Care of Nature and Interfaith Dialogue: Exploring a New Way to Promote African Eco-Spirituality Through Interfaith Learning in Nigerian Schools

Abstract

In recent years, the question of the environment’s future and humanity’s role in it has received considerable critical attention amid global warming. Among the many scholarly works, there appears to be a renewed consensus that fostering indigenous knowledge, practices, and spiritualities could help mitigate ecological crises. However, far too little attention has been paid to the heightened tension among Nigerian Christians that the promotion of these indigenous practices will lead or has led to the re-emergence of paganism instead of the presupposed care of nature. This fear of fostering neo-paganism has constantly hampered the integration of Nigerian indigenous spiritualities and practices to mitigate the recurrence of ecological devastation. This article addresses the question: To what extent can interfaith learning help resolve tensions between Christians and Nigerian Indigenous religious followers and promote environmental sustainability? The article explores the underlying reasons behind the tension between Nigerian Indigenous religious followers and Christians. It further discusses interfaith learning in religious education in Nigerian schools as an approach to mitigate tensions and promote environmental action.

1. Introduction

Current global issues require careful examination of religion and religious organizations, as addressing these challenges always involves mentioning religion in some way. Whether analysing conflicts within and beyond national borders, environmental issues like climate change, migration problems, or terrorism and extremism, the importance of religion and its impact cannot be ignored. However, evidence indicates that religious environmental views and practices are a contested area in which actors with diverse backgrounds, interests, and understandings of their traditions compete for influence. There is no straightforward path toward eco-friendly change or a single social impact; rather, it is a complex landscape with multiple actors and perspectives. Based on this, the paper highlights the increasing tension between Nigerian Christians and followers of Nigerian indigenous religions, a topic that has received little or no scholarly attention. On one side, followers of traditional religions blame Christianity or Western religion as the root cause of Nigerian crises, such as violence, environmental problems, poverty, and others. They often engage in aggressive verbal and active criticism of Christianity. For many, suppressing Western religion appears to be the only solution to these issues. On the other side, Christians argue that Nigerian Indigenous religion is paganism, which they believe has brought God’s wrath upon Nigeria, causing various crises. Sometimes, some Christians resort to destroying traditional sites, cutting down trees, and burning forests as they seek to eradicate what they see as the source of evil. This paper aims to explore the growing tension that has hindered genuine dialogue and appreciation of indigenous knowledge and practices—especially indigenous environmental values—and to examine how interfaith learning can help ease this tension. The subsequent pages will briefly address Africa’s role in global environmental sustainability, the contribution of religion to sustainability, Nigerian indigenous spiritualities, and the importance of interfaith education in schools in resolving tensions between Nigerian Christians and followers of Nigerian indigenous religions.

2. Environmental Sustainability: Do Nigerians Need It?

When discussions of environmental sustainability/reducing greenhouse gas emissions arise, the question of whether Nigeria needs such measures is often raised. Why focus on environmental sustainability when the real needs are to address poverty, improve education, and provide quality healthcare in Nigeria? Typically, most discussions on environmental sustainability focus on reducing food waste, promoting clean energy, and transitioning to a plant-based diet, among other topics. The question remains whether people who have no food should be concerned about discussing food waste. Vanessa Burgal asks, “How can we convince the most vulnerable, living at the bottom of the pyramid, to value the importance of reducing pollution or planting trees when their first and most important focus is survival” (Burgal 2022)?

This hesitation and unease in discussing environmental sustainability in Nigeria are associated with challenges such as economic crisis, poverty, low levels of education, limited internet access, irresponsible leadership, and gender imbalances (Uche and Effiom 2021; Kehinde et al. 2024; Sharma and Jaiswal 2018; Amoah et al. 2022; Burgal 2022; Ndlovu and Ndlovu 2022; Mehmood 2021; Wane 2019). Scholars have linked poverty and low levels of education to the fuelling of unsustainable living in Nigeria, for example, through the land-use practices of poor Nigerian farmers. For many in Nigeria, especially those in rural areas, land remains the primary source of livelihood, and incessant cultivation of the land is their struggle for daily survival. They have not employed modern land-conservation methods, adopted improved fertilisers, or acquired agricultural training to combat deforestation and soil erosion. Consequently, outcomes include soil erosion, land degradation, reduced agricultural productivity, potential deforestation, and biodiversity loss. These unsustainable lifestyles continue to perpetuate a cycle of poverty and land degradation. Moreover, it has been reported that low levels of education are a factor affecting sustainable development in Nigeria. The majority of Nigeria’s youth remain out of school (Worldometer 2025). In addition, scholars have identified inadequate curricula as a challenge to engaging Nigeria with sustainability policies, noting that many lack the academic preparation needed to participate effectively in mainstream discussions and activities related to sustainability (Kehinde et al. 2024; Sharma and Jaiswal 2018). In other words, given poverty, limited internet access, irresponsible leadership, and gender imbalances, the greening of Nigeria will remain an elitist, elusive, and impractical discourse (Kehinde et al. 2024; Uche and Effiom 2021; Ndlovu and Ndlovu 2022; Burgal 2022).

Burgal suggests that environmental sustainability in Africa should be adapted to the diversity of African peoples, as Africa is not homogeneous (Burgal 2022). Ndlovu and Ndlovu argue that balancing the immediacy of short-term objectives (education, food, employment, and effective leadership) with the significance of long-term goals (greening Africa) can ensure the effectiveness of environmental sustainability goals in Africa (Ndlovu and Ndlovu 2022). Therefore, environmental sustainability in Nigeria should balance people’s quality of life with environmental preservation. Ndlovu and Ndlovu state, “If a new wave of ecological sustainability theory is to be useful in addressing human problems, it must be placed in a proper social context that gives Africans practical and social meaning” (Ndlovu and Ndlovu 2022).

