed people to vent and feel less alone in their struggles. Participants also mentioned that the role of elders or specific family members gave them strength and advice on how to recover from the effects of the environment. One participant (P6) remarked:

“My grandmother has always been a source of strength, …She informs me that, despite the land not being as it once was, we can still nurture what remains.”

Religious faith emerged as a foundational pillar of resilience for many participants (P1, P2, P3, P4, P6, P7, P8, P9, P11). Faith has helped people confront challenges by providing them with purpose and tranquillity, thereby highlighting the role of spiritual belief in fostering emotional stability. Another participant (P11) emphasized that practices such as prayer and meditation helped them discover inner strength. Participants noted that in rural Zimbabwe, religious communities not only offer spiritual solace but also serve as sources of practical support, facilitating collective prayer, sharing resources, and providing mutual encouragement during times of adversity. This spiritual coping aligns with the broader cultural context in which religion plays a significant role in daily living and the interpretation of suffering [30,31]. Participants may find meaning or acceptance by contextualizing environmental changes within a religious or moral framework, such as viewing them as a test of faith or believing that justice will ultimately prevail, which is recognized to mitigate despair. Ultimately, turning to family, neighbours, and faith-based communities offered participants vital emotional support, even though such connections did not alter the external realities they faced. This highlights the crucial role of social bonds and belief systems in fostering resilience, enabling individuals to overcome adversity through shared meaning and mutual support [31,32,33].

4.13. Community Collective Actions

Beyond individual coping strategies, community-level efforts also emerged as responses to environmental challenges, reflecting collective attempts to adapt and foster resilience in the face of ecological disruption. Several participants (P1, P2, P3, P4, P6, P7, P8, P9, P11). indicated that the community did not remain entirely passive but tried to take collective action where possible. One recurring example was organizing community clean-up campaigns, which aligned with National Clean-Up Day. One participant who has been involved in local mobilization noted:

“We’ve tried to organize community clean-up days and speak out against the pollution.”

Participants reported that during community-organized clean-up initiatives, residents collaborated to remove litter, clear blocked waterways, and replant trees in degraded areas. Although these efforts were sometimes symbolic in the face of extensive environmental damage, they offered individuals a sense of agency and strengthened communal solidarity. Another form of collective response was advocacy and protest, with communities voicing their concerns in public forums, petitioning local authorities, and engaging the media to bring attention to their environmental struggles. One interviewee stated,

“We formed a committee to represent us and to demand that the mining company take responsibility and rehabilitate the land.”

Adaptation has also taken a community support angle. A few participants (P2, P4, P5, P9) observed that locals are seeking to diversify their livelihoods due to the impact of land degradation on farming. They pointed out that some community members are adopting sustainable farming practices, while others have established small businesses, such as shops or transport services, to supplement their income. This proactive adaptation was emphasized by one participant who stated:

“Communities have turned to agriculture, small-scale businesses, and skill development as ways to cope with the changes.”

It was indicated that by finding alternative income sources, they aim to be less directly dependent on the now-degraded environment. Community-based organizations and non-governmental organizations have sometimes intervened. This aspect of the study illustrates that, despite constrained resources, communities are drawing on solidarity and creativity to collectively navigate environmental challenges through mutual support, grassroots initiatives, and adaptive practices. These efforts reflect attempts to restore a sense of normalcy and safeguard what remains of their environment, thereby embodying a meaningful expression of resilience.

Conversely, participants’ reliance on faith, family, and community relationships reflects well-documented protective factors within mental health literature, particularly in Zimbabwe and similar settings. Social support is widely recognized as a buffer against stress and trauma, enhancing emotional resilience. Zimbabwe’s community-based mental health initiatives, such as the Friendship Bench—a program where trained community elders provide counselling to individuals experiencing distress—demonstrate the value of leveraging cultural and social strengths to promote mental well-being. The study’s findings suggest that elders and spiritual practices played a similar role, indicating that any psychosocial support for mining-affected communities should integrate existing community structures to be effective. The emergence of community initiatives and advocacy also highlights active coping, which is psychologically healthier than passive resignation. Through activities such as organizing clean-up campaigns or engaging in protest actions, community members reclaim a sense of agency, which helps counter feelings of helplessness and restore a measure of psychological empowerment.

