The Theological Transformation of Tengrism from the Ancient Turkish Belief System to the Modern Era and Its Cultural Interactions

Abstract

This study examines the theological structure of Tengrism, understood here as a heuristic term for the broader Tengri-centered early Turkic belief system, its historical transformation, and its continuity in post-Islamic Turkic culture and folklore from an interdisciplinary perspective. Although the continuity of pre-Islamic Turkic beliefs in later Turkish folk culture has been noted in previous scholarship, the specific mechanisms through which Tengri-centered concepts survived as implicit theological structures within lived religion, folk belief, and Alevi-Bektashi ritual–poetic traditions have not been sufficiently systematized. The research argues that Tengrism should not be understood merely as an archaic remnant of belief but as a comprehensive theological paradigm shaping cosmology, political legitimacy, ethical order, and the perception of sacredness in early Turkic societies. In this context, epic and mythological texts such as the Orkhon Inscriptions, the Epic of Oghuz Khan, the Book of Dede Korkut, and the Epic of Manas constitute the primary textual sources of the study. The research is based on a qualitative design and employs phenomenological and hermeneutic approaches. The phenomenological perspective seeks to understand the theological principles of Tengrism and the perception of sacredness within their own cultural and symbolic universe, while hermeneutic analysis interprets the continuity of symbolic and mythological elements preserved in folkloric narratives. The findings indicate that the Tengri-centered and cosmologically structured character of early Turkic religiosity did not disappear after the adoption of Islam; rather, it persisted through folkloric narratives, popular beliefs, ritual practices, and the Alevi-Bektashi tradition. These findings demonstrate that Tengrism continues to function as a dynamic theological paradigm within Turkish cultural memory and popular religiosity.

1. Introduction

The religious thought system of the ancient Turks should be approached not merely as a set of past beliefs and ritual practices, but as a broader worldview with its own cosmological, ontological, and theological dimensions. It should be noted, however, that Tengrism was not the only religious system encountered or adopted by Turkic communities throughout history. Different Turkic groups came into contact with, and in some cases adopted, religious traditions such as Buddhism, Manichaeism, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam in different historical and geographical contexts. Therefore, the following discussion focuses not on all religious experiences of Turkic communities, but specifically on the Tengri-centered early Turkic religious and cosmological framework and its later cultural continuities. Recent scholarship has also emphasized that contemporary references to Tengrism should be distinguished from the historical reconstruction of early Turkic religiosity. In the post-Soviet context, Tengrism has sometimes been reinterpreted as a marker of ethnic identity, spiritual revival, and nationalist rhetoric, especially in Central Asia and Tatarstan. This modern political and ideological use of Tengrism, however, should not be confused with the historically layered religious and cosmological structures examined in the present study (Laruelle 2007; 2021). From the perspectives of the history of religions, religious anthropology, sociology of religion, and religious folklore, Tengri/Kök Tengri (Sky God) can be understood as the central concept of a developed metaphysical system that seeks to explain the origin, order, and continuity of existence, rather than as a primitive or fragmented belief structure. Although this belief system is referred to in today’s academic literature as “Sky God Belief1,” “Tengrism,” or ‘Tengrizm’ as commonly used in Western sources, and “Tengrianstvo” in Russian sources, this terminology is generally external and constructed a posteriori (Roux 1994; Bayat 2007a; Laruelle 2021). It should be emphasized that the term Tengrism is used in this study as a heuristic and analytical shorthand rather than as a rigid or exhaustive designation of the early Turkic belief system. The term does not refer exclusively to the cult of Tengri, nor does it aim to reduce early Turkic religiosity to a single divine figure. Rather, it is employed to describe a broader Tengri-centered religious and cosmological complex that also includes the Earth-Water/Yer-Su cults, ancestor cult, nature spirits, sacred mountains, trees, waters, and ritual practices associated with the maintenance of cosmic and social order. Therefore, throughout this article, Tengrism should be understood as a comprehensive early Turkic belief system structured around Tengri but sustained by multiple sacred agents, cultic practices, and symbolic relations with nature and ancestors. Although it is unknown what name the ancient Turks used to define their own belief system, this situation does not indicate the absence of a systematic theological thought, but rather shows that it was structured through oral culture and symbolic narratives. Another important point to note is that the theological framework of Tengrism differs from scriptural and institutionally codified models of religion based primarily on revelation, formal doctrine, and authoritative sacred texts. Tengrism is an order based on cosmic order, the relationship between nature, humans, and God, and tradition (Roux 1994; Kafesoğlu 1980; Bayat 2007a; İnan 2017). Furthermore, this order is ethical in nature and has been shaped around an ethical structure. From the perspective of the history of religions, this structure cannot be evaluated within the framework of either rigid pantheism or anthropomorphic polytheism. Conceptually, God is envisioned as intertwined with nature but not identified with it; Tengri is positioned as a transcendent being who encompasses everything while maintaining his transcendence. In this context, Tengrism possesses the characteristics of both a monotheistic and a cosmic order-centered belief system from a theological perspective.

From the perspective of religious anthropology, one of the most striking features of Tengrism is its lack of a sacred text, institutionalised priesthood and standardised places of worship (Roux 1994; Kafesoğlu 1980; Bayat 2007a). For this reason, the epic and narrative sources used in this study are not treated as direct doctrinal records of an ancient religion. Rather, they are approached as layered cultural texts that preserve, reinterpret, and sometimes retrospectively reconstruct older cosmological motifs within later historical and religious contexts. Texts such as the Book of Dede Korkut, the Epic of Manas, and the Epic of Oghuz Khan therefore provide valuable evidence for cultural memory and symbolic continuity, but they must be read with caution because many of their extant forms were shaped in periods after the Turks’ conversion to Islam (Roux 1994; Reichl 1992; M. Ergin 2005; Bayat 2006). However, this has not led to the mistaken perception that it is ‘theology-free’; rather, it has elevated Tengrism to the level of a religious system with its own unique theology. However, the question of whether Tengrism should be identified with shamanism or regarded as a distinct Tengri-centered religious and cosmological framework has long been debated in the scholarly literature. Earlier ethnographic and philological studies, especially Radloff’s observations on Siberian and Altai Turkic materials, treated shamanic practices as a central component of Turkic religious life, while Eliade’s comparative approach placed Turkic materials within the broader field of shamanism as an “archaic technique of ecstasy” (Radloff 2018; Eliade 2004). On the other hand, scholars such as Schmidt, Doerfer, Stebleva, Klyashtorny, and Sartqozhauly have discussed the issue from different angles, either emphasizing the centrality of Tengri and the Sky God belief or drawing attention to the multi-layered structure of early Turkic religiosity, including Tengri, Umay, Earth-Water/Yer-Su forces, ancestral spirits, sacred natural powers, and ritual specialists (Schmidt 1996; Doerfer 1965; Stebleva 1972; Klyashtorny 2018; Sartqozhauly 2003). Therefore, this study does not deny the shamanistic characteristics of early Turkic religiosity; rather, it avoids reducing the entire Tengri-centered religious and cosmological complex to shamanism alone. In this framework, the shaman should be understood primarily as a ritual mediator rather than as the central theological authority of the system. The shaman is not a theologian or a representative of God at the centre of Tengrism, but rather a ritual expert who mediates between the cosmic order and the human community. Theological authority is not established through an individual or institutional structure, but through the cosmic will of Tengri and törü/törö (later Turkish: töre), understood as its manifestation on Earth.

One of the most distinctive features of Tengrism’s theological principles is that they are largely encoded through folkloric narratives, mythical symbols and epic formulas, rather than being systematised as abstract doctrines. In this context, epics, legends and founding myths should not merely be interpreted as aesthetic or historical texts. They convey the cosmological, eschatological, and ethical conceptions of Tengrism, and serve as primary theological texts that transmit these conceptions from generation to generation. This living memory of oral culture has kept the theoretical framework of belief alive within concrete stories, images, and paradigms of heroism. For instance, the phrase from the Orkhon Inscriptions, ‘When the blue sky above and the black earth below were created’ (M. Ergin 1988; Aydın 2017; Ölmez 2021; Chen 2021), is not just a geographical description, but a concise cosmogonic statement indicating that existence originated from a divine and orderly creative act. Similarly, the themes of divine light, the wolf, and chosen status in the Epic of Oghuz Khan2 (Togan 1972; Bayat 2006; Ağca 2019; Danka 2019); the motif of melting the iron mountain and emerging anew in the Ergenekon narrative; and the ideas of justice, order, and divine protection in the Manas Epic3 (Yıldız 2017) all express the divine will, destiny, cosmic cycle, and ethical responsibility at the heart of Tengrism using symbolic and memorable language.

The reflection of this theological structure in the political and social order is the fundamental mechanism by which the political theology of Tengrism is established. In other words, Tengrism establishes a sacred basis of legitimacy, deriving the source of power and authority not from human strength, lineage or wealth, but from Tengri’s will and grace alone. This grace prevents the ruler from becoming an arbitrary despot; instead, it places them in a position of great responsibility and duty, obligating them to establish and protect divine justice (custom) on earth. Thus, Tengrism transcended the realm of mere belief in early Turkic social organisation, forming the metaphysical foundation and regulatory framework of political authority, legal order and social morality. This concept is also reflected in the idea of ‘Kut4’, which implies that the power bestowed upon the ruler by God is a forfeitable favour and that power is accountable.

Previous studies have frequently noted the persistence of pre-Islamic Turkic motifs, rituals, and cosmological symbols in Turkish folk culture, Sufi environments, and especially in the Alevi-Bektashi tradition. However, these continuities have often been discussed either as survivals, remnants, syncretic motifs, or ethnographic parallels. What remains less clearly demonstrated is how such elements function as implicit theological structures within lived religion and folk religion, and how they operate not only as isolated motifs but as a coherent cultural-theological layer of memory. The contribution of this study is therefore not to claim that the survival of Tengri-centered elements after Islamization is an entirely new observation, but to analyse these survivals systematically through the combined frameworks of implicit theology, lived religion, folk religion, phenomenology, and hermeneutics. In this respect, the hypotheses of the study are not presented as wholly unprecedented claims, but as analytical propositions through which previously noted continuities are reorganized, tested, and interpreted within a more explicit theoretical framework.