However, overemphasising these challenges risks relegating environmentally sustainable actions to the future, or to waiting until the zero-poverty goal is achieved in Nigeria. Environmental sustainability is linked to other processes of sustainable development. Studies have identified three pillars of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental sustainability (Wu 2013). In light of this, sustainable development in Nigeria can succeed only when overall social, economic, and environmental sustainability is promoted. For example, environmental crises contribute to increased food insecurity, violent conflicts, and poverty. Additionally, regardless of many constraints in discussing environmental sustainability in Nigeria, one can agree that Nigeria is neither excluded from the list of actors that contribute to the increase in greenhouse gas emissions nor immune to the impacts of climate change and environmental degradation. Consequently, the cumulative impacts of industrial, extractive, commercial, and domestic activities can further increase Nigeria’s vulnerability to climate change and other environmental crises, for example, oil spills, gas flaring, burning of solid waste, bush burning, domestic cooking with firewood, and sustainable waste disposal in Nigeria.

Therefore, in assessing whether Nigeria needs environmental sustainability, this paper affirms a positive response and agrees with the need to address the above-listed challenges. What is needed is a strategy and vehicle to transmit environmental action in a way that resonates with the poor and non-educated. Surely, this is sufficiently limited to address the complex problem of environmental degradation, but it will facilitate more sustainable development in Nigeria. Building on Brugal’s identification of Africa’s peculiarity as a key factor in developing environmental sustainability, this paper focuses on Nigerian religion/spirituality as a significant means of fostering environmental sustainability in Nigeria.

3. Religion/Spirituality and Environmental Sustainability

A substantial body of literature has shown that Religion has the capacity to influence the moral and ethical structures that direct human conduct (Amoah et al. 2022; Koehrsen 2015; Schliesser 2024; Stacey 2024). Given that the majority of Nigerians identify as religious and spiritual, religion influences most Nigerians’ approaches to life, significant choices, and everyday existence (Amoah et al. 2022). Religious influences in Nigeria cut through rich, poor, educated, and non-educated. Again, religious institutions possess vast networks and resources that can support the sustainability initiatives. Several scholars have also indicated that advances in science and technology are insufficient to address the environmental crisis. Thus, they interpret environmental crisis as a spiritual crisis that requires a change in human attitude and thinking in relation to God and the natural world (Depoortere 2022; Brockelman 2016; Batchelor 1992; Pope Francis n.d.-a, n.d.-b; Schliesser 2024). Frederiek Depoortere uses three defining attributes of spirituality—connectedness, self-transcendence, and meaning—to argue that the environmental crisis is a spiritual crisis. He states, “the ecological crisis can be considered a spiritual crisis if it has to do with disturbed relationships and a lack of self-transcendence resulting in a lack of meaning in life” (Depoortere 2022). In his seminal encyclical Laudato Si, Pope Francis asserts that any scientific solution to resolve the ecological crisis will be ineffectual if it fails to integrate the motivating force that dispels self-absorption and the emptiness of the heart and instils openness to God, respect for creation (Pope Francis n.d.-b).

Interestingly, scholars have doubted the relevance of religion to the environmental crisis. Jerry Coyne claims that the denial of global warming is fuelled by religious beliefs regarding God’s stewardship of the planet and his assurance to sustain it (Coyne 2015). Thus, many deny climate change because it conflicts with their faith. Again, some religious people view global warming as a hoax, claiming that God entrusted the stewardship of the planet to human beings. This belief is often interpreted by many as a leverage to usurp the earth’s resources, which God will restore. For many, climate change disasters foretell the end of time, and there is no need to worry about pollution or the extinction of life on Earth. (Coyne 2015). In this light, Coyne concludes that the idea that religion is a social necessity is specious. Thus, religion has nothing to contribute to resolving global warming; rather, it contributes to exacerbating it. Again, Lynn White, in his famous article “The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis”, critiques religion (Christianity) for contributing to the ecological crisis. He claimed that religion glorifies anthropocentrism, which fosters the exploitation of the earth (White 1967). While White blames Christianity for its anthropocentric exaltation, Arnold Toynbee attributes the ecological crisis to monotheistic religions for crushing the traditional respect for the natural world. Hence, he maintains that the rise of the ecological crisis results from the widespread monotheistic belief (Toynbee 1972). Similarly, Bernard Zaleha and Andrew Szasz argue that distrust among some religious sects of environmental activism as a form of paganism encourages neglect of environmental care (Zaleha and Szasz 2015). Adopting a similar position to White, eco-feminist theologian Sally McFague criticised the anthropocentric nature of Christianity and added that the hierarchical nature of Christianity is also a proponent of ecological devastation. Thus, she linked the oppression of women to the exploitation of nature (McFague 1993, 2008).

The main problem with Coyne, White, Toynbee, Zaleha, and Szasz’s criticism of the relation between religion and sustainability was that they didn’t sufficiently acknowledge that religion is much more than belief. They neglect the transformative experiences and environmentally sustainable practices inherent in religious belief and practices. Evidence has shown that there is tangible religious engagement in environmental initiatives and actions worldwide. What they neglect is that the separation of religion and social necessity is artificial in a world where around 80% individuals identify as religious or spiritual. This is not an attempt to undermine the instances of inimical to environmental sustainability fuelled by some religious people, beliefs, and practices. It is important to note that their claims lean toward one-sidedness or incompleteness in emphasis on religion. A comprehensive understanding of the various expressions of religion, encompassing community, teachings, spirituality, practice, institutions, and frameworks, is crucial for grasping the complex nature of religion within the broader context of environmental sustainability (Schliesser 2024). Religion and spirituality not only shape people’s ethical framework and approach to life, but also offer extensive networks and resources that promote environmentally sustainable goals. Additionally, religion fosters grassroots environmental initiatives (Amoah et al. 2022). In other words, religion helps to translate the complex processes and initiatives of environmental sustainability into tangible grassroots actions.

The roles of religion and spirituality in environmental sustainability are exemplified in the world’s major faith traditions’ developing “green” theologies, launching environmental protection projects, issuing public statements on climate change, and trying to sensitize their members to more environmentally friendly lifestyles. These environmentally sustainable activities range from Buddhist recycling initiatives, green hajj guides for Muslim pilgrims to Mecca, and others (Depoortere 2022). For example, in Buddhism, the notion of paticca-samuppada is central in its ecological view. It is the term that connotes interdependence in Buddhist tradition. This notion is applied to foster interconnectedness with nature (Zagonari 2020; Depoortere 2022). Hence, Buddhism emphasizes alignment with the laws of nature, promotes compassion and loving-kindness towards all living beings, values the preservation of nature for its aesthetic significance, and foresees both personal and societal repercussions as a result of harmful actions (Zagonari 2020).

