3.1. Colonial Framework and Cultural Authority
Interpreting Saint Laurent’s relationship with Morocco demands engagement with the broader theoretical and historical structures that shape it. Central to this analysis is the question of cultural appropriation, a concept that has gained prominence in both academic and public discussions, particularly within the cultural and creative industries. The field of fashion studies has shown a growing commitment to examining the complex and often problematic aspects related to this phenomenon. Despite these scholarly advances, many questions remain unresolved, fueling ongoing academic debate and critical inquiry (
Piancazzo 2024). Discussions of cultural appropriation often evoke images of dominant groups adopting elements from marginalized cultures without acknowledgment, credit, or contextual understanding. The phrase “cultural appropriation” itself implies wrongdoing, as the terminology conveys an assumption that the act presents a clear case for moral condemnation (
Raustiala and Sprigman 2025). However, defining this phenomenon is inherently challenging due to its multidimensional nature and its grounding in the contested notion of culture itself. Within the social sciences, culture is a notoriously fluid and ambiguous term, lacking a singular, universally accepted definition. This conceptual vagueness makes it difficult to draw clear boundaries around when cultural appropriation begins or ends. The commonly cited definition of appropriation as “taking from a culture that is not one’s own” (
Cambridge Dictionary n.d.), is overly simplistic and raises more questions than it answers.
What makes cultural appropriation particularly difficult to address, however, is that it cannot be understood as an isolated or individual act. It is deeply embedded in broader structural inequalities shaped by long-standing Eurocentric epistemologies, colonial legacies, and institutional hierarchies of cultural legitimacy that have historically determined whose cultural expressions are valued, protected, and attributed. These histories imposed conceptual boundaries that reinforced a persistent dichotomy between the West and the rest, shaping distinctions in power, identity, and global positioning (
Lorusso 2019). Racial hierarchies were constructed to legitimize colonial conquest and gradually became embedded as structural organizing principles of the modern world, shaping systems of labor, cultural production, and knowledge according to assumptions of superiority and inferiority. Within such colonial systems, those rendered inferior were denied both a recognized history and a legitimate voice through which to represent themselves or claim authority over their own cultural expressions (
Spivak 1988). From this perspective, coloniality should not be understood as a past historical phase but as an ongoing logic that continues to structure the global order. Capitalism, patriarchy, and Eurocentrism are therefore not separate systems but interconnected components of a broader framework of domination. Within this context, the concept of the “coloniality of power” refers to the enduring global hierarchy that places Western perspectives at the center of political, economic, and epistemic authority (
Quijano 2000).
Particularly relevant to this discussion is Edward Said’s concept of Orientalism, a cornerstone of postcolonial theory that offers a critical framework for understanding how the West has historically represented the East not as it is, but as a constructed “Orient” through a projection of difference that reinforces Western superiority. Far from being objective or incidental, these representations reflect a deeply embedded system of thought rooted in Western epistemology. More than a collection of biased texts or colonial imagery, Orientalism is a discourse, not only tied to geography but also to a system of thought that constructs the “East” in opposition to a self-defined “West.” Through a persistent portrayal of Eastern societies as exotic, irrational, backward, and inferior, Orientalism has functioned as a structured discourse operating across literature, academia, art, travel writing, and popular media, legitimizing Western authority and reinforcing binary oppositions such as civilized/barbaric and modern/primitive, shaping how non-Western dress and cultural expressions continue to be interpreted and instrumentalized today (
Burney 2012).
Closely related to this is the concept of the Colonial Gaze, as theorized in postcolonial scholarship, which has functioned as an ideological apparatus through which the Global South has not simply been observed but actively classified and orientalized through a Eurocentric lens. This gaze was sustained by deep-seated prejudice and misrepresentations, reinforcing structural hierarchies by positioning colonized subjects and societies as the Other, constructed as irrational, inferior, or uncivilized (
Columpar 2002). These characterizations justified imperial, ideological, and cultural control under the guise of civilization or enlightenment, while simultaneously positioning the West as the universal standard of civilization, modernity, and aesthetic authority (
Lorusso 2019). Furthermore, the aestheticization and romanticization of the so-called ‘Oriental look’ were fundamentally Western constructions, produced for and consumed by Western audiences. The rise in imperialism during the nineteenth century created the conditions under which Western individuals could adopt Eastern dress without relinquishing their own cultural and religious identity. Rather than signaling openness or cross-cultural curiosity, such sartorial borrowing functioned as an expression of imperial power, a performative display of dominance, cosmopolitan prestige, and colonial conquest (
Kwon and Kim 2011).