In order to understand Tengrism, it is necessary to move beyond the frequently invoked evolutionary and reductionist paradigms in the history of religions, which view primitive societies as being on a linear path towards advanced societies and as being engaged in simple nature cults. Therefore, a more productive approach is to consider Tengrism as a comprehensive theological worldview with its own integrity and internal consistency. This requires an in-depth analysis of the symbolic universe constructed from folkloric narratives and mythopoetic structures, as well as the historical continuity of this universe. The focus should particularly be on how an implicit layer of theological continuity formed beneath the explicit story of religious conversion during the encounter and interaction between Tengrism and scriptural religions, such as Islam. The concept of cultural memory is used here in the sense of socially transmitted frameworks through which communities preserve, reinterpret, and reactivate selected images of the past in changing historical contexts. Following cultural memory theory, especially the distinction between communicative and cultural memory, this study treats epic narratives, ritual practices, sacred places, and oral poetic forms as media through which older religious meanings may be preserved and transformed beyond formal doctrine (Harth 2008; Assmann 2008). The role of Tengrist elements, such as cosmology, destiny, kut and törü/törö5, as cultural carriers and transmitters within the new religious context, through practices that have become epics, legends and folk beliefs, can only be understood within an interdisciplinary framework (history of religions, folklore, sociology and anthropology). This method will effectively reveal the traces of Tengrism scattered throughout cultural memory and everyday belief practices.

Essentially, Tengrism should not be viewed as an archaic remnant from the beginning of Turkish cultural and spiritual history that has been completed and closed. Rather, it should be recognised as a theological paradigm and framework of meaning that continues to shape the religious experience and cultural identity of Turkish communities in the post-Islamic, post-Christian and post-Shamanic era; a paradigm that exhibits continuity in the collective memory. Its presence in folklore is not merely a folk product or motif, but a manifestation of a living theological heritage deeply rooted in the collective consciousness.

2. Materials and Methods

This article is a text-based, theoretical-analytical study in the fields of religious history, folklore, and cultural hermeneutics. It examines the theological structure of Tengrism—the broader Tengri-centered early Turkic belief system—its historical transformation, and its forms of continuity in Turkish culture and folklore after the Turks’ conversion to Islam. In terms of scope, the article distinguishes between the broader early Turkic religious horizon and its later cultural continuities in Anatolia and Türkiye. References to “early Turkic” or “ancient Turkic” societies refer to the wider Inner Asian and pre-Islamic Turkic context. By contrast, the discussion of post-Islamic continuity focuses primarily on Turkish culture in Anatolia and Türkiye, especially folk beliefs, popular religiosity, and the Alevi-Bektashi tradition. Therefore, the article does not claim to represent all contemporary Turkic communities around the world, whose religious histories, local practices, and cultural trajectories differ considerably. Qualitative research is an approach that examines social phenomena in their natural contexts, analysing and interpreting data obtained through observation, interviews or document evaluation (İslamoğlu and Alnıaçık 2019, p. 220). This type of research focuses on specific phenomena and adopts an interpretive, meaning-centred perspective (Çavuş 2020). In line with this interpretive, context-centred approach, the study addresses the theological and cultural structure of Tengrism from multidimensional, interdisciplinary perspectives. It is structured around the themes of the history of religions, religious anthropology, folklore, mythology and the sociology of religion, and is based on a holistic methodological framework combining phenomenological interpretation, qualitative text analysis and comparative theological analysis.

The study’s primary data universe consists of qualitative primary and secondary sources related to the theological and cosmological structure of Tengrism. Mythical and epic texts, such as the Orkhon Inscriptions, the Epic of Oghuz Khan, the Book of Dede Korkut, the Epic of Manas and various other Turkic epics and legends, as well as post-Islamic period legends, myths, folk beliefs and ritual practices, have been evaluated as the main material for examination, alongside nefes, deyiş and narratives belonging to the oral and written literature of the Alevi-Bektashi tradition. Section 3.4 therefore functions not as an empirical case study based on newly collected field data, but as a focused interpretive engagement with published Alevi-Bektashi literature, especially nefes, deyiş, ritual narratives, and related scholarly studies.

In response to the need for a broader historical corpus, the study also takes into account early historical records concerning Inner Asian nomadic societies, beginning with the Xiongnu period. Chinese dynastic sources such as the Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian), the Hanshu (Book of Han), and the Hou Hanshu (Book of the Later Han) are considered as supplementary historical witnesses for understanding the religious and ritual world of early steppe communities (Qian 1993; Gu 1944; Di Cosmo 2002). These sources are not treated as direct equivalents of later Turkic epic and inscriptional materials, but as contextual evidence that helps situate Tengri-centered belief, nature cults, ancestor veneration, sacrificial practices, and cosmological order within a longer Inner Asian historical continuum. Additionally, academic studies in the fields of the history of religions, anthropology, and Turkish cultural history (Roux, Eliade, Kafesoğlu, Ocak, Bayat, etc.) were employed as secondary data sources to establish the theoretical background and interpretive framework. As this is a text-centred and literature-based study, no participant observation, interviews, newly collected fieldwork data, or quantitative data collection methods were employed. Instead, the article works primarily with published scholarship, historical sources, epic and mythological narratives, folkloric materials, and Alevi-Bektashi ritual–poetic literature. Its method is therefore interpretive and text-based, combining historical contextualization, phenomenological interpretation, hermeneutic reading, and comparative thematic analysis. The use of these primary textual sources enables the study to ground its theological and cultural interpretations in historically and mythopoetically significant materials rather than relying solely on secondary literature. In particular, the Orkhon Inscriptions and the Epic of Oghuz Khan provide a textual basis for examining concepts such as Tengri, divine legitimacy, cosmic order, and the symbolic foundations of early Turkic religious thought. In order to strengthen this textual basis, the study also incorporates recent editions and philological studies of these sources. While earlier classical references are retained where they remain relevant to the argument, they are supplemented with more recent Turkish and international scholarship, particularly the studies of Erhan Aydın, Mehmet Ölmez, Chen Hao, Ferruh Ağca, and Balázs Danka, in order to provide a more current textual and philological foundation.

The research employs a phenomenological and hermeneutic methodological approach. The phenomenological approach focuses on phenomena of which individuals or communities are aware, but which they often do not conceptualise systematically. It offers an interpretive research tradition that questions how experience, perception and meaning are constructed. The research’s phenomenological framework is based on Van Manen’s life-based phenomenology. According to Van Manen, the aim of phenomenological analysis is to reveal the implicit structures of meaning in everyday, cultural or textual experiences. In this process, narratives are treated as phenomenological fields reflecting the experience itself (Van Manen 2007; Kaplan 2026, p. 7). Within this framework, the study aims to understand the theological principles of Tengrism and the conception of sacredness within their historical and cultural contexts. This approach avoids reductionist interpretations, instead conceptualising the principles within their own world of meaning.

The hermeneutic reading that complements this phenomenological perspective aims to analyse the theological and cultural layers of meaning in the symbolic and metaphorical elements found in mythological and folkloric texts. Hermeneutics, or the art of hermeneuein, involves informing, reporting, translating, explaining and interpreting. It takes its name from Hermes, the messenger god who conveyed the gods’ messages to mortals. In this respect, hermeneutics signifies transferring and translating meaning from one world to another (Gadamer 2003, p. 13). Thus, the examined texts are evaluated not only as historical or literary documents, but also as meaning-producing structures conveying the cosmogonic, ethical and political-theological dimensions of the belief system, as well as carrying cultural memory. Thanks to this dual methodological approach, the theological and cultural continuity of Tengrism has been addressed within a comprehensive analytical framework in terms of both the dimension of experience and meaning and the textual and symbolic structure.

Alongside the phenomenological and hermeneutic framework, an epistemic approach has also been adopted in the study. This perspective questions how understanding of the belief system is constructed, taking into account historical, cultural and interpretive contexts of knowledge production processes related to Tengrism. The study therefore argues that Tengrism should be approached not only as a static belief system exhibiting continuity, but also as a dynamic theological structure that is reinterpreted and transformed to acquire new layers of meaning in different historical and cultural contexts. This approach is rooted in the sociology of knowledge and interpretive anthropology literature, which reveals that knowledge is socially constructed and that religious worlds of meaning are produced within cultural interpretation processes (Berger and Luckmann 1991; Geertz 1973). Within this framework, epistemic analyses emphasising the relationships between knowledge, power, and discourse reveal the cultural and discursive grounds that enable belief systems to be reinterpreted and transformed throughout history (Foucault 1995). Thus, the analyses focus on theological and cultural transformation processes rather than mere continuity. Furthermore, this approach reveals that the new symbolic and ritual forms acquired by Tengrism in post-Islamic Turkish societies are closely related to the freedom of the social and cultural subject to interpret and reproduce in the field of belief. From a socio-anthropological perspective, this demonstrates that belief systems are not only preserved, but also transformed within individual and collective processes of meaning-making. This points to the dynamic structure of cultural memory. Therefore, while examining the historical continuity of Tengrism, this study also incorporates socio-cultural dynamics such as transformation, reconstruction and freedom of interpretation into its analytical framework.

Qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis techniques were employed in the data analysis process. First, the fundamental concepts that constitute the theological structure of Tengrism were identified. These include Tengri, kut, törü/törö, cosmic order, destiny, ancestor cult, Earth-Water/Yer-Su belief and so on. Then, the reflections of these concepts in both pre-Islamic and post-Islamic folkloric and religious texts were examined comparatively. Drawing on the literature of symbolic anthropology and religious phenomenology during the analysis process revealed the relationships of continuity and transformation between sacred space, ritual practice, mythological motifs, and theological concepts. Thus, the theoretical approach that Tengrism continues to exist as an ‘implicit theological continuity’ within folkloric and cultural forms rather than as an explicit theological system has been tested.

The study’s theoretical framework is based on three fundamental approaches: implicit theology, lived religion, and folk religion perspectives. These approaches explain how religion is experienced and transmitted through everyday life practices, rituals, and oral culture, as well as its institutional and textual dimensions. Furthermore, drawing on syncretism and cultural continuity theories, the assumption that Tengrism did not disappear completely in the post-Islamic period, but rather transformed and persisted at the levels of symbolism, ritual and ethics, was analysed. In this study, implicit theology is used not as a formal doctrinal category but as an analytical concept that explains how pre-Islamic theological ideas survive within everyday religious practices, oral narratives, symbolic codes, and lived forms of popular religiosity. In this respect, concepts such as kut and törü/törö are examined not merely as historical terms but as cultural-theological categories that continue to be preserved, transformed, and reinterpreted within the practices and narratives of lived religion.