Moreover, the indigenous ecological worldviews and spiritualities encompass knowledge and practices that can provide an effective mitigation of the ecological crisis (Kanu 2021; Zagonari 2020; Akullah 2021; Barga 2021). For indigenous people, it is essential, at times even a religious obligation, to safeguard the health of the environment for future generations. They have historically engaged with the environment through conservationist values, practices, and lifestyles. Hence, in recent years, there has been a renewed recognition of the relevance of promoting indigenous knowledge, practices, and spiritualities. Pope Francis notes, “Given the complexity of the ecological crisis and its multiple causes, we need to realise that the solutions will not emerge from just one way of interpreting and transforming reality. Respect must also be shown for the various cultural riches of different peoples, their art and poetry, their interior life and spirituality” (Pope Francis n.d.-b). In light of this, the next section will tersely articulate the Nigerian indigenous eco-spiritualities.

4. Nigerian Indigenous Eco-Spiritualities and Practices: A Brief Exploration

Nigerian Indigenous eco-spiritual beliefs and practices are as diverse and rich as Nigerian society. Thus, this section does not purport to provide a comprehensive description of Nigeria’s indigenous eco-spiritualities. Rather, it succinctly shows the underlying elements and an overview of some Indigenous eco-spiritual practices in Nigeria. While referring to these diverse spiritualities, this paper focuses more on Igbo-Nigerian eco-spiritualities. Igbo people are one of the major ethnic groups in Nigeria, largely settled in the South-eastern region of the country. They speak the Igbo language. Though united in one language, Igbo eco-spirituality is also diverse. Therefore, this paper is simply a brief representation of these rich spiritualities. In addition, it is essential to note that, in this paper, the term “Indigenous” refers to spiritualities originating in Nigeria. These spiritualities were transmitted from one generation to the next. In other words, Nigerian indigenous spiritualities are spiritualities accustomed to territorial links around natural resources, distinct cultures, and languages in Nigeria. These spiritualities form the fundamental framework through which Nigerians approach life and other spiritualities and religions. Although the term Indigenous is ambiguous and has received negative connotations, it is used here to distinguish these spiritualities from those introduced through colonisation, invasion, and globalisation, for example, Christianity, Islam, etc.

As a result of Nigerian diversity, a consensual definition of Nigerian eco-spiritualities has proven elusive and futile. Without delving into the definitional arguments and counter-arguments of the concept of eco-spirituality, this study prioritizes the widely agreed-upon attributes of Nigerian Indigenous spiritualities as observed by a huge corpus of literature by numerous Nigerian, African, and non-African scholars (Faris and Wane 2019; Ohajunwa and Mji 2018; Nweke and Okpalaeke 2019; Kanu 2021; Gardner 2011; Steensland et al. 2022; Gumo et al. 2012; Mazama 2002; Weathers et al. 2015). These attributes include: Nigerian Indigenous spiritualities establish humans’ connectedness to nature, belief in deities, practical/lived experience, and a pathway to meaningful living. Nigerian Indigenous eco-spiritualities are spiritualities of the relation between human beings and the environment. In other words, it is a way of relating to the sacred within the environment. Nigerians’ Indigenous eco-spiritualities crystallised around the principles of complementarity, community, and interdependence. Human beings share their life with the non-human environment for mutual enhancement. The complementary connection arises from the consciousness of the deities’ and ancestors’ embeddedness in the natural world (Kanu 2021, 2018a, 2018b; Nweke and Okpalaeke 2019). This mutual sharing is expressed in the daily life of the people and serves as a source of meaning in life.

The connectedness and participatory complementarity between human beings and the natural world are rooted in the Nigerian indigenous worldview, which regards nature as sacred and as the result of God. Nigerian eco-spiritualities are distinguished from other forms of eco-spiritualities that reject belief in God. Simply put, Nigerian eco-spirituality is how Nigerians relate to God through the natural world. Hence, any discussion of Nigerian eco-spiritualities must include the deities and gods. Geoffrey Parrinder captures this in his statement, “It has been said that God might have been banished from Greek thought without damaging its logical architecture, but this cannot be said of African thought, as God is both the creator and the principle of unity, the source and essence of force” (Parrinder 1969). Essentially, the Nigerian Indigenous worldview constitutes the belief in the existence of the spiritual world (Ala Muo in the Igbo language), which is the abode of the supreme being and other spirits (both malevolent and benevolent) (Kanu 2018a; Chukwukere 1983; Metuh 1973). The supreme deity occupies the highest position in the spiritual hierarchy. For example, in the Nigerian indigenous belief system, the supreme God is identified with as Chukwu (Igbo language), Olodumare or Ọlọrun (Yoruba language); in Hausa, as Ubangiji or Mahaliccin (Hausa language); Abasi in Efik language; and Aondo in Tiv language. The supreme deity is held to be the origin of all existence or the creator of the universe, self-existent, present in the universe, powerful, and all-knowing. Further, it is believed that the Supreme deity is present in the world but acts through intermediary deities. These deities are viewed as the messengers of the Supreme deity. For example, in the Yoruba pantheon, for instance, Ifa (god of wisdom), Ogun (god of iron), Obatala (god of creation), Orisa-oko (god of Agricultural prosperity), Osun (goddess of source), Sango (god of thunder and lightning), Oya (god of wind), and other deities in various Nigerian cultures. Another important entity in the spiritual world of the Nigerian Indigenous worldview is the Ancestors (Ndichie in Igbo or Egungun in Yoruba).