These theoretical frameworks become particularly illuminating when applied to the institutional history of Western haute couture, a system in which aesthetic authority has long been concentrated within European structures that regulate value, authorship, and prestige. This asymmetrical logic of dominance extends beyond the formal end of colonial rule and continues to shape contemporary cultural industries, particularly those of Fashion. Clothing has played a central role in shaping Western systems of racial knowledge and in reflecting and solidifying distinctions of class, gender, and cultural affiliation (
Crane 2000). The development of Parisian haute couture in the late 19th century not only marked the professionalization of fashion design but also the institutionalization of a hierarchical system of cultural legitimacy. Exclusivity in haute couture, then, became not merely an incidental outcome of exceptional craftsmanship but a status actively constructed and regulated through institutional mechanisms. The Chambre Syndicale de la Haute Couture, established in 1868, functioned as the primary arbiter of aesthetic value, defining who could claim the title and under what conditions (
Palmer 2001). By doing so, it transformed fashion into a strictly organized and regulated field defined by formal criteria and standards, establishing a structural hierarchy that historically privileged Western aesthetic frameworks while simultaneously marginalizing the cultural expressions of the Other. Fashion systems outside the West were characterized as merely imitative, static, and limited to execution rather than invention, reduced to sources of inspiration or to a reservoir of skilled artisans. With the advent of production outsourcing, these regions became efficient implementers of Western ideas, reflecting a postmodern extension of the original Orientalist bias that denied them recognition as true authors (
Ling et al. 2019).
It is precisely against these enduring structures of Orientalist thought and colonial authority that decolonial frameworks have emerged as a critical response. Decoloniality emerges as a form of epistemic disobedience (
Mignolo 2011), seeking not merely to challenge coloniality from within its own terms but to detach from it altogether. It calls for the recovery of alternative ways of knowing and being that have been historically suppressed or rendered invisible by Western frameworks of knowledge (
de Sousa Santos 2002). In this sense, decolonial thought rejects the universal claims of modernity and instead affirms a plurality of epistemologies, cosmologies, and lived realities rooted in the Global South and other marginalized spaces. Central to this process is the ongoing project of “decolonizing the mind,” which involves constructing a sense of self beyond colonial frameworks, reclaiming the authority to narrate one’s own histories, and critically examining the persistence of colonial discourse in the present (
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o 1986). This process can be understood as a form of re-existence, through which knowledge, language, and identity are actively reclaimed from the lasting effects of colonial domination. Far from being purely theoretical, decoloniality represents a lived and collective struggle to dismantle both the epistemic and material legacies of an empire. Furthermore, the discourse of
decolonization has moved closer to fashion itself, working to uncover silenced voices and practices, to question the power structures behind what is celebrated as fashion, and to ensure that cultural exchange does not repeat patterns of exploitation. The extent to which these ideas have gained broader institutional traction is perhaps most visible in frameworks such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It establishes a normative framework that recognizes indigenous peoples’ rights to maintain, control, protect, and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, and cultural expressions. In particular, Articles 11 and 31 emphasize the protection of cultural manifestations, including designs and visual forms, and affirm the right to safeguard them against appropriation and misuse. Although not legally binding, the Declaration marks a significant shift in global recognition of cultural rights and highlights the ongoing tension between colonial legacies and emerging frameworks for cultural protection (
United Nations 2007). Similarly, the World Intellectual Property Organization, through its Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore, has been developing legal instruments to safeguard traditional cultural expressions and prevent their misappropriation. Although neither framework is legally binding, together they signal a growing global recognition that cultural expressions carry rights and value that extend beyond the purely aesthetic—and that their misappropriation cannot be treated as a neutral or consequence-free act (
World Intellectual Property Organization 2020).