4.14. Barriers to Coping

Despite various efforts to cope and adapt, most of the participants (P1, P2, P3, P4, P6, P7, P8, P9, P11) identified several barriers that significantly hindered their capacity to respond effectively to environmental challenges. Chief among these was the absence of external support and funding. One participant (P4) remarked:

“The lack of support from both the mining company and the government presents significant challenges.”

Promised interventions, such as investments in water infrastructure, healthcare, or compensation, frequently failed to materialize, leaving communities feeling neglected. Lack of access to resources was also identified as a barrier by many participants, in which communities may be devoid of the financial and technical means to assess environmental impacts, advocate for their rights, and implement sustainable initiatives. A deficit in knowledge and skills further exacerbated this resource scarcity, as many participants were initially unaware of the full scope of mining-related hazards and their legal entitlements to a safe and healthy environment. One participant (P11) who underscored a critical imbalance in communicative and advocacy capacity emphasized this disparity by stating that:

“We possess insufficient skills and knowledge to engage effectively with mining companies and officials.”

Another barrier pointed out is the overwhelming scale of the problem relative to the community’s capacity. It was pointed out that people can plant a few trees, but they cannot regrow a whole forest overnight; they can treat symptoms but not easily stop the source of pollution. This could lead to burnout as some community members who initially tried to adapt become exhausted or disillusioned if there is no quick change. A participant (P8) noted that:

“Many families are relying on the company’s promises, but they’re not being kept.”

As a result, those families are stuck in limbo, unsure whether to stay or relocate. Internal community conflicts were also pointed out as another hindrance to collective action. Individuals who benefit from mining activities often refrain from participating in protests or communal coping efforts, leading to divisions within the community. Ultimately, the combination of insufficient external support, unfulfilled promises, and severe environmental degradation undermines the effectiveness of individual and collective adaptive efforts. The aspect of this study that aligns with the literature highlights the bounded nature of resilience by demonstrating that, without structural interventions or meaningful assistance, coping strategies alone remain constrained in their capacity to address long-term challenges [34,35].

The coping strategies identified among participants offer useful parallels with other documented cases of environmental distress. Avoidant coping, although frequently observed, raises concerns for mental health, as it often reflects feelings of being overwhelmed and is commonly linked to increased risk of depression and anxiety when underlying stressors remain unresolved. The participants’ reported feelings of powerlessness and despair are consistent with existing health research, which shows that living in degraded environments heightens vulnerability to mental health disorders [9]. Qualitative evidence from this study puts a human face to those statistics, showing the narratives behind potential diagnoses, for example, persistent ruminations about environmental decline or constant worry for children’s future that could evolve into clinical anxiety or depressive episodes.

4.15. Theme 4: Disruption of Place Attachment and Community

Beyond individual emotional responses and coping strategies, the interviews revealed a profound impact on participants’ sense of place and communal cohesion. This theme highlights how environmental degradation has weakened individuals’ connection to their ancestral land and disrupted the social fabric of their communities. The loss of land extends beyond ecological concerns, striking at the core of cultural identity, sense of belonging, and shared community life. Key subthemes emerging from the data include erosion of belonging and identity, loss of cultural heritage, community fragmentation and social discord, and the rise of social pathologies.

4.16. Loss of Belonging and Identity

Most of the participants (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11) indicated that environmental changes had left them feeling estranged from a place that once anchored their sense of identity. When asked, “Does this location still evoke a sense of belonging?” one participant (P7), when reflecting on the profound disconnection brought about by the ecological transformation, stated:

“The place I once called home is no longer the same… It’s difficult to feel a sense of belonging when the environment that shaped me is being destroyed”.

This aspect demonstrates how the physical environment was integral to participants’ place attachment, as they expressed feelings of being away from home when they were at home, which aligns with the literature [7,10]. With devastation, participants (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11) felt uprooted from their physical environment, even though they had not physically moved from it. To emphasize this, participant P4 stated:

“It doesn’t feel like home the way it used to. It’s hard to find the same peace here with all the destruction around us”.