Moreover, Nigerian indigenous deities or gods serve as sources of motivation for environmental actions. For example, the earth/land goddess (Ala in Igbo culture) is a female deity who is believed to reside on the land and make land sacred. She is identified with her maternal generosity and benevolence, which are portrayed in land products and sustenance of lives existing on the land. The earth goddess is also the enforcer of morality and goodness among the people (Kanu 2018a). On the one hand, the consequences of going against the earth deity by abusing or destroying the land attract individual punishment such as banishment from the community, a sacrificial penalty to appease the earth goddess, and excommunication. On the other hand, when the community offends the earth goddess by defiling the land or vegetation, it attracts punishments such as drought, pest epidemics that destroy crops, or crop unproductivity, as it is believed that the deity must withhold her blessings. These beliefs and practices constitute ecological guardianship among Nigerian indigenous religious peoples (Kanu 2018a, 2021).

Furthermore, there are sacred animals: Eke (python), Ikwikwi (owl), Udene (vulture), Ichoku (parrots), Mbekwu (tortoise), monkey, and Ugo (eagle); sacred trees and forest—alligator pepper, ogirisi, oji, yam, kola nut, omu, udara, and ofo—that are specifically set apart for reverence because of their association with deities (Kanu 2018a, 2021). It is a punishable taboo to kill or harm these sacred animals and trees. Outside of communal regulations and punishments, it is also believed that deities assigned to these animals and trees punish those who exploit and harm them. Additionally, some taboos are linked to other aspects of the environment, such as not hunting in a particular forest or day; not fishing in a particular river; not washing in some particular parts of water bodies; or not using metal containers to fetch water. These practices and taboos are beneficial in preserving many forest and aquatic and forest ecosystems (Kanu 2021). Again, biodiversity is promoted in forests where restrictions on human intervention are maintained.

Nigerian eco-spiritualities are expressed in the daily lives of the people, in their arts, taboos, festivals, rituals, prayers, totems, and myths (Kanu 2018a, 2018b). The human-nature connectedness does not stop at the level of imagination or thought, but rather is lived in the everyday life of African people. Thus, this corroborates with Magesa’s expression that spirituality is more of an activity rather than a passive state of being (Magesa 2014). African indigenous eco-spiritual practices are expressive, embodied, formative, ethical, and collective. One of these eco-spiritual practices that is popular in Africa is the Agricultural festivals—the New Yam Festival in Nigeria.

New Yam Festival, also known as Iwa Ji Ohuru, Iri Ji Ohụrụ, is one of the Igbos’ eco-spiritual festivals. The festival is linked to the Agricultural calendar. It marks the end of the planting season and the beginning of the harvesting season. It is called the New Yam Festival because the first harvest is of great significance. In addition, yams are a staple food in Igbo communities. It is regarded as the king of all crops; thus, yams represent other agricultural products. The festival begins with the harvesting of the new yams and environmental sanitation in preparation for the festival. On the festival day, yams are displayed and paraded. Some of the new yams are prepared in different styles and served with other foods. The festival is embellished with drinks, meat, masquerades, theatrical displays, and music to heighten its excitement. This is accompanied by ritual prayers thanking Chukwu and ancestors for blessing the farming season by granting a bountiful harvest. Additionally, the ritual is offered for strength, favorable weather, and success in the next planting season. Yams are roasted, sliced, and eaten with palm oil. The remainder of the festival consists of dancing and merriment. The New Yam Festival portrays four ecological relevance: (1) The New Yam Festival expresses a deep awareness of connectedness between human beings and non-human nature. (2) The New Yam Festival demonstrates a sense of gratitude to the gods, the land, soil, sunlight, rain, and other elements that lead to the plentiful Agricultural products. (3) The New Yam Festival portrays human beings’ participation in the natural world. (4) The New Yam Festival is socially significant because it facilitates social interaction. The ecological/environmental significance of Nigerian Indigenous eco-spiritual practices is evident in environmental taboos, totems, and myths.

Having briefly outlined some Nigerian Indigenous eco-spiritualities and their practices, this section addresses how these spiritualities are perceived in contemporary Nigerian society, which has largely adopted Western religions such as Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. Specifically, what is the relationship between Christians and followers of Nigerian Indigenous religions? Answering this question highlights the challenges posed by religious diversity and the various approaches to addressing the environmental crisis. Regardless of religion’s role in environmental sustainability efforts, evidence indicates that religious involvement in environmental issues is a contested space where individuals with different interests, backgrounds, and understandings of their traditions and societal roles vie for influence (Koehrsen et al. 2023; Bahr 2015). Based on this, this paper emphasizes the importance of inter-faith dialogue—particularly inter-faith learning in schools—in fostering environmentally sustainable initiatives and easing tensions between Nigerian Christians and followers of Indigenous religions.

5. Interfaith Dialogue in Africa: African Indigenous Eco-Spiritualities and Christianity

In scholarly work, far too little attention has been paid to the heightened tension among Nigerian Christians that the promotion of indigenous ecological practices will lead or has led to the re-emergence of paganism (here as a negative connotation compared with Christianity) instead of the presupposed care of nature. On the one hand, among Christians, there is a fear of fostering neo-paganism, which will distort or destroy Christian identity in Nigeria. In other words, for many, engaging in Indigenous eco-spiritual practices represents a new form of paganism that should not be tolerated. Some Christians even destroy traditional sites, cut down trees, and burn forests in their quest to eliminate what they perceive as the source of evil (Nneji 2012; Okeke 2025). On the other hand, the indigenous religious followers accuse Christianity (Islam too) of being the root cause of crises in Nigeria, such as violence, environmental degradation, and poverty (Nneji 2012; Okeke 2025). Consequently, they engage in violent verbal and active criticism of Christianity. This tension has hampered a proper dialogue and mutual learning among Christians and Indigenous religious followers. Often, the prayer direction of Nigerian Christians is mainly focused on the destruction of the traditional religion adherents. This is because Christians view them as evil that must be eliminated in Nigerian society. It is common to attribute suffering, hardship, sickness, and any mishap to the adherent of Traditional religion. This continually fuels cycles of hostility among Christian and traditional worshippers. Most cases of family disarray, marital breakup, and individual and communal hostility hinge on religious identity. Given that, Christianity has the majority of the population, traditional religion is viewed as an unwanted minority, unrepentant sinners, and a harbinger of evil. In the context of this ongoing hostility, it has become difficult to cherish the richness of religious diversity in Nigeria.