Situated within this postcolonial analytical framework, and with full awareness of its limitations, this study approaches Saint Laurent’s engagement with Moroccan culture as a particularly layered and resistant case. Postcolonial theory offers valuable tools for illuminating the structural inequalities that may have shaped this exchange, but it does not provide a complete or unambiguous account of it. His sustained personal, emotional, and creative relationship with Morocco unfolded within a context shaped by France’s colonial history in the region, suggesting that aesthetic exchange and asymmetrical power relations may have been difficult to fully disentangle. His work draws extensively on Moroccan traditions, yet these references circulate within a system that has tended to privilege Western authorship, amplifying his creative authority while the cultural labor and symbolic systems from which his inspiration is drawn remain comparatively less visible. At the same time, reducing his practice to a straightforward case of colonial extraction would risk flattening the biographical complexity and genuine cultural intimacy that characterize his relationship with Morocco. It is precisely this tension between structural critique and individual nuance that this study seeks to hold open rather than resolve.
3.2. Production, Attribution, and Institutional Power
Within the framework of ethical cultural borrowing, it is important to examine the conditions under which Saint Laurent’s garments were made and to evaluate the extent of Moroccan involvement in this process. Morocco’s artisanal scene represents one of the most sustained and sophisticated textile traditions in the world, preserved across centuries through an intricate network of family workshops, urban craft guilds, and apprenticeship systems in which specialized knowledge is transmitted from one generation to the next. Practices such as detailed embroidery, brocade weaving, silk work, and decorative passementerie, cultivated in cultural hubs like Fez, Rabat, and Meknes, are not merely decorative accomplishments but form the backbone of a living socio-cultural economy in which craft, identity, and community are deeply intertwined. These are traditions sustained by skilled practitioners whose labor carries historical depth and cultural meaning that far exceeds its visual surface. The global significance of this heritage has been formally acknowledged through the inscription of the Moroccan Caftan on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2025. Crucially, its production involves an entire ecosystem of skilled practitioners—weavers producing brocade, velvet, and silk fabrics; tailors shaping the garment; and specialist artisans crafting the buttons, braids, and embroidery—with knowledge transmitted through family traditions, workshop apprenticeships, and formal training (
UNESCO 2025). This recognition affirms what Moroccan artisans have long known: that the caftan is not simply a garment but a living tradition, a marker of social belonging, and a source of collective cultural identity. In this sense, artisanal traditions should be understood as part of the cultural heritage of any community or nation, as they embody cultural identity, historical continuity, and uniqueness (
Ding et al. 2025).
Although Saint Laurent frequently retreated to Marrakech to undertake the creative and conceptual phases of his designs, the actual execution of his sketches was carried out in the brand’s Parisian ateliers. There, the highly skilled artisans of his ateliers were responsible for turning the designer’s two-dimensional drawings into fully realized haute couture garments. This process involved meticulous steps such as pattern-making, cutting, hand-sewing, and detailed finishing, with hundreds of hours often spent on a single piece (
Baxter-Wright 2023). The ateliers thus formed the technical and organizational core of the house, ensuring strict adherence to the high structural and aesthetic standards of haute couture. Morocco, on the other hand, does not appear to have participated as a producer throughout this process. Instead, it mainly served as a source of inspiration and raw materials, while Paris functioned as the center of production, validation, and ultimately cultural attribution within the global fashion system. This dynamic underscores the inequality in cross-cultural exchanges between Western couture houses and non-European craft traditions, in which the center of authorship and prestige remains deeply rooted in the European fashion capital.
However, the separation between the site of inspiration and the site of production was not accidental but structurally embedded within the institutional framework of haute couture. The Chambre Syndicale de la Haute Couture imposed strict rules requiring all couture production to occur within Paris-based ateliers. To be officially recognized as a couture house, a maison had to employ a prescribed minimum number of full-time seamstresses, produce at least two collections each year, and maintain a level of artisanal craftsmanship matching the highest standards of the Parisian couture tradition (
Tilt 2021). These regulatory requirements ensured that, although Saint Laurent extensively drew on Moroccan craft traditions, the execution of his collections remained firmly rooted in Paris. Typically, Moroccan artisanal elements were integrated into haute couture only after passing through the ateliers on Avenue Marceau, where they were reinterpreted to align with the technical systems, labor rhythms, and hierarchies established by the Chambre Syndicale.