The psychological environment that anchored participants to their natural and familiar landscape has been shaken as people no longer feel at home, which is a classic symptom of solastalgia. Many participants highlighted environmental features that had deeply affected their sense of self due to their loss. These ecological elements were not merely aesthetic; their disappearance profoundly disrupted the participant’s identity, having played a central role in shaping cultural heritage and a rooted sense of place. Many interviewees inherited not just the environment, but a way of life tied to the land, like farming, herding, foraging, and ceremonies at sacred sites. With those features gone or inaccessible, they experience an identity crisis or at least a diminished sense of self. One participant summarized:

“Initially, the land served as a source of identity, but now with these mining operations, it’s no longer in our hands… I cannot carry out activities like hunting, swimming, or even eating wild fruits, which has disconnected the land and people”.

The aspect of this study suggests that emotional bonds to the environment contribute to the formation of identity and overall well-being, as demonstrated by the concept of place attachment in environmental psychology. Our findings indicate that the loss of belonging due to locational disruption is significantly concerning, as shown by participants exhibiting classic symptoms of solastalgia, which were profound sadness, longing, and a sense of displacement without relocation. These findings are consistent with reports from other regions where communities experience environmental disruption [3,7,9,10,13,18,25,28]. This study extends the concept of solastalgia to the African context, demonstrating that it is not limited to climate change or natural disasters but also emerges in response to human-induced environmental degradation, such as that caused by gold mining. The depth of grief and anger expressed echoes the concept of “ecological grief” identified by conservation psychologists, which can occur when people experience loss of ecosystems they depend on or value.

4.17. Erosion of Cultural Heritage

The erosion of cultural norms and heritage tied to a specific location is closely intertwined with the loss of identity. Many participants expressed deep sorrow over the transformation or destruction of landscapes that held historical or cultural significance for their community. To emphasize this point, one participant (P8) stated:

“These natural areas were our heritage, passed down from generation to generation.”

Such damage to heritage sites is deeply distressing, as it represents not just environmental loss but a violation of cultural continuity. The destruction of land that embodies long-standing customs represents not just ecological loss, but the erasure of heritage, as they often serve as key custodians of cultural knowledge and tradition. This concern is echoed in other indigenous or rural communities worldwide, where environmental degradation poses a threat to cultural identity [2,4,25,27]. The deterioration of the environment at these mining sites concurrently signifies a decline in culture, language, and land-related practices, resulting in the disappearance, which has engendered a collective sorrow and a need for cultural preservation. A significant contribution of this study lies in its exploration of how environmental degradation affects cultural identity and place attachment within the Zimbabwean context. Participants described a deep connection between their sense of self, community identity, and the surrounding environment, which aligns well with similar relationships documented in anthropological studies of indigenous and rural communities [36]. The loss of forests, rivers, and wildlife was experienced not merely as ecological damage but as an assault on cultural heritage and identity. This observation aligns with place attachment theory [37], which posits that individuals form strong emotional bonds with places that are integral to their personal and collective identities, which is consistent with recent findings from Ireland, in which it was observed that participants with stronger place attachment reported more intense experiences of solastalgia and pessimism about the future [18]. Our findings reflect this duality, as several participants, motivated by their attachment to place, engaged in advocacy and demonstrated adaptive resilience despite their distress.

Participants’ desire for cultural continuity suggests that cultural programs, such as documenting local environmental knowledge, establishing community museums, or hosting storytelling forums about the land’s history, could serve as a collective therapy and resistance against the complete loss of heritage. Educational initiatives in schools about environmental stewardship, possibly incorporating elders’ knowledge, could empower the younger generation to value and maybe help restore their environment. This aligns with some participants’ emphasis on knowledge and rights as a lesson learned.

4.18. Community Fragmentation and Conflict

The social cohesion of communities has been impacted by environmental degradation, which has arisen following a rise in mining activity. Several participants (P2, P3, P4, P7, P8, P9, P10, P11) indicated that mining operations have created divisions among communities. One participant (P8) remarked:

“Some people profit from the mining, but others are struggling with the environmental damage. It’s like we’re all living in two different worlds”.