It is worth clarifying at this juncture that Christianity in Nigeria is not homogeneous. Although united in the core belief in Jesus Christ, Christianity in Nigeria is divided among diverse denominations, such as Catholic, Anglican, and Presbyterian. In addition, there is a range of other Christian denominations often categorized under the umbrella term “Pentecostal churches”. Within these Christian denominations and churches, there are charismatic groups. In this sense, those whom claims of operating with the Holy Spirit. This diversity complicates identifying a particular group of Christian denominations as solely involved in the conflict or generalizing about the conflicts. However, it is to be noted that the majority of Christians are resentful or hostile towards indigenous religious followers, whom they believe to be pagans and godless. Therefore, there is always tension between these two religious groups. Additionally, it is important to mention that indigenous religion or traditional religion in Nigeria is not monolithic. Traditional religious practices and spiritualities are diverse in the Nigerian state. This explains the paper’s use of “spiritualities” in the plural. Although this paper does not include specific empirical research on this tension, it draws on personal experiences growing up as a Christian in a rural town in Nigeria, and my experiences as a religious education teacher, pastoral care worker, and catechist.

One instance of this was my experience in 2016 in my hometown in South-east Nigeria. The community invited a charismatic preacher to pray for the liberation of the people from an ancestral curse, which they believed had resulted in poverty, suffering, and death in the town. During the prayer session, the preacher claims that the problem of the town is because of the evil inhabiting Papaya trees in the town. Consequently, many papaya trees in the town were felled in a quest to drive out evil. This attitude of destruction to avoid evil extends to sacred sites, forests, trees, and materials in many parts of Nigeria. Another significant example is the constant social media debates and exchanges that are always geared toward identifying which religion is good and which is evil. One significant example of a social media battle of true and false religion occurred after the boat accident that claimed the lives of some Nigerian celebrities in 2024 (Vanguard News 2024). One of those who survived the accident claims that before entering the boat, he offered prayers to the river goddess, asking for permission and protection. His story is based on traditional practices of honoring the river’s deities. This sparked debates among Christians who found his action laughable, and indigenous religious followers were excited that their indigenous practices were superior to what Christianity offers. During this period, an analysis of social media comments and reactions revealed a deeply rooted religious tension.

Consequently, scholars have understood this tension as the aftermath of the early evangelisation strategy of demonising Nigerian culture (Okeke 2025; Ilo et al. 2020; Masoga and Nicolaides 2021). The early Christian mission appeared to lack authentic enthusiasm in acknowledging the cultural context of the indigenous peoples. This lack of interest has been attributed to a perceived religious superiority (Okeke 2025). The missionaries demonstrated the superiority of Christianity over Nigerian culture. This supremacy is observable in certain acts, such as rejection of Nigerian names for baptism, condemnation of traditional sacred sites and rituals as paganism. The early Nigerian converts were believed to have developed a sense of civilisation; thus, they were restricted from engaging in the observation and celebration of traditional ceremonies, such as initiation rites into manhood and womanhood, as well as masquerade societies. Furthermore, they were also excluded from participating in various social and cultic dances, acolyte responsibilities, sacrifices, and acts of reverence towards clan and family deities, under the pretext that these practices are deemed uncivilized (Okeke 2025). Christian evangelisation in Nigeria depicts a pattern that Marianne Moyaert termed ‘selfing’ (the configuration of identity) and ‘othering’ (the making of alterity). According to Moyaert, “Wherever we look for the emergence of ‘the self’ there looms the spectre of ‘the other’” (Moyaert 2019). This also holds when we discuss Christian evangelisation in Nigeria. In other words, in the encounter between Nigerian culture or religion and Christianity, Nigerian culture and spiritualities were labelled as the ‘others’ of Christianity, while Christianness was imagined as the ultimate religious standard. Hence, the “Other” (African culture and religion) was termed uncultured, faithless, barbarians, and ‘pagans’. Interestingly, this belief and attitude continue to date.

Consequently, this tension has been exacerbated by ongoing terrorism and violent conflict that are often fuelled by religious ideology (Nneji 2012). Trees, groves, and forests are destroyed based on the belief that some trees, groves, or forests are possessed by evil spirits or the abode of evil spirits. Many radical Christian crusaders cut down trees or forested areas in their attempts to expel the evil spirits inhabiting them. Often, these trees are designated with the responsibility of evil, suffering, sickness, and death in society. Hence, some believers or a Christian group believe that the exposure of evil can happen only by removing the object of evil. The clash between Christianity and indigenous religions is often the result of this action by some Christians. This relationship of tension raises the questions: Does promoting the care of nature imply a return to paganism? Can Nigeria be much better by the eradication of Christianity? How do we promote this relationship of understanding and respect between Christianity and Indigenous Religion?

It is a widely held view by some scholars that Nigerian Indigenous Religion is a culture that is inseparable from Christianity (Amoah et al. 2022; Awoyemi 2008). This is because Nigerian Christianity is rooted in Nigerian culture, so it is difficult to detangle the elements of Nigerian Indigenous Religion in Nigerian Christian practices. Therefore, to counter the rejection of Nigerian Indigenous Religion, some scholars propose the inculturation of the Christian faith, while others emphasize the proper setting of interreligious dialogue (Okeke 2025; Koehrsen 2015; Masoga and Nicolaides 2021). However, the challenges of inter-faith dialogue in Nigeria have made it difficult to resolve the tension between Christians and Indigenous religious followers and contribute to environmental actions. The limitation of interreligious dialogue in Nigeria includes: first, there is less attention to Indigenous religion. It has generally focused on the two major religions—Christianity (Pentecostal churches included) and Islam. It sometimes incorporates Nigerian Indigenous Religion, but in a less systematic way. Second, interreligious dialogue in Nigeria has always focused on addressing violent conflict and has paid little attention to environmental issues, which are often the root causes of violence in Nigeria. In other words, the trends in interreligious dialogue in Nigeria have been toward peacebuilding. There would therefore seem to be a definite need for interreligious dialogue to be a critical component of global efforts to tackle environmental crises. Third, interreligious dialogue in Nigeria has failed to integrate local communities and those outside academia. Often, Interreligious dialogue, especially in Nigeria, has focused almost exclusively on the scholarly level and leadership of faith communities. Fourth, there is a lack of religious literacy in Nigeria, particularly among local populations.