The issue of cultural appropriation in fashion is closely linked to the institutional and material processes surrounding garment production, attribution, and legitimacy. When designs based on non-Western traditions are produced in European ateliers, a hierarchy of value is reinforced: textiles, motifs, and artisanal techniques may originate abroad, but authorship and prestige are assigned only after these elements are adapted within the Parisian couture system. This process not only excludes the artisans who sustain these crafts from recognition in the cultural and economic circuits generated by haute couture but also renders their contributions invisible, disconnecting craft from the social and cultural contexts that have historically given it significance.
Beyond personal inspiration, it is essential to analyze how this Moroccan legacy was actively preserved and institutionalized, as well as the initiatives implemented to reciprocate Morocco’s cultural influence. Following his death, the Fondation Pierre Bergé—Yves Saint Laurent, established in 2002, assumed an expanded role as the principal custodian of the designer’s work and legacy. Its collections include a comprehensive archive of haute couture garments, sketches, and accessories, which serve as the foundation for regular exhibitions in France and abroad. Besides safeguarding fashion heritage, the institution has positioned itself as a supporter of cultural initiatives and a promoter of emerging artistic talents (
Fondation Pierre Bergé—Yves Saint Laurent n.d.). It also aims to give back to the Moroccan community and supports various cultural and educational projects. The foundation contributed to preserving Morocco’s heritage by restoring historic sites and promoting local artisanal practices, thereby connecting Saint Laurent’s personal affinities to broader heritage conservation. Additionally, choosing Marrakech, along with Paris, as the location of the Yves Saint Laurent Museum, inaugurated in 2017, was intended as a tribute to the designer’s enduring legacy and his profound connection to the country. Located next to the famous Jardin Majorelle, also under the foundation’s stewardship, the museum’s façade is made of terracotta and concrete, creating visual continuity with both its architectural context and Marrakech’s natural landscape. The renovation of the Villa Oasis and the creation of the Berber Museum further demonstrate how Saint Laurent and Bergé ensured the long-term preservation and enhancement of the Jardin Majorelle as a cultural site. These cultural institutions, associated with the couturier, have long reshaped cultural tourism in Morocco, especially in Marrakech. This process contributes to the institutionalization of cultural production and redefines the relationship between fashion, art, and heritage, while also diversifying the cultural economy and boosting Marrakech’s profile as a global hub for creative tourism (
Weekly L’Economiste 2024).
The atelier represented the physical space where authorship was established during Saint Laurent’s lifetime, while the museum functions as the symbolic site where that authorship is historicized and memorialized. Production and preservation thus operate under the same logic of institutional authority. The ethical question, therefore, is not simply whether Saint Laurent appreciated Moroccan culture, but how systems of production, regulation, and heritage management shape visibility, prestige, and economic value. Cultural borrowing becomes ethically complex when inspiration crosses borders, but authorship, recognition, and capital remain structurally fixed.
3.3. Religion, Meaning, and Cultural Transformation
The aesthetic forms, artisanal practices, and cultural symbols that nourished Saint Laurent’s connection with Marrakech were never just visual or decorative resources. They stem from cultural traditions where form, dress, and ornament are deeply rooted in ethical, communal, and spiritual systems of meaning. Understanding this deeper dimension is crucial for grasping what is at stake when Moroccan aesthetics are adapted into Western haute couture, and it offers the essential framework for exploring the religious and symbolic roots of Moroccan visual culture. These traditions result from a long process of cultural syncretism shaped by Amazigh cosmologies, Islamic ethical and aesthetic principles, and the lasting artistic contributions of Jewish communities. This convergence has created a rich and unified aesthetic system in which garments, patterns, colors, and silhouettes carry spiritual, communal, and historical significance. In this cultural context, traditional garments often serve as tangible carriers of religious values, moral principles, and collective identity. As a result, garments come from a cultural universe where clothing is inherently linked to spiritual obligations and moral aesthetics.