Accordingly, the following hypotheses are presented as analytical propositions designed to systematize and test, within a unified theoretical framework, continuities that have often been noted separately in studies of Turkic religion, folklore, and Alevi-Bektashi culture:

H1. 

In ancient Turkic societies, Tengrism was structured not only as a mythological belief system, but also as a comprehensive and systematic theological worldview.

H2. 

The fundamental theological concepts and cosmological principles of Tengrism did not disappear entirely when the Turks embraced Islam. Instead, they continued to exist implicitly through folkloric narratives, popular beliefs and everyday practices.

H3. 

Post-Islamic Turkish folklore and popular piety have facilitated the reinterpretation of Tengrist theological and cosmological elements within a new religious context, preserving them in cultural memory.

H4. 

The Alevi-Bektashi belief system, with its associated rituals, is one of the cultural domains in which the theological and symbolic elements of Tengrism have been most intensely preserved and transformed within an Islamic framework.

H5. 

The Tengri-centered and cosmologically ordered structure of early Turkic religiosity created certain points of compatibility with Islamic theology. This resulted in a relationship of continuity and transformation, rather than a sharp break, between the two belief systems.

These hypotheses have been tested through a systematic examination of the parallels between the theological principles of Tengrism and the concepts of sacredness, destiny, kut and divine legitimacy in post-Islamic Turkish folklore. Comparative analysis has revealed symbolic and functional continuity between old and new belief systems.

3. Results

The analyses conducted within the phenomenological and hermeneutic framework of this study demonstrate that Tengrism in ancient Turkic societies functioned not merely as a collection of mythological narratives but as a comprehensive theological system shaping cosmology, political legitimacy, ethical order, and the perception of sacredness. The examination of epic texts, folkloric narratives, popular beliefs, and ritual practices indicates that the fundamental theological concepts of Tengrism—such as Tengri, kut, törü/törö, cosmic order, destiny, and the ancestor cult—did not disappear after the adoption of Islam. Rather, these concepts persisted through processes of symbolic transformation, cultural adaptation, and reinterpretation within the post-Islamic religious and folkloric universe. The findings therefore reveal that the theological structure of Tengrism continued to exist as a deep cultural and symbolic layer within Turkish religious experience. In order to present these findings systematically, the results are structured in several analytical stages. First, the theological foundations of Tengrism within the belief system of the ancient Turks are examined. Second, the mechanisms through which Tengrist concepts continued within the post-Islamic eco-cultural and folkloric system are analysed. Third, the study evaluates how these elements function within broader theoretical frameworks such as implicit theology, lived religion, and folk religion. Finally, the Alevi-Bektashi tradition is discussed as one of the most significant cultural contexts in which the folkloric and implicit theological continuity of Tengrism can be observed.

3.1. The Belief System of the Ancient Turks: The Theological Foundations of Tengrism

Tengrism, the belief in God, shaped the worldview and ontological perception of ancient Turkic societies. It is not merely a collection of mythological narratives, but an all-encompassing belief system that determines social order, political legitimacy and ethical values. At the centre of this system is Kök Tengri6 (Sky God), the absolute creator and protector of the universe, and the sole source of cosmic order. Unlike many archaic beliefs, this divine power is perceived as a transcendent and abstract entity, far removed from anthropomorphic (human-like) representations.

The reconstruction of this belief system, however, cannot be limited to later Turkic inscriptions and epic narratives alone. Earlier historical records concerning Inner Asian nomadic societies, particularly those related to the Xiongnu period, provide important contextual data for understanding the religious background of early steppe cultures. Chinese dynastic sources such as the Shiji and the Hanshu refer to sacrificial ceremonies, reverence for Heaven, ancestral rites, and ritual gatherings among the Xiongnu, thereby showing that Tengri-centered religiosity was embedded in a broader cultic structure involving Heaven, Earth, ancestors, spirits, and sacred natural forces (Qian 1993; Gu 1944; Di Cosmo 2002; Sinor 1990). Therefore, the Orkhon Inscriptions, the Epic of Oghuz Khan, and the Epic of Manas are evaluated in this study not as isolated or exhaustive sources, but as later textual and mythopoetic witnesses that should be read together with earlier historical testimonies from the Xiongnu and early Inner Asian contexts. This broader corpus makes it possible to avoid reducing early Turkic religiosity to the cult of Tengri alone and allows the study to approach the early Turkic belief system as a multi-layered complex composed of Tengri, Earth-Water/Yer-Su forces, ancestor veneration, sacrificial practices, sacred space, and cosmological order.

The theological character of the early Turkic belief system has been interpreted in different ways in the scholarly literature. Roux’s early studies strongly emphasized the centrality of Tengri and interpreted this system through a predominantly monotheistic framework (Roux 1956a, pp. 49–82; 1956b, pp. 197–230; 1956c, pp. 27–54; 1956d, pp. 173–212; 1962, p. 24; 1994). Similarly, some scholars have emphasized its Tengri-centered and monotheistic or monolatrous tendencies, especially in relation to political legitimacy, sovereignty, and the concept of divine order (Tanyu 1980; Kafesoğlu 1980). Other researchers, however, have drawn attention to its multi-layered structure, in which Tengri coexists with Earth-Water/Yer-Su forces, ancestral spirits, protective beings, sacred natural spaces, and ritual specialists; from this perspective, early Turkic religiosity should not be reduced to a strictly monotheistic model (Eliade 2004; Sinor 1990; Golden 1992; Róna-Tas 1999; Klyashtorny 2018). In this study, Tengrism is therefore approached as a Tengri-centered but multi-layered religious and cosmological system rather than as a narrowly defined monotheistic doctrine. Tengri occupies the highest and most legitimizing position within this system, particularly in matters of cosmic order, rulership, destiny, and political authority, but this centrality does not exclude the ritual and symbolic importance of ancestor cults, Earth-Water/Yer-Su forces, and sacred natural entities.

Accordingly, in the ancient belief system of the Turks, nature is not merely a physical environment, but a living space in which the will of the divine is manifested. Within this framework, geographical features such as mountains, rivers, lakes and forests are associated with Earth-Water/Yer-Su spirits (Roux 1994; Kafesoğlu 1980; Tanyu 1980; Bayat 2007a; Arpacı 2015; Sazçalar 2016; İnan 2017). However, this relationship is not rigid pantheism, equating nature with God, but rather an understanding of existence symbolizing the unbreakable and sacred bond between the Creator and the created. It is at this point that Tengrism differs from archaic religious beliefs. This is because, in this system, respect for nature is combined with ancestor worship, representing the continuity of lineage and social memory. The deep respect for ancestors and the rituals performed for them serve as a fundamental pillar that reinforces the moral foundation and social belonging of the faith (Alsan 2024, pp. 1435–56).

The relationship between Tengrism and shamanism should be approached with greater caution. In the literature, early Turkic beliefs have often been described as shamanistic, especially since Mircea Eliade’s influential formulation of shamanism as a broad category referring to archaic techniques of ecstasy, mediation with the spirit world, healing, divination, and ritual communication with non-human beings (Eliade 2004; Hutton 2007). From this perspective, shamanism is not merely a marginal set of rituals, but one of the central ritual and experiential dimensions of early Inner Asian and Turkic religiosity. At the same time, the Tengri-centered structure of early Turkic belief should not be reduced entirely to shamanism, since concepts such as Tengri, kut, törü/törö, cosmic order, rulership, ancestor veneration, and Earth-Water/Yer-Su forces also constitute essential theological and cosmological categories of this system (Roux 1994; Bayat 2024). Therefore, this study does not treat Tengrism and shamanism as mutually exclusive categories. Rather, it understands shamanism as a major ritual, ecstatic, and mediating dimension operating within the broader Tengri-centered religious and cosmological complex of early Turkic societies.

The most concrete and decisive influence of the religion of Tengri on the Turkic state tradition is embodied in the concept of kut. According to Turkic political thought, political authority originates from a transcendent source rather than merely from lineage, military power, or human will. The ruler receives the authority to govern through kut, understood as a form of divine fortune, charisma, legitimacy, and life-giving sovereignty granted by Tengri. Alessio Bombaci’s two-part study, “Qutluğ Bolsun! A Contribution to the History of the Concept of ‘Fortune’ Among the Turks”, remains one of the most comprehensive philological and historical analyses of this concept, demonstrating that kut cannot be reduced to political power alone, but should be understood as a complex semantic field involving fortune, divine favor, sovereignty, sacral legitimacy, and auspicious life-force (Bombaci 1965, pp. 284–91; 1966, pp. 13–44). In this framework, kut gives the ruler charisma and authority, while also placing him under the responsibility of governing society justly and acting in accordance with törü/törö (later Turkish: töre). The Orkhon Inscriptions state, “I became Khan because Tengri granted me favor” (M. Ergin 1988; Aydın 2017; Ölmez 2021; Chen 2021), which is one of the clearest manifestations of this sacred legitimacy and political ontology.

Conversely, it is important to note that the Turks adoption of Islam did not result in the total eradication of ancient beliefs. Instead, these elements persisted, blending with the new religion. Many practices inherited from Tengrism continued in a syncretic form in Sufi thought, including Yesevism, Babailism, Hayderism, the Turkish branch of Rifailism and Kalenderism. They also continued in the Alevi-Bektashi tradition and various folk beliefs in Anatolia (Laruelle 2021, pp. 96–110). Across the geography stretching from the steppes of Central Asia to the villages of Anatolia, many traditions, such as tying cloth to trees and the sanctity of water, reflect these ancient origins in the present day.

Thus, the ancient Turkic belief system is not merely an abstract concept, but a deeply rooted structure supported by a rich body of mythology. Epic texts such as the Epic of Oghuz Khan and the Epic of Er Sogotoh, belonging to the Yakut Turks, convey this depth of belief through prayers addressed to Tengri and celestial depictions (M. Ergun 2015; Türkiye Araştırmaları 2024). In these narratives, Tengri is depicted as the creator of order amidst chaos, an absolute will that intervenes in times of social crisis and the sole source of existence.