Against this background, this paper argues that ensuring a genuine dialogue requires a bottom-up approach of interfaith learning. This includes incorporating young people to guarantee a successful interreligious dialogue in Nigeria. The interreligious dialogue approach should involve working with and listening to young people who are fully engaged in developing, implementing, and maintaining environmentally sustainable lifestyles. When young people are involved from the beginning, the encounters with others become more of a way of life. Therefore, this paper further proposes bottom-up promotion of religious literacy in Nigeria in response to the lack of religious literacy because people know far too little about ‘the other’, about its traditions, beliefs, rituals, and moral practices. This learning will promote positive, constructive relations with individuals and communities of other faiths, oriented toward mutual understanding and enrichment. This paper focuses on interfaith learning. However, the promotion of bottom-up interfaith learning in Africa raises the question: to what extent is Nigerian indigenous spirituality integrated into religious education in Nigerian schools? How can religious education be designed to ensure religious literacy and mutual dialogue in schools?

6. Religious Education and Interfaith Learning: A Transformative Approach

At the heart of national stability, socio-economic progress, and political development, education is fundamental to all three. Without quality education and ongoing educational reforms, no nation can achieve meaningful growth. This was the case for Nigeria since its independence in 1960. There have been attempts to reform the educational system, curriculum, and policy to further improve education in Nigeria. Hence, Nigeria’s education system has evolved considerably over the years, adapting to shifting societal needs and global trends. It transitioned from the 6-3-3-4 (six years of primary school, three years of junior secondary, three years of senior secondary school, and four years of tertiary school) and 9-3-4 systems (nine years of basic education, constituting six years of primary school to three years junior secondary school, then three years of senior secondary school, and four years of tertiary school). In 2025, the 12-4 system was proposed (Vanguard News 2025). The 12-4 system establishes twelve years of basic education and four years of tertiary education. This removes the separation between junior secondary school (JSS) and senior secondary school (SSS) that is operative in the 9-3-4 system. Although this proposed transition has received an outcry of criticism, it shows the evolving nature of the Nigerian education system. Considerably, these transitions in educational structures in Nigeria have been accompanied by reforms in educational curricula and policy. These efforts and changes are geared towards improving education to foster stable, sustainable development in Nigeria. Indubitably, these efforts to reform the educational system have benefited the education of Nigerian citizens and have contributed to many developments experienced in Nigeria after independence. Nonetheless, upon closer inspection of education in Nigeria, it becomes clear that the education system is plagued by challenges. The reform of structured curriculum and policy at every stage has encountered challenges, including inadequate funding, insufficient numbers of qualified teachers and infrastructure, poor supervision, weak administration, corruption, and insecurity (Akanbi and Jekayinfa 2019; Jacob and Josiah 2021; Kuponu and Akinsanya 2025). Moreover, regarding the National Policy on Education (NPE) stipulation that education is compulsory and a right of every Nigerian citizen, evidence shows that the majority of children in Nigeria lack access to education, which can be linked to the aforementioned challenges and an increase in poverty (Akanbi and Jekayinfa 2019; NPE 2014). Considering such challenges, this paper, though limited in its analysis of the progress and challenges of the Nigerian education system, aims to contribute to its further reform and development.

It is important to recognize the challenges posed by the Nigerian state’s diversity to the educational system, specifically religious education. Nigeria’s vast diversity complicates education. As Africa’s most populous country, it is home to numerous ethnic groups, languages, and religions. With 250 major ethnic groups and over 225 languages, religious groups include Christians, Muslims, and Traditionalists. Curriculum provisions across different educational levels are typically tailored to reflect the unique cultural, religious, and regional characteristics of the various units within the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Curricular provisions for religious education vary nationwide, influenced by resources, administration, and biases. This causes management challenges.

Nigeria’s diverse population and lifestyles are also shaped by religious pluralism (Akanbi and Jekayinfa 2019). Thus, as a highly religious country, Nigeria integrated religious education into its educational curricula. Religious education in Nigeria is viewed as a subject focused on morals and values, with the spiritual training of children as a key component; hence, the religious education curriculum is tailored to address these needs (Kuponu and Akinsanya 2025). The religious education curriculum covers the subject title, local context, and religious tradition. It also outlines objectives for each education level, along with the syllabus, assessment methods, textbooks, and forms of religious education input (Akanbi and Jekayinfa 2019). Different religious groups regarded the school as a key part of their evangelistic efforts. All Nigerian public and privately owned schools from primary to secondary offer classes in Christianity and Muslims religion. The National Policy on Education (NPE) mandates religious instruction in the curriculum, allowing students to learn about different religions (NPE 2014). Hence, Islamic Religious Knowledge (IRK) and Christian Religious Knowledge (CRK) are officially part of the curriculum and taught by government-trained teachers (Nneji 2012). Curricula for both are developed by the State and Federal Ministries of Education, in collaboration with Christian and Muslim organizations. What is striking in this system is the lack of formal classes on traditional religious education.

Religious education is organized by the three major religions in Nigeria: traditional religion, Islam, and Christianity. Traditional religious education in Nigeria is taught to maintain religious discipline among community members and to build character acceptable to God and the community (Nneji 2012). Thus, religious education in a traditional setting is oriented towards fostering the ethical, moral, and spiritual lives of adherents. Often, traditional religious education lack standardised content and teaching in schools. In the case of Islamic education, it is tied to the Islamic religion, with the introduction of Quranic studies and Hadith. Often, the primary objective of Islamic religious education is to convert people and to train young people in Islamic principles for the religious obligation of Muslim society. In other words, Islamic religious education is tied to Islamic faith (Nneji 2012; Jimoh 1972). Consequently, Christian religious education in Nigeria remains closely linked to Christian faith. The variety of religious beliefs and educational content presents challenges within Nigeria’s education system. Often, regional or local religious curricula mirror the dominance of one or more religious faiths. Although this paper does not claim to present an in-depth analysis of these religious educational diversities in Nigeria, it shows that religious education in Nigeria has always embraced the idea of conversion and the maintenance of the principles of particular religious communities (Islam, Christianity, Traditional religion) rather than the process of dialogue.