Rooted primarily in Islamic conceptions of modesty (
ḥayāʾ), Moroccan garments operate as instruments of visual ethics, shaping a disciplined relationship between the body, the gaze, and moral values. Modesty in Islamic thought functions not just as a social rule but as a religiously based practice of self-control, influencing bodily behavior, public appearance, and ethical subjectivity. In this framework, religion is not limited to abstract beliefs or the correct performance of devotional duties; it acts as a guiding structure for how people move, look, and act in social settings (
Mahmood 2005). Physically, modesty is closely connected to the concept of ʿ
awra, an Arabic term denoting areas of the body understood as inviolable and needing protection from exposure (
El Guindi 1999). Garments such as the qaftan and the djellaba embody this ethic through enveloping silhouettes, volumetric layering, and deliberate concealment, expressing humility, restraint, and dignity as virtues. These garments do more than cover the body; they actively influence how the body exists in social space, acting as a bridge between personal presence and community responsibility. Comparable logics operate within Amazigh and Moroccan Jewish textile traditions, where dress has historically functioned as a semiotic system encoding religious affiliation, ritual status, and cosmological beliefs.
Moroccan Jewish garments carry deep spiritual and communal significance. Jewish communities in Morocco were subject to strict clothing regulations which required them to dress in ways that visually distinguished them from the Muslim population, leading to characteristic features of Jewish dress that came to encode a distinct religious and social identity. Within this context, garments became markers not only of aesthetic tradition but of communal belonging and religious affiliation. A particularly significant example is the
keswa kebira, literally ‘the grand dress’ in Arabic, which was the ceremonial garment worn by married Jewish women in Morocco until the mid-twentieth century. Functioning as the quintessential wedding dress, it was traditionally gifted by the father to his daughter and first worn during the
henna ceremony, marking her passage into married life (
Jansen 2005).
Likewise, Amazigh societies create and wear public visual symbols of Amazigh ethnic identity, such as woven textiles, tattoos, and particular styles of jewelry and dress. Each phase of a person’s life is signaled through a distinct mode of dress that carries social significance, shapes values, and transmits frameworks of identity so deeply embedded that they become part of one’s habitual self, exerting a formative influence on how individuals are socialized into their community. The most important and well-known symbolic element of Amazigh societies is tattoos, created to connect women’s bodies to their collective identity and to improve their social standing by making the significance of women in maintaining group identity visible in a permanent and public way (
Becker 2006).
Finally, beyond textiles and dress, adornment in Morocco extends to jewelry, which plays a central role across Jewish, Muslim, and Amazigh communities. It is not only valued as a financial investment but also serves as a symbol of social status and a source of financial security for women, as they are permitted to retain their jewelry in cases of divorce or the death of a husband. Women typically wear jewelry in their everyday lives as well as during celebrations, with the main difference being that they wear more elaborate and abundant pieces during festive occasions (
Jansen 2005).
In these interconnected traditions, textiles act not only as aesthetic embellishments but also as material mediators between the individual, the community, and the sacred, embedding religious knowledge and ethical values into everyday life. Clothing thus functions as a lived theology, making spiritual principles visible, wearable, and socially operative. When Saint Laurent incorporated elements of Moroccan traditional dress into his collections, he engaged with a visual language historically embedded in religious, communal, and ritual frameworks. These forms were not neutral aesthetic resources but carriers of ethical values and collective meanings shaped by spiritual practice and social regulation (
Geczy 2013). In his reinterpretations, elements that had traditionally symbolized spiritual modesty, moral behavior, and communal belonging were reconfigured as vehicles of sensuality, theatrical display, and individual artistic expression. This aesthetic translation involved a significant shift in meaning, where culturally and religiously rooted forms were detached from their original contexts and re-inscribed within a secular fashion discourse. Sacred garments were transformed into objects of luxury consumption, separated from the moral and spiritual principles that once structured their use. The act of covering the body, originally a visual expression of humility before God and community, was reinterpreted as a fashion device to cultivate mystery, sensuous opacity, and dramatic silhouette. This reinterpretation reflects an asymmetric dynamic of cultural translation. While Moroccan garments carry centuries of spiritual knowledge and everyday ethical practices, Saint Laurent’s reinterpretations risk reducing them to pure aesthetic abstraction, valued mainly for their formal qualities rather than the religious systems that originally endowed them with meaning. Therefore, these elements, when integrated into a Western perspective, entered a distinctly different institutional and cultural context, risking being stripped of the layers of history, ritual, and identity that shape their significance (
Vézina 2019).