While Tengrism (Sky God Belief) does not show complete parallelism with modern celestial religions in institutional and structural terms, it bears striking similarities in terms of fundamental metaphysical categories and moral framework. In this system, the universe is not seen as a meaningless, aimless and purposeless realm of existence. On the contrary, it is subject to cosmic law, the manifestation of divine order. The question of post-mortem judgment in early Turkic belief should be treated with caution. The concepts uçmag and tamu, often translated in later Turkic and Islamic contexts as “heaven” and “hell,” should not be projected uncritically onto the pre-9th-century early Turkic belief system. These terms are more clearly attested in later Old Uyghur Buddhist and Manichaean textual environments and reflect the influence of institutionalized religious traditions as well as Iranian/Sogdian lexical and conceptual layers (Clauson 1972; Ölmez 2021; Uzunkaya 2018; Aisaiti 2020). Therefore, rather than assuming a fully developed doctrine of heaven and hell in the earliest Turkic religious horizon, this study understands early Turkic moral order primarily through the logic of divine favor, loss of legitimacy, fortune, misfortune, and reward or punishment experienced within worldly life. Archaeological evidence from kurgans and funerary practices may indicate belief in the continuation of existence after death, but it does not by itself prove a systematic doctrine of post-mortem judgment equivalent to later heaven–hell models.

The most distinctive aspect of Tengrism, frequently discussed in academic literature, is that it is not a ‘scriptural’ religion. There is no fixed sacred text, no institutionalised concept of prophethood and no central, hierarchical priestly class. Beliefs have been passed down from generation to generation through oral tradition, collective memory, stories handed down by ancestors and cults intertwined with nature rather than through dogmatic written teachings. Rituals were performed in sacred natural spaces, such as mountain peaks, riverbanks, caves or oak trees, rather than in specific architectural temple structures.

In summary, Tengrism, as the religious system of the ancient Turkic peoples, offered a complex and holistic theocentric worldview that went beyond simple nature worship. The fundamental principles of this system can be summarised as follows:

First, it has a Tengri-centered hierarchical structure rather than a simple or homogeneous monotheistic model. Tengri occupies the highest position as the supreme divine authority associated with cosmic order, rulership, and legitimacy. However, this centrality does not exclude the presence of other sacred beings, divine or semi-divine figures, and cultic powers attested in Turkic and neighbouring sources, such as Umay, Earth/Yer, Earth-Water/Yer-Su forces, ancestral beings, protective spirits, and other functional sacred figures associated with war, roads, seasons, fertility, and natural forces (Roux 1994; Sinor 1990; Golden 1992; Klyashtorny 2018). Therefore, the early Turkic belief system should be understood not as a system without other sacred agents, but as a multi-layered sacred hierarchy in which Tengri holds the supreme and organizing position.

Secondly, a cosmic sense of wholeness prevails. For the earliest Turkic horizon, this cosmic order should primarily be understood through the relationship between sky and earth rather than through a fully developed tripartite model of sky, earth, and underworld. As Edina Dallos has argued, the underworld as a distinct structural component of Turkic cosmology appears to be a later development, especially visible among modern shamanist Turkic peoples of Siberia and in contexts shaped by contact with Indo-Iranian and other institutionalized religious traditions (Dallos 2004). Therefore, in the early Turkic context, the sacred order of the universe is better described in terms of the dynamic relationship between Heaven/Tengri and Earth/Yer, while later three-part cosmological models should be treated as secondary and historically layered developments.

Thirdly, political authority and social order are based on divine will. Sovereignty (kut) is granted by the Sky God, and legal and social norms, known as törü/törö, also derive their legitimacy from this divine source.

Fourthly, shamanic practices function as mechanisms of ritual mediation between human communities and non-human sacred agents, including spirits, ancestral beings, and tutelary or possessor spirits associated with particular places, natural elements, lineages, or social spaces. The later Turkish term iyeler may be used comparatively for such beings, but in the present study they are described in English as tutelary/possessor spirits in order to avoid terminological ambiguity. These practices embody the ritual and experiential dimension of early Turkic religiosity.

Consequently, Tengrism was a comprehensive code of civilisation that shaped the beliefs and worship of ancient Turkic societies, as well as their moral values, understanding of law (törü/törö), foundations of political legitimacy and state philosophy.

3.2. The Theological Continuity of Tengrism in the Post-Islamic Ecocultural and Folkloric System

In Turkish society, changing religion is a process of adopting new beliefs. Traditional religious history writing and historical narratives often depict the process by which ancient Turkic communities adopted Islam as a sharp break: a sudden theological transformation and complete abandonment of the old faith. However, in-depth anthropological, folkloric and ethnographic research, as well as studies of oral culture, reveal that this process was much more complex and layered. What occurred was largely a mechanism of continuity, cultural translation, functional transformation and reinterpretation. Tengrism did not disappear upon encountering Islam; rather, it persisted within the conceptual framework and doctrinal structure of the new religion, continuing to exist at the level of symbolic codes, behavioural patterns, and ways of perceiving the world. This continuity can be observed beyond official written sources and doctrinal fields, in the deep layers of oral and semi-oral cultural forms that carry social memory, such as epics, legends, anecdotes, folk beliefs, ritual practices and the mythology of everyday life (Eliade 2003; Roux 1994). This demonstrates that conversion is not merely a theological event, but also a profound process of cultural adaptation and synthesis.

The mechanisms of this transformation and transmission are particularly evident in the literature and narrative tradition of the transition period. Texts such as the Book of Dede Korkut, which bear traces of the Islamisation process and blend old epic motifs with new religious ones, are among the most vivid examples of this synthesis. In these texts, the hero turning to ‘God’ in times of difficulty, on the battlefield or when taking an oath formally reflects Islamic belief in ‘Allah’, but an examination of the tone, context and function of these invocations reveals deep continuity with the concept of Gök Tengri in the old Turkic belief system. Frequently used expressions and epithets in the texts emphasise the divine power’s absolute, universal, sublime and destiny-determining nature, such as ‘the most exalted of the exalted, the Almighty God’ and ‘the Great God’ (M. Ergin 2005). God is depicted not only as a being to be worshipped, but also as a transcendent, interventionist power ruling the universe and social order, determining the fate of war, granting divine favour to the ruler and overseeing the moral order. This depiction coincides with the Islamic theological understanding of Allah, but it also bears traces of the Sky God belief, particularly in terms of God’s active and decisive role in the earthly order (İnan 1986; Ögel 1995).

One of the central concepts that constitute the theological continuity of Tengrism is kut, which lies at the heart of Tengrism’s understanding of political legitimacy and cosmological order. In ancient Turkic political and mythological thought, ‘kut’ was a divine gift and cosmic energy that determined the legitimacy of rulers, the power of heroes, and the fate of individuals. However, it underwent a terminological shift in the post-Islamic period. It began to be expressed in Islamic literature using terms such as ‘inayet’ (favour), ‘tevfîk’ (divine guidance), ‘devlet’ (state) or ‘Allah’s help’. However, its fundamental function and social meaning were preserved: its role as the source of divine favour and legitimacy remained unchanged. The success or failure of a bey or sultan was explained by whether or not they were granted “Allah’s help” (divine favour). Thus, the cosmic order and the concept of power originating from God in Tengrism have been reinterpreted within Islamic theology, maintaining their vitality in both political discourse and folkloric narratives (Kafesoğlu 1980; Roux 1994). The most concrete manifestations of this continuity can be observed in legends, anecdotes, and popular beliefs. The nature-centred concept of sacredness in Tengrism underwent a figurative transformation in the post-Islamic period and continued to exist.

Mountains, springs and sacred trees (such as oak, poplar and pine) were the abodes of Earth-Water/Yer-Su spirits in the old belief system. Great trees (such as beech, poplar and pine), rocks and caves were also considered sacred places and were associated with Earth-Water/Yer-Su spirits. During the Islamization process, these places were legitimised by being associated with the figures of veli, evliya or alp-eren, and their sacredness was cloaked in a new religious guise. Yatırlar, ziyaretgâhlar, wish trees and healing springs, which are common in Anatolia, are concrete examples of this symbolic transformation. A mountain summit is no longer the seat of an Earth-Water/Yer-Su spirit, but rather the resting place of a saint who is believed to be buried there, and a spring is seen as the work of a saint who ‘opened’ it. While this practice may seem to contradict strict monotheistic interpretations of Islam, at the level of popular piety, it preserves the old cosmological perception within a new religious framework (Ocak 1984). Thus, the eco-cultural heritage of Tengrism has become one of the fundamental elements shaping the religious landscape of Islamic Anatolia and Turkish geography.

The post-Islamic theological continuity of Tengrism should naturally not be viewed as a mere ‘relic’ or ‘superstition’, but rather as an indication of the resilience and adaptability of cultural memory. This process reveals that when societies adopt a new, universal religion, they do not erase their original worldviews and existential codes completely, but rather transform and restructure them within the new system, giving them new meaning and internalising them. Thus, Tengrism continues to be one of the deep structural layers of modern Turkish culture and religiosity.