Participants (P1, P3, P4, P5, P7, P9, P10) indicated that this pointed to an internal schism, as a few residents might gain employment or rent land to miners and thus have a vested interest in the mining industry. At the same time, the majority suffer the downsides, which, in the long term, breed tension and resentment among neighbouring communities. Participants shared accounts of community meetings becoming increasingly contentious, marked by conflicts between those who support mining for economic survival and those who oppose it due to its environmental consequences. Additionally, participants noted that the influx of people drawn to gold mining had altered the community’s demographics and diluted the village’s sense of tight-knit community. They pointed to traditional leadership structures, such as village heads and chiefs, which have sometimes been undermined when external actors wield more power, resulting in communities losing their collective voice. To emphasize this aspect, one participant (P7) stated:

“We have a huge challenge as division among communities has resulted in one group trying to fight the miners, whilst another is silent or even helping the miners, so the community speaks with a forked tongue.”

The aspect of this study shows that the unit and solidarity that often help communities cope with hardships are thus weakened, making them more vulnerable both socially and politically. This fragmentation represents a social rupture that deepens the physical and emotional traumas [25,28], further undermining community resilience and cohesion.

4.19. Social Ills (Crime, Substance Abuse)

Several participants (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11) reported an increase in social problems within their communities that coincided with the onset of mining activities, and which they attributed to the socio-economic disruptions and the influx of outsiders into the mining areas. One participant (P8) remarked:

“The influx of miners has led to increased social problems, such as crime, alcohol abuse, and prostitution. The breakdown of traditional social structures and the erosion of cultural values have harmed our community.”

Participants complained that the situation has been worsened by limited law enforcement presence within the mining communities and the expansion of unregulated mining activities, which have created an environment conducive to illicit activity. Participants recounted instances of theft, physical altercations, and even violent crimes. Youth, witnessing the emergence of rapid wealth accumulation, have been forced to drop out of school and college, and were described as turning to petty crime or substance abuse out of temptation. The rise in prostitution was also noted as a serious concern, pointing to the potential for increased exploitation and heightened public health risks, such as the spread of sexually transmitted infections. Additionally, substance abuse among the youth emerged as both a symptom and a contributing factor to broader community distress. Several participants (P1, P2, P3, P5, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11) indicated that younger men, particularly those who had lost their livelihoods in farming, increasingly turned to alcohol and drugs as a coping mechanism, which in turn further eroded the social fabric.

4.20. Theme 5: Fears for the Future and Hopes for Change

Looking into the future, participants expressed profound apprehension regarding the trajectory of their environment and community should current patterns persist. This theme encapsulates the anticipatory dimension of solastalgia, as individuals are not only grieving past and present losses but are also deeply troubled by the potential consequences for their children and future generations. Despite these fears, some participants also reflected on personal growth, lessons learned, and a continued hope for meaningful change. These reflections suggest that, even in the face of anxiety and despair, individuals strive to derive meaning from their experiences and hold onto aspirations for a better future. The key subthemes identified include fears of environmental collapse, concerns for the well-being of future generations, calls for accountability and systemic change, and narratives of personal growth and emerging advocacy.

4.21. Worries About Environmental Collapse

Most of the participants (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11) expressed concern that, if mining activities continue without regulation, their region may ultimately suffer irreversible ecological degradation. One participant (P6) remarked:

“What worries me is that the long-term environmental consequences of continued mining will be devastating, and we might risk losing all our natural resources and the ecosystems that support them.”

Participants imagined a complete collapse of the environment, where in the future, there would be no fertile soil, water sources would be dried, depleted, or poisoned, and nothing could grow. This fear isn’t unfounded, as they have already seen vast changes in a short time. Some participants identified climate change as an exacerbating factor, primarily caused by deforestation and mining activities, and expressed concerns that increased droughts or extreme weather events will impact their area, thereby further stressing the environment. Additionally, the fear of irreversibility was also heightened, as participants often said certain things had been “gone forever,” and they worried that more would follow. When asked if they thought some aspects of the place would be gone forever? One respondent (P4) remarked:

“Yes… It feels like a part of me has been lost”.