Ultimately, the early missionaries’ evangelization strategy and religious education in Nigeria also aimed to convert people to the Christian faith as the true religion (Nneji 2012). The aim is primarily to train young people to acquire the rudiments of literacy for reading the Bible and to educate obedient, docile people to uphold the Christian faith. This assertion is supported by Shanahan’s statements, who was the most renowned advocate for missionary education using the method of evangelization through schools in Eastern Nigeria at the time. He remarked: “Paganism was so deeply rooted in the people and their mental process was so well attuned to it that mere church-going or observance would make little change in them. What they needed as a preparation for the faith and as a safeguard for it after its reception was a new orientation of mind, based on the acceptance of Christian standards of judgment. Such a metamorphosis could come only through the school or through some sustained educational process” (Jordan 1971; Nneji 2012).

The above assertion is still evident at present, whereby the dominant model of Religious Education in Nigeria has been faith-oriented and overwhelmed by religious indoctrination and dogma. Religious education is used to get people to embrace Christianity or Islam. This is demonstrated in the Religious Education curricula that remain ‘confessional’ in Nigeria (Nneji 2012). The curriculum for Christian religious education primarily relies on passages from the Bible. For instance, an educator might select a specific passage from the Bible and instruct the students to read and analyze it. The issue arises because it is still taught as mere Bible knowledge, reminiscent of past practices, as previously discussed. Consequently, the principal aim of contemporary religious education is to adopt a one-faith perspective. Given that the conversion and one-faith strategy of religious education lacks dialogical interaction in the classroom, which typically involves inquiry and further clarification, this approach fails to accommodate the qualitative learning of other faith traditions. It gives no room for understanding and harmony with other faiths or spirituality, especially the Nigerian Indigenous spirituality. Therefore, to advance interreligious action that mitigates environmental crises, it is necessary to adopt an interfaith learning approach within the religious education curriculum in Nigerian schools.

This paper suggests that the religious education curriculum should integrate the three models of religious education: learning in religion (monoreligious learning), learning about religion (multi-religious learning), and learning from religion (Interreligious learning) (Nneji 2012; Lähnemann 2017; Grimmitt 2000; Grimmitt 1987). Firstly, learning religion constitutes pupils’ being educated and socialized within their specific faith tradition. This essentially implies catechesis, as it is predominantly conducted within religious communities (Lähnemann 2017). In other words, Nigerian schools should embrace catechesis as part of the religious education curriculum. It is anticipated, therefore, that pupils of various religions should be perceived as authentically representing and articulating the views of their respective faiths, without yielding to compromise. Being well embedded in one’s own faith tradition offers a framework of understanding others’ faith traditions, thus creating the possibility of appreciating and respecting the different religious groups. As Tracy explains, “To risk oneself in dialogue does not mean to enter with either a lack of self-respect or a lack of knowledge of and affirmation of at least the most important fragments (or, better, frag-events) of one’s traditions” (Tracy 2010). This promotes the need to cultivate religious identity and avoid erosion of religious identity by the tendency to adapt to other religious traditions, because engaging pupils in interfaith learning without deep-rootedness in their faith tradition may confuse identity. This will further cripple authentic interreligious dialogue. From the previous analysis of the nature of religious education in Nigeria, it is apparent that the first model is dominant and has prevailed to date. However, this model of religious learning lacks the openness to dialogue, understanding, and tolerance.

Secondly, learning about religion (multi-religious learning) refers to acquiring knowledge about various religions in an informative manner, devoid of judgment, while equally acknowledging diverse religious traditions (Nneji 2012; Grimmitt 1987; Lähnemann 2017). In this regard, the school setting comprises children from different religious backgrounds who learn about religion as stipulated in the government-issued curriculum. This model emphasizes values from different religious backgrounds to strike common ground in the classroom, where there are children of diverse faiths. For example, the theme of love and giving, common across different religions, is taught in the multireligious model of religious education. The goal of the multi-model is comparison rather than religious truth, as in the mono model. This approach can foster awareness of different religious traditions and their cultural and moral influences. This will therefore foster a mindset of openness, which is essential for harmonious coexistence. However, this model relativizes the particularity of religious truth in various religions by presenting religion as equal. It also lacks the openness that allows students to reflect and choose. Put differently, this model does not provide a ground for an actual encounter of different faith truths. Therefore, does not suffice to address the tension between eco-spiritual practices in Christian and indigenous religions. Religious education’s curriculum in Nigerian schools should include an introduction to various religious traditions and a comparison of truth claims, but also provide a ground for interfaith dialogue.

Thirdly, learning from religion (interreligious learning) entails offering pupils experiences of religions as they are practiced in vibrant communities, rather than merely presenting neutral information (Nneji 2012; Grimmitt 1987; Lähnemann 2017; Wielzen and Avest 2017). The potential for productive inter-religious dialogues necessitates that each religious tradition engaged cultivates a self-understanding that acknowledges the relevance of certain teachings from other religions. It suggests that other religions contribute to the resources available within religions that facilitate connections with one another, which in turn demands a degree of trust. Catherine Cornille refers to this level of learning as “interconnection” in her conditions for interreligious dialogue. Learning from religion also implies working cooperatively on a task or activity, for example, climate action. In other words, teachers create opportunities to motivate pupils to engage in action and communication that foster religious learning. Getting them to actively participate facilitates their dialogical skills and appreciation of others’ faith traditions.