The Islamisation of Turkic communities was not a sudden or uniform event, but a gradual process that unfolded between the 8th and 11th centuries through military encounters, trade networks, Sufi movements, and the political conversion of Turkic elites. The Volga Bulgars officially accepted Islam in 922 under Almış Khan, while the Karakhanids became the first major Muslim Turkic dynasty in Central Asia after the conversion of Satuk Bughra Khan in the 10th century (Barthold 1968; Golden 1992; Ocak 1984; Peacock 2019). Within this long process of religious and cultural transformation, many animistic and shamanic elements underwent a similar process of change and reinterpretation. For instance, a spring believed to have healing powers, a sacred stone or a tree would acquire a new narrative identity without being completely severed from their pre-Islamic animistic context. Such natural entities have been associated with miracles attributed to Hızır(the green-robed saint), Sarıkız (the golden-haired girl) or a saint striking the ground with his staff to bring forth water. This legitimises the sanctity attributed to a place or object through an Islamic figure and his extraordinary act (miracle), thereby transforming it into a place of legitimate pilgrimage in the minds of the people. A similar functional transfer can be seen in the social role of the shaman. In the post-Islamic period, the functions of the traditional Turkic shaman—such as healing illnesses, foretelling the future, fighting evil spirits, restoring cosmic balance, and mediating between the visible and invisible worlds—were partly transferred to ocaklı dedeler (hereditary spiritual healers), efsuncu babalar (sorcerer-healers), folk healers, and especially veli-dervish figures. In this respect, Dede Korkut may also be cited as a transitional example: in the Book of Dede Korkut, he appears not merely as a narrator, but as a wise elder, name-giver, ritual mediator, counsellor, and sacred spokesman whose functions resemble certain aspects of the shamanic-bardic authority in earlier Turkic tradition. His role in naming heroes, blessing social order, offering counsel, and interpreting crises demonstrates how earlier ritual and mediating functions were re-coded within an Islamicized epic framework. In this transition, the shamanic trance and ecstatic state became zikir and cezbe, respectively; communication with supernatural beings became the practice of seeking help from spirits or saints; and healing rituals were adorned with Islamic motifs, such as breath, amulets, prayers and spittle (M. Ergin 2005; Reichl 1992). The fundamental difference is that these activities are now defined and legitimised not as ‘shamanism’, but as ‘miracles’ bestowed by Allah upon his saintly servants (İnan 1986). In this context, folklore functions not only as a collection of narratives, but also as an active layer of cultural compromise and adaptation. In other words, the cosmic, natural, and human-centred understanding of sacredness in Tengrism is a mechanism that reproduces, packages, and presents the symbolic universe of the Islamic belief system to society. Folkloric narratives (epics, legends, tales and fairy tales) have ensured that old belief elements are integrated seamlessly without conflicting with the new religious structure. This enables the preservation and transmission of theological and cosmological codes hidden deep within the collective consciousness. For this reason, folklore has played a decisive role as a fundamental carrier of theological continuity and cultural memory in Turkish cultural history.

The tool that has undoubtedly ensured the survival of Tengrism throughout the ages and its continued presence in the collective memory is folkloric narratives and the everyday practices embedded within them. The continuity of Tengrism in post-Islamic Turkish folklore (understood here as Turkish culture and folklore in the period following the Turks’ conversion to Islam) is most clearly observed in folk beliefs and rituals. The practice of respecting ancestors and establishing a relationship with their spirits formed the basis of social and spiritual bonds in the ancient Turkic belief system. This practice changed form during the Islamization process, but continued to exist without losing its essence. This is not merely an expression of respect, but an active system of metaphysical exchange and of requesting help. The ancient Turk belief that ancestors’ spirits protected their lineage, helped in war and influenced individual destiny was reshaped after Islam into practices such as the cult of the grandfather/ancestor, the cult of the tomb/place of pilgrimage and seeking help from graves (Kaplan 2022). This transformation should not be understood as a simple abandonment of belief, but rather as a restructuring of sacredness and a search for metaphysical assistance within new religious symbolism and spatiality (mausoleums) (İnan 1986; Bayat 2024).

In this religious system, the protective, guiding and mediating function of ancestral spirits was transferred to the figures of the veli/evliya, martyr and ‘spiritual great’ in the post-Islamic period. Thus, the powerful metaphysical bond with ancestors was preserved and institutionalised under Islamic terminology (‘evliyaullah’, ‘erenler’). Typical examples of how the expectations of protection and guidance directed at ancestors in ancient Turkic societies continued through the pantheon of new sacred figures (evliyalar) and their shrines (türbeler) include practices such as making wishes, offering sacrifices (sacrificing animals or tying cloths), seeking healing and asking for help to overcome difficulties during tomb visits (Köse and Ayten 2010; Karacoşkun 2012, pp. 69–121).

A similar line of continuity is evident in protective and healing folk rituals. For instance, the ‘lead pouring’ ritual (kurşun döktürmek), which is widely practised in Anatolia today, originated as an ancient purification and defence spell. It is based on the belief that the sound, steam and shapes created by pouring hot metal scare away and repel evil spirits or energies that cause illness or the evil eye (Acıpayamlı 1962). During the post-Islamic period, this ancient and powerful practice was legitimised by combining it with Islamic elements, such as reciting the virtuous suras (chapters) of the Qur’an, such as the Fatiha, Ihlas, Yasin, Ayetel Kürsi, Felak and Nas, as well as various prayers. The intentions were framed within an Islamic context, relating to concepts such as the evil eye, witchcraft and envy (İnan 1986; Günaltay 1997; Karacoşkun 2012, pp. 69–121). The basic function of the ritual (purification from evil/illness) and its response to a fundamental psychological/sociological need (coping with uncontrollable fears) have remained unchanged; only the ritual’s explanatory cosmological language and frame of reference have been reconstructed using Islamic concepts and texts. This situation provides striking proof that religious continuity is achieved through practices that respond to concrete needs and the narratives that justify these practices rather than at the level of abstract beliefs.

The belief in ‘albastı’ or ‘al karısı’ (evil spirits), which are related to childbirth and the postpartum period, is one of the most striking examples of continuity. It has been transferred from Shamanism—the practical dimension of Tengrism—to the post-Islamic folkloric universe. In ancient Turkic beliefs, albastı was imagined as an evil female entity that afflicted postpartum women and newborn babies, making them sick, cutting off their milk or causing their death. During the Islamic period, it began to be largely explained by identifying it with the concept of jinn. The widespread belief in ‘Al’ across a vast geographical area, from the Yellow Sea to the Balkans and from the Urals to Khorasan, and the similarity of its functions, proves that this demonic entity is distinct within Turkish communities. Furthermore, the fact that the belief in Al generally refers to entities that afflict women who have not yet given birth, babies, and sometimes pregnant women, brides, grooms, men, travellers, and horses, and that these entities are known by the terms Al, Albastı, Al Karısı, Al Anası, and Al Kızı, proves that this is a syncretic entity” (Bayat 2007b, p. 322). Thus, a demonological figure from old animistic and shamanic cosmologies has become a familiar and legitimate element of Islamic cosmology (the unseen world, jinn and devils).

Protective practices have also evolved in parallel, blending ancient apotropaic (evil-warding) objects such as iron, onions, and garlic with Islamic motifs, as well as the recitation of protective suras (Felak-Nas), the burning of rue incense, the writing of amulets, and the recitation of the basmala. Thus, although the perception of threat (evil entities) and the basic need for protection remained unchanged, the conceptual framework of this threat and the source of legitimacy of the defence tools used against it were Islamised.

From the perspective of religious anthropology and comparative religious history, this phenomenon should not be evaluated as a simple syncretic mixture of beliefs, but rather as a reinterpretation of the fundamental theological principles and cosmological categories of Tengrism that are highly aligned with the monotheistic and universal concepts of Islam. For instance, the concept of Tengri/God itself has been explicitly emphasised in post-Islamic oral tradition, and its qualities as creator, lawgiver, determiner of destiny and provider of ultimate justice bear a deep resemblance to Islam’s conception of Allah. This structural and functional similarity has paved the way for the preservation, adoption and transmission of ancient beliefs without causing significant conflict or cognitive dissonance in the collective folkloric consciousness (Kafesoğlu 1980; Roux 1994; Bayat 2007b). Therefore, Tengrism’s pure monotheistic and morally order-centred character provided a natural and harmonious basis for the integration of Islamic theology rather than confronting it.

The theological continuity of Tengrism in post-Islamic Turkish folklore is particularly evident in the belief that the cosmos operates within a divine order; that destiny (yazgı) is determined by a higher will; that power (kut) is of divine origin; and that ultimate justice (törü/törö) exists. In late epics, folk tales (such as Kerem and Aslı and Âşık Garip) and proverbs, the source of success, power, heroism and social legitimacy is clearly linked to divine will. However, this will is no longer expressed through the name Tengri, but rather through concepts reflecting Islamic predestination, such as ‘Allah’s will’, ‘fate’, ‘destiny’, ‘fate’ and ‘predestination’. This linguistic transformation strongly indicates that Tengrism’s political theology and understanding of destiny continued by deeply merging with and localising the Islamic doctrine of destiny and predestination (Ögel 1995; Kafesoğlu 1980).

All types of folklore, such as epics, fairy tales, legends, anecdotes, folk songs, lullabies and riddles, have served as vital intermediary mechanisms, softening, concretising and translating the rigid and abstract doctrinal aspects of new religious beliefs into everyday life. This preserves social memory and cultural identity by transforming them within a continuum without allowing for any rupture. During this process, Tengrism did not dissolve and disappear within Islam; on the contrary, it played a decisive role in forming a distinctive character that could be termed ‘Turkish Islam’ or ‘Folk Islam’, facilitating Islam’s adoption of a local, national, human and spiritual tone in Anatolia and Turkish regions. This continuity should not be interpreted as a weakness of faith, a departure from purity, or doctrinal corruption, but rather as a clear manifestation of a culture’s deep structural resilience and flexible capacity for adaptation in order to preserve its identity (Bayat 2021).

The sacred, protective, fertility-based and life-celebrating theological framework of the ancient Turks’ religious system did not disappear in post-Islamic folkloric culture. Rather, it underwent profound transformation through channels that did not directly conflict with mainstream Islamic doctrine, but which could be seen as its complement or local manifestation. This continuity is particularly evident in popular beliefs and practices concentrated in the most critical and sensitive areas of life, such as birth, childbirth, child health, marriage, death, agriculture, and soil fertility. In the post-Islamic period, the cosmic protection, life-giving power and spiritual bond with ancestors in Tengrism were reinterpreted around the themes of ‘intercession’, ‘the cult of saints’, ‘sacred motherhood’ (motifs of Fatima and Mary) and ‘divine/saintly sources of fertility’. Thus, the fundamental function of the ancient belief-the mission of protecting, sustaining and giving meaning to life-continued to exist as an integral part of folkloric memory and everyday piety within a completely new language and symbolism of sacredness (Bayat 2021). This situation also provides striking proof that religion is not merely a set of beliefs, but a living cultural and psychological adaptation system. Another striking feature of this historical process is that Tengrism was essentially founded on an understanding of moral and cosmic order rather than detailed ritual codes, and that this core structure has largely been preserved in the post-Islamic period.