The aspect of this study shows that the permanence of loss weighs heavily on people and that the psychological effect is akin to anticipatory grief, worrying in advance about losses yet to come. This is like what has been termed eco-anxiety by researchers [9,21,28], exhibited by anxiety about future environmental harm, which aligns with solastalgia.

4.22. Concerns for Future Generations

The most emotional concern for the future was for children and grandchildren. All participants (P1–P11) brought up the theme of intergenerational justice, which is the idea that the next generation has a right to a healthy environment, now threatened. To emphasize the essential of this aspect, one worried participant remarked that:

“Future generations will never enjoy the same experience I had with the land, given the changes that have already taken place”.

Participants’ statements expressed guilt and sorrow as current adults feel they are witnessing a loss that will burden their descendants. When asked, “Do you worry about the impact on future generations?” a sorrowful participant responded:

“Yes. Already, I have articulated how I have been affected… The ongoing degradation means my children and their children will never enjoy what I had… with increased air and water pollution… exposure to toxins can result in long-term health problems”.

This aspect of the case study reflects concerns that extend beyond the loss of natural beauty or cultural heritage to encompass tangible, practical challenges, such as deteriorating public health, resource scarcity, and the economic difficulties that future generations may face. Participants expressed concern that, if current trends persist, younger generations will grow up regarding environmental degradation as usual, never having known the richness and vitality that once characterized the landscape. Some participants considered relocation as something that might be forced on their community if mining expands, and they worried about youths losing their roots if that happens. This perspective evokes a profound sense of moral responsibility and sorrow, which, for some, catalyzes advocacy and speaking out, despite the challenges involved.

4.23. Desire for Accountability and Change

Amid their concerns, most of the participants (P1, P2, P4, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11) expressed a strong desire for meaningful change and are calling for accountability from those responsible and concrete efforts to restore and protect the environment. As one angry participant (P4) stated:

“To see this environment destroyed for short-term gain by only a few individuals is a travesty… I feel a desire for accountability.”

This aspect of the case study suggests that regulations will be enforced and rehabilitation undertaken. Participants hoped for more decisive government intervention, and one participant had this to say:

“The government needs to invest in essential services… and enforce the laws. If they pushed the company to refill the pits and replant trees, maybe our children could at least have some green back.”

This aspect of the case study indicates a willingness to advocate, and indeed, a few participants had become local activists, attending council meetings or partnering with NGOs to voice their community’s plight. On a positive note, participants (P1, P4, P6, P8, P11) are actively seeking empowerment by acquiring knowledge, which they hope will enable them to advocate for their rights in the future. To emphasize this issue, two respondents remarked:

“I have learnt that education and being informed are very important as it helps you stand for your rights… We have the right to clean air and a healthy life… Knowing and understanding these rights and who to report to if one has been violated is crucial.”

And the other one (6) had this to say:

“My experiences with environmental degradation have inspired me to become an advocate for conservation and to promote safer mining practices that do not harm or pollute the environment.”

This aspect of the case study illustrates how some participants strive to transform their personal experience of loss into a motivation to advocate for environmental justice, specifically by reporting illegal mining activities to the relevant authorities. It reflects a shift from a position of victimhood to one of agency, at least in terms of personal commitment and mindset, and thereby demonstrating how lived experiences can fuel advocacy and a desire for positive change.

4.24. Personal Growth and Environmental Advocacy

During adversity, a few participants (P1, P3, P9, P8, P11) reflected on how the experience had changed them in constructive ways, through the lessons learned, and how some individuals had become more resilient and environmentally conscious. One participant had this to say:

“I have learnt to appreciate the beauty and fragility of nature…The experience of environmental degradation has made me more aware of the importance of protecting our planet. I’ve also learned the value of resilience and adaptability in the face of adversity. I now have a greater appreciation for nature and the importance of conserving it… If you treat it with care, it gives back to you.”