This shift from the sacred to the secular is not aesthetically neutral; it reveals a broader dynamic of cultural appropriation within the global fashion system. Western haute couture has long wielded the power to extract cultural forms from their contexts, decontextualize them, and reassign them to new fields of meaning and value. As culturally situated forms cross institutional boundaries, they undergo recontextualization that redistributes interpretive authority and alters their ethical and symbolic functions. While this movement of garments from religious or communal contexts into haute couture does not necessarily entail deliberate desacralization, it risks displacing the social, historical, and spiritual frameworks that once structured their use. Western fashion institutions possess the power to frame cultural forms primarily as aesthetic resources, often separate from the social and historical conditions of their creation. In this sense, Saint Laurent’s reinterpretations show how garments, shaped by religious and cultural influences, can become objects of global fashion without fully carrying forward the systems of meaning from which they originated. Elements once rooted in faith, ritual, and moral discipline are reframed as objects of aesthetic innovation, personal expression, and commercial exchange.
Yet it is worth recognizing that such movement does not automatically constitute destruction. The ethical concern arises precisely when the risk of misrepresentation is high, making a solid, genuine understanding of the source culture not merely desirable but necessary. The closer and more sustained a designer’s proximity to the culture they draw from, the less likely that translation collapses into surface-level aesthetic extraction. Familiarity, immersion, and genuine cultural engagement serve as safeguards against reducing deeply meaningful traditions to mere visual ornament.
In this light, understanding Saint Laurent’s work in Morocco requires recognizing that his aesthetic influences are connected to deeper structures of religious meaning. This transformation does not simply relocate garments geographically; it reorients their ontological status, shifting them from embodiments of shared belief and social continuity to objects of curated artistic expression. This process exposes the tension between transcendent cultural forms and the secular trends of Western fashion, showing how spirituality can be aestheticized and reconstituted as commodities addressed to global audiences.
3.4. Moroccan Perspectives (Survey)
Highlighting Moroccan voices in this research is not merely an additional gesture but a key methodological and ethical imperative. Postcolonial theory has long shown that cultural narratives produced in the aftermath of colonialism often favor the colonizer’s views while marginalizing, distorting, or erasing those of the represented communities. In discussions of Yves Saint Laurent’s link with Morocco, much of the existing scholarship and popular commentary are written from Western viewpoints that praise his creativity, often without considering how Moroccans themselves interpret his influences. To address this imbalance, it is essential to center Moroccan perspectives, which offer alternative narratives to dominant Western accounts and illuminate the real experiences of those whose cultural heritage has been reshaped, commercialized, or reframed through the lens of a European designer. Portraying others is never a neutral act; it can define, categorize, and narrate, often reinforcing unequal relationships between those who speak and those who are spoken for. Including these voices is more than anecdotal; it is a strategic intervention aligned with decolonial scholarship’s call to “return the gaze” and allow those being represented to express their own views (
Smith 2012). By prioritizing Moroccan voices, this study actively challenges discursive silencing and creates space for interpretations of Saint Laurent’s legacy rooted in Moroccan cultural contexts rather than external impositions.
This qualitative research took the form of a survey designed for individuals who identify with Moroccan culture and have a strong emotional connection to it. The survey was distributed through social media platforms, where it was shared openly to reach this target audience. To ensure ethical transparency, the survey included a formal description outlining its academic purpose and research aims, providing participants with a clear understanding of the study they were supporting. Participation was voluntary and anonymous, and no personally identifiable information, such as age, gender, or professional background, was collected. This decision was made to maintain a simple, open-ended qualitative approach focused on capturing general sentiments rather than establishing statistically representative patterns. While this limits the ability to draw conclusions across specific social groups, it provides valuable initial insight into the diversity and complexity of Moroccan perspectives. As such, the findings should be understood as indicative rather than representative, offering a preliminary basis for future research that could adopt more targeted sampling strategies and incorporate demographic variables to deepen and expand the analysis.