In the ancient Turkic belief system, the Sky God was not only a creative being, but also a force that controlled universal order, justice and human behaviour. After the adoption of Islam, this concept was re-expressed through folkloric narratives centring on universal themes such as justice, balance, trials, benevolence and divine intervention rather than formal rules of worship (Bezertinov 2000, pp. 35–78).

In post-Islamic Turkish folklore, many stories and legends centre on the concept of destiny and divine justice, focusing on the individual’s moral attitude. In these narratives, heroes or ordinary people are punished for violating the code of conduct-that is, behaviour that is considered correct, legitimate and in harmony with cosmic law-and rewarded with divine grace for acting justly, virtuously and moderately. This structure demonstrates the integration of the ethical and social order, stemming from the central concept of law in Tengrism, with Islam’s system of morality and justice, which is perpetuated in social memory through folklore (Bayat 2005, pp. 70–107). In this context, folklore functions as both an area of oral culture producing narratives and a mechanism for transmitting morality, reintroducing the ethical core of Tengrism through Islamic concepts. Divine intervention in human life is absolute and inevitable in post-Islamic narratives, as it was in Tengrism. However, this intervention is now explained in terms of Allah’s will, wisdom, and justice rather than Tengri’s. Thus, the old understanding of cosmic order has gained continuity within the theological language of the new religion (Eliade 2003).

The persistence of Tengrism in post-Islamic folklore should not be dismissed simplistically as an ‘archaic remnant’ or an ‘impure deviation of popular piety’. On the contrary, it is an important anthropological phenomenon, showing how major religions have been internalised and localised within the social and cultural fabric throughout history and produced new theological and cultural continuities by entering into dialogue with deep-rooted belief patterns (Ocak 1984). Within this framework, folklore can be seen as a dynamic memory space operating within rigid doctrinal structures. It removes old belief systems from explicit theological discourse, enabling them to transform into an implicit, symbolic layer of meaning within the new religion.

While the belief system of ancient Turkic communities contains a monotheistic structure at its core, it also presents a multi-layered worldview that includes deep symbolism regarding cosmology, nature, and human–society relations. However, the Creator does not fully intervene in the management of the universe and the daily lives of people after creating this universe in one go. Similarly, he does not directly intervene in everything, as the deities of Semitic religions do. In this case, as stated in the inscriptions, the Turkish god occupies a special position. According to the Orkhon inscriptions, cosmic order, social structure formation, and human fate depend solely on the Sky God (M. Ergin 1988).

Following the adoption of Islam, this system did not disappear entirely, but rather changed form and continued to exist, particularly within the deep layers of oral culture and popular piety. Consequently, fundamental concepts such as the theological framework of Tengrism, the conception of sacredness, the protective principle, sacred space and moral order can be traced through reinterpretation within the Islamic symbolic universe (Roux 1994; Ögel 1995; Bayat 2007a, pp. 212–65). These mechanisms of transformation and continuity are a critical area of study for understanding how belief permeates everyday practices and collective consciousness through folkloric narratives. Consequently, the presence of Tengrism in post-Islamic Turkish folklore should not be viewed as dissolution or weakening, but rather as a robust indication of cultural memory’s capacity for transformation within continuity and the historical adaptability of belief systems.

3.3. The Theological Function of Tengrism in the Context of Implicit Theology, Living Religion, and Folk Religion

Throughout history, traditional religious historiography has generally depicted the Islamization of Turkish societies as a sharp and sudden theological break. According to this perspective, pre-Islamic beliefs were either completely abandoned or reduced to marginal remnants that lost their function within popular culture. However, these interpretations, which focus on doctrine, institutions and texts, fail to explain the continuity of religion at the social and individual levels. Furthermore, this approach, which focuses on formal religious norms and written theology, tends to overlook the fact that folklore is a field of knowledge that preserves and reproduces belief.

Modern religious anthropology and sociology argue that religion is not merely theoretical debates in sacred texts, but is instead shaped by everyday practices, symbolic narratives and rituals. As Eliade (2003) emphasised, the manifestation of the sacred (hierophany) is not only found in high theological circles, but also in the ways of life and mythological conceptions of ordinary people. The concepts of ‘implicit theology’, ‘lived religion’, and ‘folk religion’ help us to understand how faith is experienced by people independently of official authorities. In this context, Turkish folklore is not merely a secondary embellishment that conveys faith; rather, it is the main artery that preserves its ontological and moral essence.

3.3.1. Implicit Theology and Cosmic Continuity

Implicit theology refers to beliefs about the nature of the divine, the relationship between humans and God, and the universal order that continue to exist within cultural practices without the use of systematic theological language or conceptual definitions. In the cultural geography of post-Islamic Turkey, Tengrism has not manifested itself as an open challenge, but rather as an underlying layer of meaning. In other words, in folkloric narratives such as epics, fairy tales, laments and proverbs, there are no theoretical discussions about Tengri’s existence or attributes. However, God is constantly active as a transcendent will that distributes justice, tests humans, bestows favours and maintains universal balance (the cosmos). The moral and cosmic functions of the ancient ‘Gök Tengri’ conception have entered into deep semantic harmony with the concept of ‘Allah’ during the Islamic period. In the popular imagination, the absolute will of God and the decree of Allah have taken on a complementary structure within the framework of ‘Folk Religion’.

As Laruelle (2021) also points out, this implicit theology in Turkish folklore differs from the rigid hierarchy and rule-based structure of institutional religious organisations such as madrasas and official Fiqh institutions. Here, belief is based on harmony with nature. The basic teaching is that humans are part of nature, not separate from it. At the same time, it encourages a more internal and intuitive form of religiosity, free from institutional pressure. To trace the influence of Tengrism in post-Islamic Turkish folklore, it must be accepted not as the ‘remnants of an old religion’, but as an intuitive theological field that continues to provide a sense of the cosmic order in the deepest layers of social memory-a living, evolving entity. This belief system continues to determine people’s daily ethical compass, based on values rather than dogmas.

3.3.2. Lived Religion or the Theology of Everyday Experience

McGuire (2008) developed the concept of ‘lived religion’, which aims to understand religion not only through institutional doctrines, official worship and texts, but also through how individuals and communities experience it in their daily lives, how they embody it through bodily practices and how they give it meaning in their daily struggles. This approach focuses on rituals, personal prayers, offerings, personal relationships with sacred places and the role of the body in religious experiences. Orsi (2005) defines this approach as the practical, emotional and relational worlds that people construct ‘between heaven and earth’.

Post-Islamic Turkish culture clearly demonstrates how core beliefs inherited from Tengrism are preserved and reproduced in everyday experiences and practices. In folkloric narratives (such as laments, rhymes, stories and legends) and everyday discourse, themes such as justice, fate, luck, trials, divine intervention and kut are much more dominant and meaningful than the formal rules of official worship. Breaks in an individual’s life, such as illness, death, failure or war, are interpreted in terms of harmony or disharmony with the divine order-a framework synthesised from ancient customs and Islamic morality. In this way, folklore becomes a fundamental vehicle that shapes the moral and existential dimensions of religion, which are felt and experienced in everyday life and provide guidance.

3.3.3. Folk Religion and the Creative Dynamics of Localization

From the perspective of traditional religious studies and theology, the concept of ‘folk religion’ has often been dismissed as a ‘deviation from official religion’, ‘corruption’, or ‘incomplete belief’. However, contemporary religious historians and anthropologists treat this concept as a vital process that demonstrates how major religions were internalised and reinterpreted when they encountered local cultures, taking on unique forms in the process. Roux (1994), for example, emphasises that there was no absolute break in the Turks’ acceptance of Islam, but rather a profound functional and symbolic transformation. Consequently, fundamental Tengrist concepts such as respect for ancestors, the sanctity of natural spaces, guardian spirits, good spirits, the expectation of abundance and divine justice were reinterpreted within the symbolic universe of Islam (saints, miracles, intercession and destiny). Importantly, these concepts have not lost their functional essence (protection, guidance, legitimacy and the search for meaning). On the contrary, these essences continue to exist in a vibrant way within the realm of ‘folk religion’ through practices such as tomb visits, wishing trees, lead casting and amulet traditions. This situation requires us to view Tengrism not as an ‘archaic remnant’ but as the product of a creative, dialogical and dynamic interaction between Islam and Turkish culture. It is primarily in folklore that this interaction takes place, enabling the old belief to persist as an implicit but active cultural and theological memory within the new religion.

When these three theoretical approaches (syncretism, lived religion and folk religion) are considered together, the role of religious folklore becomes apparent. It is neither a passive field of relics that preserves elements from the past mechanically, nor a simple syncretic mosaic that is merely a superficial mixture of different beliefs. Rather, it is an active, creative and mediating cultural space that transforms Tengrism from an explicit, institutionalised theological system into an implicit theology and moral intuition within Islamic symbolism and everyday practices.

Thanks to this mediating function, Turkish Islam has been able to establish a unique and balanced synthesis between universal Islamic theology and the Turks’ historical, geographical and cultural experience. Consequently, folklore is not merely a collection of narratives; it is a central analytical category for understanding the historical continuity and transformation of belief systems. It is also the most vital archive of Turkish religious thought and identity history. This archive bears traces of lived experience, hope, fear and the search for meaning, rather than doctrines.

Ultimately, post-Islamic Turkish folklore has created a unique field of thought that preserves the moral and cosmic core of Tengrism at the level of folk religion and lived religion, without producing explicit theological discourse. This has elevated folklore from a secondary cultural element to a central analytical category in understanding the historical continuity of belief systems. The concept of implicit theology provides a theoretical framework through which this process can be explained, clearly demonstrating the indispensable role of folklore in understanding the dynamics of continuity and transformation in Turkish belief history.

The tradition in which Tengrism is most widely preserved in its implicit theological context is that of the Alevis-Bektashis. This tradition has served as a syncretic corridor in the Islamisation of the Turks, preserving ancient belief systems at a structural level and reformatting them within a new religious framework. Here, the transformation took the form of the transmission of deep theological principles and ritual codes rather than a mere folkloric mixture.

This continuity is most evident in the understanding of sacred space and nature. The symbolic movements in cem ceremonies and the sanctity attributed to natural elements (mountains, trees and water) can be considered a ritual projection of the ancient Earth-Water/Yer-Su cult. Similarly, pilgrimage and offering practices centred on places such as mountains, springs or rocks, while technically linked to a saint cult, continue the functional patterns (seeking healing or blessings) of the old nature-centred understanding of sacredness.