Participants noted changes in their behaviour or mindset toward broader environmental issues, as their experience has altered their perspective on these issues. This aspect indicates that they are not only concerned with their local issue but have connected it to a larger ethic of sustainability. This perspective is consistent with psychological research suggesting that overcoming adversity can foster resilience, strengthen coping capacities, and enhance individuals’ sense of personal agency and mastery over challenging circumstances [38].

The findings raise critical policy concerns about the social and environmental costs of poorly regulated gold mining in Zimbabwe. While mining contributes to economic growth, its negative impacts—such as deforestation, pollution, and social disruption—are felt most acutely by local communities. Although the Environmental Management Agency has introduced stricter penalties and bans in some cases, participants reported weak enforcement and limited community involvement. The case of the Chinese-owned mine in Mutasa District, where operations were suspended after following community protests, demonstrates that collective action can prompt a government response. However, temporary closures often give way to resumed activities, highlighting the need for sustained advocacy and more vigorous regulatory enforcement.

The experiences of solastalgia reported by our participants share notable similarities with findings from other regions, even as distinct local nuances emerge. Globally, solastalgia has been reported in mining areas, where it has been described as a form of homesickness that occurs without leaving home [2,3,10,11,29]. Likewise, in our Zimbabwean case, community members spoke of profound distress, grief, and loss of solace as familiar landscapes were degraded by gold mining, echoing the sense of violation and sadness reported elsewhere. This alignment is unsurprising, as mining and environmental degradation are widely recognized as key triggers for solastalgia [1,2,4,13]. However, the Zimbabwean context also introduced unique factors, as participants’ accounts often intertwined environmental loss with economic hardship and historical marginalization, thereby suggesting that pre-existing vulnerabilities compound the psychosocial impact of landscape change in this context. Unlike some communities in wealthier contexts that have mobilized strong advocacy or received institutional support in response to environmental upheaval, our participants generally felt they had limited avenues to voice their anguish and demand remediation. This contrast highlights how solastalgia, while fundamentally a shared human response to environmental loss, is mediated by context, like cultural values, socio-economic conditions, and governance structures, which influence both the intensity of distress and the coping mechanisms. By comparing our findings with those from Australia, South Africa, and beyond, we demonstrate that the core of solastalgia, which is a painful yearning for an intact home environment, is a cross-cutting phenomenon. Still, its expression and the community responses to it are shaped by local realities. Such cross-regional insights deepen understanding of solastalgia and affirm the importance of contextual factors in addressing it.

Participants reported a consistent degradation of their home environment due to mining activities, along with the associated emotional impact. Forests that existed for generations have been removed, streams have been contaminated with sediment and chemicals, and the landscape has been altered into desolate, noisy mining areas. The losses prompted significant solastalgic distress, with respondents reporting profound eco-grief, characterized by mourning for the lost ecosystem, and eco-anxiety, marked by persistent concern regarding environmental degradation. Common emotions encompassed profound sadness, anger, and a sense of betrayal regarding the destruction of sacred lands for immediate profit, alongside a feeling of powerlessness in the face of continuous change. Numerous participants indicated experiencing a sense of “homesickness while still at home,” underscoring how the absence of familiar elements has diminished their sense of place. Some individuals sought solace in faith, family, or cultural practices, whereas others derived strength from discussions with neighbours or elders. Some individuals engaged in collective action by organizing clean-up initiatives and community meetings to address damage and advocate for change. Nonetheless, these initiatives frequently encountered obstacles due to insufficient external assistance and political stagnation. The findings suggest that artisanal gold mining in these communities extends beyond economic and environmental concerns, with significant implications for human well-being. Thereby, the degradation of land has resulted in tangible psychological and social costs, consistent with existing literature on solastalgia, as shown in

Table 2. Expanded thematic matrix: themes, subthemes, definitions, illustrative quotes.