To promote inclusivity and reflect Morocco’s multilingual reality and ongoing linguistic plurality, the survey was made available in Moroccan Darija, French, and English. It consisted of 13 open-ended questions designed to gather in-depth, reflective responses regarding participants’ familiarity with Yves Saint Laurent as both an iconic fashion designer and a global brand, as well as their awareness of his personal and artistic ties to Marrakech. Respondents were encouraged to share their emotional reactions to Saint Laurent’s engagement with Moroccan cultural elements, revealing sentiments ranging from national pride and admiration to discomfort and concerns about potential cultural exploitation. The survey also assessed participants’ understanding of cultural appropriation, including their familiarity with the concept and its relevance to Saint Laurent’s use of Moroccan symbols, motifs, and aesthetics. Participants were asked to position his work along a spectrum between cultural appropriation and cultural appreciation, justifying their perspectives through personal experience, cultural identity, or broader socio-historical context. Additionally, the survey examined perceptions of the Jardin Majorelle and the Yves Saint Laurent Museum in Marrakech, focusing on their symbolic and material roles in Moroccan cultural heritage and tourism, while highlighting both pride in their international recognition and critical reflections on issues of ownership, representation, and the distribution of benefits within the local community.
The survey results (
Figure 1) reveal a complex and nuanced Moroccan response to Yves Saint Laurent’s engagement with Moroccan culture, characterized by a dynamic interplay between pride, appreciation, and critical ambivalence. A large majority of respondents expressed great pride in his incorporation of Moroccan aesthetics, viewing it as a symbolic affirmation of Morocco’s cultural richness and a form of recognition within global fashion systems traditionally led by Western narratives.
However, this positive view was balanced by concerns about the depth and limits of Saint Laurent’s cultural involvement (
Figure 2), with many participants suggesting that his understanding of Moroccan culture was partial and unable to fully capture its complexity. Furthermore, the responses presented reveal a complex and ambivalent evaluative landscape rather than a unified consensus (
Figure 3). Although a significant portion of respondents described Saint Laurent’s engagement with Moroccan culture as a form of cultural appreciation, the most prominent position framed his work as occupying a space between admiration and exploitation. Many participants acknowledged his long-term personal connection to Morocco and his visible admiration for its aesthetic traditions, while simultaneously expressing reservations about the structural inequalities that shape cultural translation within Western haute couture. A smaller but notable group characterized his engagement more critically as cultural appropriation, pointing to concerns related to decontextualization, commercialization, and the persistence of postcolonial hierarchies. Moreover, the responses highlight that this sense of pride is primarily rooted in the global visibility Saint Laurent afforded Moroccan aesthetics and his overt public crediting of the country as a primary influence. For many respondents, his decades-long residence in Marrakech distinguishes his work from superficial commercial trends, framing it instead as a product of genuine, sustained cultural engagement.
Among the various responses identified in the survey, the recurring expression of pride merits particular analytical attention. While this pride initially seems to signal cultural visibility and global recognition, a closer look reveals a far more complex emotional landscape shaped by the lasting effects of colonialism. The pride expressed by many respondents often depends on Western validation: the belief that Moroccan aesthetics gain legitimacy when endorsed or made fashionable by a European couturier. This ambivalence aligns with what postcolonial theorists call internalized coloniality, a persistent psychological consequence of colonial rule. Colonial power did not just conquer territories; it imposed a gaze that influenced how colonized subjects perceived themselves. Through schooling, cultural policies, and representations, colonial authorities spread the idea of European cultural superiority, fostering an internalized sense of inferiority among colonized populations (
Memmi 1991). Therefore, the pride seen in the survey may reflect both genuine admiration and a historically conditioned desire for Western approval rooted in long-standing power imbalances.