Secondly, a parallel can be seen in the field of political theology and leadership legitimacy. The motif of the “Council of Forty” (Kırklar Meclisi), a foundational narrative motif in Alevi-Bektashi mythology, refers to a sacred assembly of forty spiritual figures associated with collective authority, ritual equality, initiation, and the transmission of esoteric knowledge. Within Alevi-Bektashi belief, this motif functions not merely as a mythological scene, but as a symbolic model of spiritually sanctioned communal authority. In this respect, it may be compared with the ancient Turkic kurultay tradition and the concept of charismatic authority (kut), insofar as both express the idea that legitimate leadership is grounded in a sacred or supra-individual source. The institution of dedelik/mürşidlik has gained legitimacy through Islamic and Sufi reinterpretations of concepts such as kut, erenlik, and keramet, and has perpetuated a model of leadership sourced from the divine (Mélikoff 1993; Ocak 1996; Yaman 2007).

The third and most prominent transmission has been through ritual performance and sacred figures. In terms of its origin, the semah ritual is associated with the ecstatic spinning movements and symbolic dances of shamanic rites, demonstrating continuity in the use of the body as a means of religious expression. Similarly, Hızır—a saintly and immortal helper figure in Islamic and Turkish folk belief, often associated with rescue, fertility, renewal, water, greenery, and sudden aid to those in need—overlaps significantly with white-bearded wise beings and shamanic journey motifs in ancient Turkic narratives (Ocak 1990).

Within the context of Tengrism, the Alevi-Bektashi tradition can be analysed as a dynamic system that preserves and reproduces the theological and practical elements of this belief system within an Islamic framework. This system preserves ancient motifs in the ritual and symbolic layers and associates them with the figures of evliya/veli in the new religion. Ultimately, it presents an integration model that provides the community with both religious legitimacy and cultural continuity. Therefore, this tradition has functioned not only as religious heterodoxy, but also as a carrier of deep cultural memory. Furthermore, Alevi-Bektashi folklore acts as a ‘syncretic corridor’ that can engage in dialogue with both Islamic theological discourse and local cosmological memory (Yaman 2007). Alevi ritual forms, such as cem ceremonies, deyiş songs and nefes chants, contain references to Tengrism through nature-focused symbols, an emphasis on sacred spaces and origin myths.

3.4. The Alevi-Bektashi Tradition: Folkloric and Implicit Theological Continuity

The Alevi-Bektashi written and oral literature and its heterodox narrative world is undoubtedly one of the most productive and complex areas for tracing the continuity and transformation of the Tengrist worldview of the ancient Turkic peoples in the period following the Turks’ conversion to Islam. Developing outside the central Sunni doctrine and institutional structure, this tradition exhibits a powerful syncretic nature, incorporating and transforming pre-Islamic local beliefs, mythology and practices (Ocak 1996). The nature-based understanding of sacredness, the cult of the veli/evliya, collective worship rituals (cem) and the rich oral narrative tradition have functioned as a dynamic cultural corridor enabling the preservation, reinterpretation and perpetuation of elements originating from Tengrism.

This continuity can be explained as a process of symbolic transformation and recoding rather than as simple borrowing or eclecticism. The fundamental motifs and cosmological categories of ancient Turkic beliefs have persisted not as explicit doctrinal claims, but rather in the deep layers of symbolic language, ritual bodily practices and metaphorical narratives. Furthermore, these symbols and practices have gained legitimacy and been internalised by being associated with recognised sacred figures (e.g., Hacı Bektaş Veli, Abdal Musa, Kaygusuz Abdal) or events of the Islamic period. Conversely, Islamic discourse and Sufi terminology have endowed these ancient practices with new meaning, depth, and meta-narrative. By embracing this creative synthesis, the community has gained legitimacy under the universal umbrella of the new religion (Islam), while also guaranteeing the continuity of its original cultural memory and identity.

The most concrete manifestation of this model is seen in the central role of the tomb, hearth and shrine cult, as mentioned above. Practices such as offering sacrifices, making wishes, seeking healing and tying cloth at places of pilgrimage, such as the head of a spring, under a large tree or next to a rock, are technically attributed to a saint. However, functionally, they continue the patterns of ancient Earth-Water/Yer-Su (nature spirits) and ancestor cults (Kaplan 2022). Similarly, the ritual discipline of cem ceremonies, circular turning (semah), music (baglama/saz) and ecstatic states show close affinities with shamanic-origin collective trance, religious ceremonies and forms of bodily expression. This ensures the transmission of ritual memory and the collective unconscious through bodily forms across generations (Mélikoff 1993). Furthermore, oral literature, particularly nefeses, deyişes, and laments, is where this process finds its most refined, profound, and systematic expression. These folkloric and esoteric texts are not merely literary or musical creations; they carry an implicit theology that exists outside the official written theology and language of Fiqh yet is deeply rooted in collective consciousness and the spiritual world. In this sense, the Alevi-Bektashi tradition functions as a syncretic corridor in which ritual performance and oral literature operate together as carriers of cultural memory. Cem ceremonies, semah, nefes, and deyiş do not merely preserve earlier motifs at the level of content; they also reproduce them performatively through sound, bodily movement, poetic language, and communal participation. Therefore, the continuity of Tengrist symbolic structures within the Alevi-Bektashi tradition should be understood not only as textual survival, but also as embodied and performed memory. In Alevi-Bektashi nefes, the relationship between God, humans, nature and the universe is expressed through symbolism and metaphorical language which largely coincides with the fundamental principles of Tengrism rather than the abstract concepts of Fiqh or kalam.

Frequently explored themes in Alevi-Bektashi nefes, such as unity (cosmic unity), divine justice (hak), sacred order (törü/törö), kut (divine grace) and the personification of nature, demonstrate that the ontological and ethical framework of Tengrism is reproduced through Sufi mysticism. Images such as mountains, stars, the moon, the sun, water, trees and fire are not merely ornate metaphors, but rather function as living spaces in which the sacred manifests itself, enabling the human spirit to connect with it. For instance, in Yunus Emre’s “Hak bir gönül verdi bana, ha demeden hayran olur/Bir dem gelir şâdân olur, bir dem gelir giryan olur” (The Truth gave me a heart; it falls in awe without a word.

At times it becomes joyful, at times it weeps in sorrow) (Gölpınarlı 1943, p. 284), the heart cult can be seen as an individual and internal manifestation of kut in ancient Turkic belief. Therefore, Alevi-Bektashi folklore and its oral poetry tradition offer a unique insight into how theological continuity operated during the transition from Tengrism to Islam. This continuity was preserved through the language of experience rather than doctrine, speech rather than writing, and the heart rather than the mind. Here, the theological core of the ancient faith continues to exist as a living, breathing and ever-evolving memory within the symbolic universe of poetry, music and ritual without becoming a rigid, dogmatic formula. This is also the most convincing proof that folklore is an active and meaningful force in the transformation of belief systems, as well as a carrier.

The nefes and deyiş, the cornerstones of the Alevi-Bektashi community’s oral and written literature, are rich texts revealing the implicit presence, resistance and creative transformation of Tengrism in the post-Islamic period. Operating outside official doctrinal discourse and institutional religious language, these poems actively shape the theological imagination of the people, keeping ancient concepts and patterns of feeling alive within a new religious and aesthetic language. This poetic theology expresses not only individual faith, but also becomes the bearer of collective identity, historical memory and the quest for social justice.

Many of Yunus Emre’s poems are a universal and humanistic expression of this synthesis. For instance, the lines ‘With mountains and stones/I call upon you, my Lord’ (Tatcı 2021, p. 336) shift the focus of divine contemplation from the individual to a dialogical and living network that encompasses the entire cosmos. Here, mountains and rocks are not merely silent, passive elements of nature, but sacred subjects that bear witness to the unity of the Creator (tawhid), participate in His order and exalt Him. This approach corresponds directly to the understanding of nature as a living, sacred whole, and to the organic relationship that humans establish with it. This forms the basis of the Earth-Water/Yer-Su (Nature Spirits) cult in Tengrism. In Yunus’s theology, God is a transcendent being constantly manifested in nature, yet also transcending it. This dual quality bears a deep parallel with Tengri’s status as both the source of internal order (cosmos) and an absolute, transcendent power above it.

This concept, observed in Yunus Emre’s poetry, is also evident in the works of Pir Sultan Abdal. In Pir Sultan Abdal’s nefes, theological continuity is expressed on a sociopolitical and messianic plane.

Unless otherwise indicated, all English translations of Turkish poetic excerpts in this article are by the authors. The following expressions in the poem emphasize the idea that the ultimate source of authority and legitimacy is divine will and grace:

“Hak’tan inayet olursa,

Şah Urum’a gele bir gün.

Gazada bu Zülfikar’ı,

Kâfirlere çala bir gün.”

(If God grants His favor,

One day Shah Urum will come.

In battle, this Zülfikar,

One day will strike the infidels.)

“Hep devşire gele iller,

Şah’a köle ola kullar,

Rum’da ağlayan sefiller,

Şad ola da güle bir gün.”

(Öztelli 2004, pp. 137–38)

(The lands will always be conquered,

The people will be slaves to the Shah,

The wretched ones weeping in Rum,

May they be happy and smile one day.)

This is a reinterpretation of the Tengrist concept of ‘kut’-the divine gift of governing authority and fortune-within an Islamic context, particularly in relation to the expectation of the Mahdi/lost Imam in the Shiite-Imami and Alevi faiths. Here, however, kut has transformed into a claim of moral and spiritual authority based on truth (hak), justice and the liberation of the oppressed rather than on abstract political power. Leadership (Shah) is no longer considered a worldly power, but rather a responsibility for salvation based on divine command (Hak’s grace). This shows how ancient Turkic political theology has been revived in the language of resistance and hope of an oppressed community.

The poems attributed to Shah Hatayi reveal the ontological and cosmological dimensions of this synthesis.