Theme	Subtheme	Operational Definition	Illustrative Quote (Participant)
Responses to environmental degradation and landscape change	Deforestation and biodiversity loss	Perceived removal of tree cover; disappearance of wildlife	“Lush green hills were stripped bare, leaving behind barren, eroded land.” (P9)
	Water pollution and health fears	Rivers/streams polluted; perceived health risks	“The once clear and flowing rivers became polluted with sediment and chemicals.” (P6)
	Dust/noise and habitat destruction	Persistent dust, noise, and loss of habitat	Summarized reports of dust, exhaust, and reduced air quality
Emotional distress and solastalgia	Grief/sadness	Mourning for the lost environment, sorrow	“I feel a deep sadness… the place I once loved is no longer the same.” (P3)
	Anger/injustice	Anger at perceived exploitation or neglect	“It makes me angry and bitter… to see [our lands] destroyed for short-term gain…” (P2)
	Nostalgia/longing	Yearning for the pre-mining place	“I often find myself longing for the past… what we’ve lost.” (P4)
	Helplessness/powerlessness	Sense of inability to change outcomes	“It’s frustrating to feel powerless… It’s a heavy burden to bear.” (P10)
Coping strategies & resilience	Avoidance/distraction	Avoidance of distressing thoughts; keeping busy	“I try to avoid thinking about the changes… I focus on work or hobbies.” (P3)
	Faith/family support	Reliance on religion/family for strength	“My faith has helped me cope… Through prayer I find inner strength.” (P2)
	Community action and barriers	Clean-ups, meetings, and obstacles to support	“We’ve organized community clean-up days… but it’s not enough.” (P8)
Disruption of place attachment & community	Loss of belonging/identity	No longer feeling “at home”	“The place I once called home is no longer the same… difficult to feel a sense of belonging.” (P2)
	Erosion of cultural heritage	Loss of landmarks/heritage practices	“Our natural areas were our heritage… passed down…” (P7)
	Fragmentation and social ills	Conflict; crime; substance use; prostitution	“The community has been divided… living in two different worlds.” (P4); extended account of social ills in Results text.
Fears for the future & hopes for change	Environmental collapse	Anticipated irreversible damage	“What worries me is that the long-term environmental consequences… will be devastating…” (P6)
	Intergenerational concerns	Children/grandchildren won’t inherit a healthy place.	“Future generations will never enjoy the same experience I had with the land…” with parallel quotes in text (P5)
	Accountability and advocacy	Calls for enforcement, rehabilitation, and speaking out	“To see this environment destroyed… is a travesty… I feel a desire for accountability.” (P4)
	Personal growth	Learning: commitment to conservation	“I have learnt that education… helps you stand for your rights…”; “My experiences… inspired me to become an advocate…”

.

Table 2 presents an expanded thematic matrix that deepens the link between the analytic codes and lived experiences. For each theme, we delineate subthemes with concise operational definitions and provide vivid, representative examples from participants. This structure is designed to facilitate reader interpretation and demonstrate analytic transparency, consistent with rigorous thematic analysis.

5. Conclusions

This case study examined the experience of solastalgia—the distress caused by environmental loss in one’s home environment, among communities in Zimbabwe impacted by gold mining. Using in-depth qualitative interviews, the study examined the emotional, psychological, and social impacts triggered by mining activities, including deforestation, water contamination, and wildlife loss. Key findings reveal that extensive environmental degradation has dramatically altered local ecosystems.

Participants described how their surroundings have been transformed into polluted, barren, and noisy mining zones, with negative consequences for both their health and livelihoods. The emotional and psychological effects have been profound, with participants reporting experiences of solastalgia, marked by sadness, grief, anger, and nostalgia for the pre-mining environment. Despite remaining in their place of residence, many expressed a deep sense of loss and disconnection from their home. These emotions were often accompanied by feelings of powerlessness and anxiety over the ongoing environmental decline and uncertainty about the future.

Coping strategies among participants were diverse, with some individuals resorting to avoidance, attempting to carry on with their routines despite the surrounding degradation. Others found emotional strength in family ties, community solidarity, and religious faith. Collective resilience was also evident through community-led actions, including protests, clean-up initiatives, and economic adaptation efforts. However, these coping efforts were frequently hindered by inadequate external support and internal conflicts, resulting in ongoing emotional distress and visible mental health challenges.