Against this backdrop, this paper suggests, firstly, promoting the process of learning from religion. Interfaith learning avoids both the absolutism of the monoreligious model and the relativism of the multireligious model. It upholds the religious identity of various religions and also creates an environment of genuine dialogical encounter. To address the tension between Christianity and traditional religious followers, especially regarding eco-spiritual practices, the Nigerian educational sector needs to open avenues for different religions to engage in dialogue with sensitivity and fairness, and to securitize each other’s traditions to develop the religious self more fully. Participation should not be confined to a single religion but extended to different religions, fostering genuine encounters with others that enrich people spiritually. By doing this, we together promote ecological sustainability. Thus, religious education will serve as an avenue for adapting the concept of sustainability to local contexts and for balancing the urgency of the short term with the importance of the long term to ensure the success of sustainable development. In addition, religious education has to be professional as it is functional.

Secondly, to be able to successfully establish young people in interfaith learning that enhances dialogue and appreciation of other religions, there is a need to rethink the pedagogical model that is generally used in Nigerian schools. Generally, religious education in Nigeria uses a one-directional approach to teaching, whereby the teacher teaches, and the pupils listen. Afterward, the pupils are expected to memorise and replicate the teachings during evaluation. This pedagogical model stifles dialogue and active learning. An interfaith learning that has the potential to contribute to reducing tension between Christians and Indigenous religious followers and foster authentic environmental engagement is a Hermeneutical communicative model of education. A hermeneutical communicative model is a model that necessitates a persistent commitment to a thorough interpretation of reality, remaining vigilant to the contextual reality in which religious, cultural, social, historical, and/or ideological inquiries, challenges, and perceptions emerge and are encountered (Nneji 2012; Lombaerts and Pollefeyt 2004; Pollefeyt 2008). This model allows both teacher and pupil to face a shared risk: mutual influence; they have the potential to alter each other’s perspectives and attitudes. The educator does not serve solely as a source of information or as the one establishing normative principles. Rather, the primary duty of educators is to facilitate the interpretative integration of significant confrontations (Nneji 2012). When pupils engage in the elements of both Christian and Indigenous Religion and their inherent ecological values, the pupils learn to appreciate their personal faith and that of others, thereby facilitating an interreligious environmental engagement. Consequently, this will help reduce suspicion, hatred, conflicts, and tension about others’ faith. Rather, various faith traditions are brought together in solidarity with the ecosystem and the future of our planet.

Thirdly, learning from religion requires methodological and pedagogical expertise. Religious education teachers should have expertise in dialogue education, theology and religious studies, and sustainability to guide pupils toward interfaith solidarity in environmental engagement. As mentioned previously, one of the challenges facing Nigeria’s education system is an inadequately trained teacher workforce. Therefore, the Nigerian government, the education ministry, and the private sector should prioritize training teachers who specialize in religious education. In this light, religious education that integrates the different learning models, especially inter-faith learning, is desirable.

Fourthly, fostering interfaith learning is necessary to address tensions between Christians and indigenous religious adherents and requires cooperation among families and religious denominations. The role of families and churches in the effort to learn from religion is indispensable. Interfaith learning in schools becomes effective when every dimension of students’ lives actively shapes them (Ugbor 2015). In this case, Christian churches and families are to incorporate the process and openness to understand other religious traditions. Often, the religious tension ensues from the hate teaching of church leaders who themselves lack adequate learning in interfaith dialogue. In other words, the interreligious body in Nigeria should promote the study of other religious faiths in its preaching and church teachings. This also applies to family. This does not undermine the complexity of religious tensions in Nigeria. Interfaith learning in schools is one way to promote religious understanding and to learn from the values inherent in other religions.

Finally, interfaith learning in religious education should integrate environmental ethics and spiritualities of various religious traditions. Christians and adherents of traditional religions should learn about the environmental teachings of their religion and then engage with those of others. This will enable them to embrace the environmental values present in Nigeria’s indigenous religion and vice versa.

To implement the above suggestion, first, there is a need to establish a standardized, working religious education curriculum that embraces the three paradigms of learning religion: mono-religious, multi-religious, and interreligious. Unlike the previous curriculum, which focused on the religious majority in Nigeria (Christianity and Islam), the curriculum should include courses on traditional religions, covering the beliefs and practices of Nigeria’s indigenous religions. Beyond a simply idealistic curriculum, the suggested courses and topics on indigenous religion should also be included in the examination system, for example, the West Africa Examination Council (WAEC) and the National Examination Council (NECO). This will foster interest in learning from religion. Second, there is a need to fund education in Nigeria. The government should allocate more revenue to education. This may include introducing a free education system that will enable access to education. A free education system will help tackle the challenge of illiteracy and foster environmental sustainability. Third, there is a need to train more teachers in religious education. In addition, teachers’ training should include interreligious learning skills and environmental knowledge. Finally, interreligious dialogue involving religious representatives should place greater emphasis on traditional religion. Church leaders should create an avenue in their setting for learning about other religions and denominations.

7. Conclusions

The huge identification with religion and spirituality is a significant distinguishing element of Nigerian society. Thus, for many Nigerians, religion provides the framework for important decisions and daily life. However, religion in Nigeria is not homogeneous, which has resulted in heightened tension, suspicions, and conflicts, especially among Christians and Nigerian indigenous religious followers. This paper observed that this tension undermines the ecological values present in these two religions and jeopardizes the growing need for interreligious environmental engagement. To address this tension and promote religious environmental engagement, this paper proposes bottom-up interfaith learning in Nigerian schools. It argued that the tension results from religious illiteracy. This implies people know far too little about ‘the other’, their traditions, beliefs, rituals, and moral practices. Perhaps rather than tending to merge different faith traditions, the tension can be resolved by openness to learn and understand the beliefs and practices. Instead of delegitimizing the ‘other’, the need for ecological justice behooves us to take another look at the ecologically relevant ideas and practices of tribal cultures. Rather than focusing on the fear of the emergence of paganism, we concentrate on learning from others. Hence, by learning to appreciate their values.

Nonetheless, this paper presupposed that promoting care of nature through religious education entails openness to learn from others and to appreciate the other. It involves reviewing the religious education curriculum to accommodate religious minorities in Nigeria. Religious education should include learning religion, learning from religion, and learning about religion. In addition, this paper argued that religious education requires a hermeneutic communicative model of learning that provides space for personal transformation and rejects a monologue and conversion model of communicating faith.