“Allah bir, Muhammed hak, Tanrı birdir

Erenler üstünde balkır bir nurdur

Cennet-i âlâda bir dergah vardır

Biz de ol dergahtan ayrılmayalım”

(S. N. Ergun 1956, p. 62)

(God is one, Muhammad is true, God is one

A light shines upon the saints

There is a sanctuary in the highest paradise

Let us not depart from that sanctuary)

This quatrain by Shah Hatayi seems to be a straightforward expression of monotheism, but it actually represents a multi-layered transformation: the deliberate use of the word ‘God’ preserves the ancient concept of Tengri in linguistic memory, while equating it with ‘Allah’ situates it within an Islamic context. ‘A light shines upon the saints’ and ‘There is a sanctuary in the highest heaven’ describe the manifestation of the sacred through the metaphors of supernatural light (nur) and institutional space (dergah). This clearly expresses the transfer of the concepts of light (yaruk) and sacred space (ıduk yer) from Tengrism to Sufi terminology. The poem emphasises the central and sacred position of humans in creation. This is closely related to anthropocosmic thought in Tengrism-that humans are a conscious part of, representative of, and protector of the cosmic order, acting as a microcosm of the universe. In ancient tradition, the Khan was Tengri’s sole representative on earth, but here, this representation and blessing have evolved into the ideal of the perfect human being. This concept has expanded from a distinguished political role to a universal, spiritual state of existence that encompasses the potential of all humanity (Ocak 1996). The dergah now symbolises the unity between the cosmos and humanity, representing both the heavenly paradise and the initiatic community on Earth.

In this context, Alevi-Bektashi nefes and deyiş embrace the profound teachings of Islamic Sufism on unity, love and the perfect human being while continuing to embody fundamental Tengrist principles such as the sanctity of nature, the concept of kut, cosmic order (törü/törö, later Turkish: töre) and the active role of humans in the cosmos through symbolic poetic language. These texts are living proof that theological continuity is achieved not through rigid doctrinal formulas, but through a flexible, multilayered and emotionally charged whole of poetic imagery and ritual practices. Thus, the essence of the ancient Turkic worldview continues to endure beneath the guise of a new religion. This poetic tradition reminds us that religious experience is a living dialogue established not only with the mind, but also with the heart, nature and history.

These folkloric texts demonstrate how the fundamental theological elements of Tengrism-the sanctity of nature, divine legitimacy and the cosmic role of humans-were deepened and transformed within an Islamic-mystical discourse. The nefes and deyiş served as a living memory and channel of transmission that ensured this continuity.

Alevi-Bektashi nefesler are foundational texts that demonstrate how Tengrism persisted as an implicit theology during the post-Islamic era. This poetic form conveys the structural elements of the ancient faith within a new symbolic language and mystical framework. In this transmission, the themes of sacred femininity and protectiveness are particularly prominent. In the nefes, the female figure is often sanctified through references to figures such as ‘Kadıncık Ana’ (Mother Woman), ‘ana-bacı’ (mother-sister), ‘ocak’ (hearth) and ‘bereket’ (blessing). These images are associated with the protective feminine principle in Tengrism, demonstrating functional continuity. Following the arrival of Islam, the sacred feminine emerged as a new symbolic carrier and continued to be defined in poetic-theological texts through cosmic and social roles. This shows that the continuity of Umay and Fatma Ana is preserved not only in legends and rituals, but also in poetic-theological texts (Bayat 2007b).

Secondly, the concept of sacred space is powerfully reproduced in the language of the nefes. Images frequently encountered in the poems, such as ‘threshold’, ‘door’, ‘stone’, ‘mountain’, and ‘dergah’, represent not only physical places, but also theological spaces where contact is made with the divine and the transcendent is manifested. This symbolism expresses the mountain-, rock-, and water-centred conception of sacredness in Tengrism in Islamic-mystical language. Thus, the nefes poetically legitimise and imbue meaning to this ancient sacredness attributed to natural elements within a new belief system.

The third, and most comprehensive, example of theological continuity is evident in the fundamental worldview reflected in the poems of Alevi-Bektashi poets. This point can be summarised as follows:

In Yunus Emre’s poems, the call to God is expressed as a cosmic dialogue with mountains and stones. This profoundly reflects the belief in Tengrism that nature has a sacred essence and that humans are part of this unity.

In Pir Sultan Abdal’s deyiş, authority is represented as ‘the decree received from God’. This represents a shift in the Tengrist concept of ‘kut’-the heavenly source of governing authority-towards a spiritual principle of legitimacy inherent in the pursuit of truth and justice rather than political power.

The concept of the ‘perfect’ and ‘robed’ human being emphasised in Hatayi’s nefeses reflects an anthropocosmic thought. Rather than being seen as passive parts of the cosmic order, human beings are positioned as its conscious representatives and bearers. This evolved idea is based on the concept of Tengri’s representation on earth.

In conclusion, Alevi-Bektashi nefes texts are much more than just a form of folk literature; they carry a theological memory. They clearly demonstrate that the transition from Tengrism to Islam was not just a historical event, but a dynamic process of meaning-making that is continually reproduced through cultural memory and symbolic language. Nefes texts have played a vital role in ensuring this continuity by transferring ancient theological principles, such as sacred femininity, sacred space and divine legitimacy, as well as the cosmic role of humans, into the mystical and poetic universe of the new religion.

4. Conclusions

This study has revealed that Tengrism, a belief system that has endured for millennia, is not static or rigid; rather, it is a dynamic theological foundation that lives on in cultural memory, constantly transforming and being reinterpreted. The ancient Turks’ cosmological conception, in which they coded the sky as a dome, the Earth as a mother and nature as a living organism, is not merely a ‘starting point’, but the very essence of continuity throughout their thousand-year journey. Throughout this historical process, Tengrism has evolved into a belief system that maintains its vitality by permeating social memory and daily practices rather than persisting as an explicit, written dogma. The work naturally examines the theological structure of the Sky God religion, its transformation into modern times, continuity and cultural interactions, adopting an interdisciplinary approach.

Indeed, the processes of Islamisation and Christianisation did not eradicate this ancient system, but rather resulted in a process of transformative adaptation. While the visible theological language changed, deeper layers reveal that Umay Ana evolved into ‘female saints’, the spirits of Earth and Water into ‘nature shrines’, and cults of sacred trees and mountains into pirs. This transformation proves that religious life was shaped not only by doctrines ‘from above’, but also by experiences and practices ‘from below’ (lived religion). It is at this point that the analysis of ‘implicit theology’, an important conceptual contribution of this study, comes into play. Though outside the official discourse, this concept has revealed the patterns of belief that crystallise in the religious perceptions and practices of the people—unspoken, yet deeply felt.

The most striking and systematic manifestation of implicit theology is found in the Alevi-Bektashi tradition, as seen in this research. Evaluations of the Alevi-Bektashi tradition reveal one of the most prominent examples of implicit theological continuity with Tengrism. The nature-centred understanding of sacredness evident in Alevi-Bektashi nefes (songs) and ritual practices, the horizontal relationship model between humans, the universe and God, and the concept of cosmic justice bear striking similarities to the Tengri worldview. This tradition is not only a heterodox interpretation of Islam, but also a space in which Tengrism is reimagined through Islamic language and symbolism. The sanctity of all elements of nature, a sense of horizontal belonging to the universe, the search for the manifestation of God in nature and the grounding of the concept of justice in a cosmic foundation are all strong indicators of this continuity. In this context, the Alevi-Bektashi tradition provides a “key” to understanding the historical depth and layered structure of ancient Turkic religious thought.

Ultimately, although Tengrism shows signs of revival today as an ethno-religious identity, its lasting impact persists in the collective subconscious of modern Turkish societies through their folklore, epics, lullabies, certain ritual remnants and intuitive relationship with nature. This impact is not so much embedded in the dusty shelves of history, but rather in the cloth tied to a visiting stone in the Turkish world, the peace felt during a visit to the mountains, and the respect expressed in the deyiş ‘Gök Baba, Yer Ana’ (Sky Father, Earth Mother).

The hypotheses presented in the methodology section of this study were based on the assumption that Tengrism was a systematic and holistic theological worldview in ancient Turkic societies, and that after the adoption of Islam it did not disappear completely, but continued to exist in latent form through folklore and culture. Phenomenological and hermeneutic analyses, along with comparative textual studies, confirm these hypotheses to a large extent. Fundamental theological elements of Tengrism, such as the concept of the cosmological order, the understanding of divine legitimacy centred on ‘kut’ and ‘törü/törö’, and the emphasis on fate and morality, have been observed to persist in transformed forms within post-Islamic Turkish folklore, popular religiosity and, in particular, the Alevi-Bektashi belief system. These findings demonstrate that Tengrism is a dynamic theological paradigm that lives on in Turkish cultural memory and is reinterpreted within new religious contexts, rather than being merely a historical belief system. They strongly confirm that Turkish religious history should be understood as a process of continuity and transformation rather than discontinuity.

The theoretical and cultural findings revealed by this study show that the historical continuity of Tengrism is not merely a phenomenon of the past. On the contrary, it exists as a dynamic universe of meaning reproduced in contemporary cultural, artistic and social contexts. In this framework, some basic suggestions to guide future research in line with the obtained findings are listed below:

• The concept of ‘implicit theology’ can be used to analyse how pre-Islamic beliefs interacted with Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and other religions across the vast geographical area stretching from the Turkic communities of Siberia to the Balkans and the Caucasus to the Middle East.
• This theoretical framework should be supported by ethnographic field research conducted in modern urban and rural environments. Systematic collection of contemporary folk practices, narratives and rituals can enrich concrete examples of implicit theology.
• Traces of Tengri motifs and themes can be found in modern Turkish literature, cinema, music and visual arts, and these can be explored within the context of literary texts and art forms. This reveals the aesthetic forms through which cultural memory is transmitted.
• The use of Tengrism as a reference point in the search for identity and spirituality among modern, either religious or secular, individuals can be examined from sociological and psychological perspectives, as well as through an interdisciplinary approach.
• Digital memory analysis of social media platforms, online forums, and digital content can be used to research modern debates, interpretations, and reconstruction processes related to the Sky God religion.

In summary, this article interprets Turkish religious history not as a collection of disconnected layers, but as a holistic structure shaped by continuous interaction and dialogue. As one of the most ancient and defining elements of this multi-layered structure, Tengrism is an indispensable key to understanding historical continuity and interpreting today’s religious and cultural dynamics.