Environmental degradation has disrupted participants’ sense of identity and attachment to place. The loss of natural and cultural landmarks has weakened both personal and collective identities rooted in the land. In addition, rising social tensions, disputes, and socioeconomic challenges have eroded community cohesion, leaving many with a reduced sense of belonging and connection to their community.

The future perspective is marked by apprehension for subsequent generations, alongside a tempered hope and a determination to advocate for change. Case study participants express significant concern regarding the legacy. However, some individuals have started acquiring knowledge and emerged as advocates for environmental conservation, indicating that empowerment and rehabilitation are viable strategies for alleviating solastalgia.

This research highlights that the impacts of artisanal gold mining primarily represent a human and social issue, rather than being solely environmental or economic. The concept of solastalgia serves as a significant framework for understanding the emotional distress associated with real ecological degradation. The emotional impact of environmental degradation is underscored, representing a cost borne by individuals often overlooked in discussions surrounding mining. Recognizing solastalgia constitutes an initial step in addressing the issue. This validates the emotions of communities, identifying their “homesickness at home,” which can be empowering and can inform more comprehensive effect evaluations.

The findings call for integrated interventions that address both environmental restoration and community well-being in Zimbabwe and similar settings. Key recommendations include strengthening enforcement of environmental regulations, engaging communities in restoration activities to rebuild both ecosystems and community morale, expanding access to mental health and psychosocial support through culturally appropriate community networks, and ensuring that affected communities have a meaningful voice in shaping mining policies. Ultimately, these insights highlight the importance of adopting sustainable mining practices that strike a balance between economic development, environmental protection, and community well-being.

This case study illustrates how lived experiences provide a human perspective on the abstract concept of environmental change, as findings demonstrated that damage to land correlates with emotional harm to its inhabitants. Solastalgia highlights the connection between place and mental state, and addressing the challenges faced by mining towns requires a focus on their emotional narratives. This approach will require enhanced collaboration among civil society, businesses, and governments with communities, facilitating not only the restoration of landscapes but also the reinstatement of comfort for those who consider the land their home. The optimism articulated by a limited number of persistent voices in this study, coupled with appropriate care and action, may result in the environment being partially restored, which could inspire continued efforts to transform solastalgia into a renewed sense of belonging and development.

In response to feedback from reviewers, the manuscript has been revised to address concerns regarding the depth of the literature review, justification of the sample, and clarity of the title. These changes aim to enhance the overall quality and readiness of the article for publication.

In conclusion, this case study reveals the profound emotional and psychological costs of environmental degradation among Zimbabwe’s artisanal gold mining communities. Participants described persistent grief, anger, and disconnection from their environment, reflecting the lived reality of solastalgia. Beyond environmental loss, the findings expose a breakdown of community cohesion, identity, and hope. The case study contributes to understanding how climate-induced environmental change manifests as mental distress in low-resource contexts. Integrating mental health and psychosocial interventions into climate adaptation and mining rehabilitation programs is therefore essential.

Limitations and further research: It is essential to acknowledge that, while this case study provides in-depth insights, it is based on a small and culturally specific sample, which may not reflect the full range of perspectives, like those who view mining primarily as an economic opportunity or those who have relocated. Future research could strengthen these findings by employing standardized mental health assessments to compare mental health outcomes between mining and non-mining communities. Longitudinal studies could explore whether solastalgia diminishes after mine closure and rehabilitation. Additionally, comparative research on different forms of environmental change, such as mining versus climate-induced drought, could help clarify the distinct features of solastalgia related to mining. Future research should also be cross-regional and cross-cultural on solastalgia to broaden the understanding of this emerging phenomenon. This case study highlights the importance of examining environmental distress in diverse contexts. Comparative studies spanning different countries and cultures would shed light on both universal aspects of solastalgia and the ways local realities shape it. Such research will not only enrich academic knowledge but also inform more culturally sensitive policies and interventions. In an era of global environmental change, building a more inclusive evidence base on solastalgia is imperative, as it will enable the international community to recognize and respond to the mental-health dimensions of environmental crises wherever they occur.