Rationalization of the Sacred: The Experiences of Alevi Dedes in Transmitting Their Beliefs and Values to Young People

Abstract

The main purpose of the current study is to investigate how the beliefs and values of Alevism are transmitted to young people in the city and to examine the problems that arise in the process, drawing on the daily life experiences and perspectives of Alevi dedes (religious guides). This study primarily examines the difficulties that dedes encounter in transmitting Alevi beliefs and values to young people in urban settings, as well as the innovative methods they develop to address these challenges. The present study used a phenomenological design to answer the research question. Furthermore, the interview technique was preferred to collect research data, and semi-structured interview questions were asked to dedes. Sixteen Alevi dedes residing in Eskişehir, Ankara, Afyon, and Kütahya provinces in Türkiye were selected as the study sample. The findings show that young people’s participation in cem ceremonies declines due to the city’s intense work pace, their desire to pursue education and careers, and their fear of exclusion. Despite these challenges, dedes strive to ease the conditions for participation in cem ceremonies and to shorten their duration, to transmit Alevi beliefs and values to young people, and to increase their participation in cem ceremonies.

1. Introduction

Türkiye has a heterogeneous social structure where diverse religious traditions and cultural forms are intertwined. Alevism, which is part of this cultural richness, has been transmitted from generation to generation through oral culture and communal rituals. Hence, it stands out as a syncretic and heterodox belief system grounded in justice, love of humanity, and social solidarity (Melikoff 2011, p. 169; Shankland 2003, p. 1; Vorhoff 2003, p. 28; Sökefeld 2002a, p. 163; Kehl-Bodrogi 2003, p. 54; Işık 2021, p. 129; Yıldırım 2013, p. 154). Nowadays, the Alevi population in Türkiye cannot be determined because the country’s population censuses do not take into account ethnic or religious differences. However, some researchers attempt to provide estimated percentages on this issue. For example, Özdalga (2008, p. 192) assumed that Alevis constitute 15 percent of the Turkish population. Shankland and Çetin, Dreßler, and Oktay also obtained similar results, suggesting that the ratio of the Alevi community ranges from 15 to 20 percent (Dreßler 2016, p. 2; Oktay 2020, p. 426; Shankland and Çetin 2010, p. 17). Many Alevi youth, who constitute a significant part of the young population in Türkiye, have faced numerous problems for many years, including exclusion, marginalization, and humiliation in the public sphere due to their beliefs and religious practices (Gültekin 2024, p. 53; Vorhoff 1998, p. 231). Additionally, Alevi young people, who have been included in modern education after migration to the city, have begun to face problems with dedes1 due to scientific developments and political polarization. Thus, Alevi youth have started to criticize the authority of dedes and have distanced themselves from dedes (Bumke 1979, p. 544; Dreßler 2008, p. 285). Although the interest of Alevi youth in their own beliefs and doctrines has changed with migration to the city, the 1990s have witnessed a reawakening of Alevi identity among young people and within the Alevi community. Therefore, numerous works on Alevism have been published, and researchers have referred to this revival as the “Alevi Renaissance” (Dreßler 2016, p. 72; Ertit 2024, p. 979; Gümüş 2004, p. 525). Nevertheless, although these developments have partially revived the interest of Alevi youth in their religious beliefs, they have also paved the way for widespread debates among young people about whether Alevism is a political, cultural, or religious identity (Geçgin 2019, p. 1044; Massicard 2007, p. 20; Sökefeld 2008, p. 100; Tol 2009, p. 6). Hence, Alevi authorities have been forced to re-assess their beliefs and teachings in line with the requirements of the modern urban environment, as well as transmit cultural and religious knowledge to younger generations in urban settings, to instill an Alevi identity in young people (Özdalga 2008, p. 178; Yaman 2009b, p. 34; Yıldız 2013, p. 5). In this process and environment, the dede institution has played a significant role, especially by striving to transmit Alevi beliefs and doctrines to younger generations. Furthermore, to preserve the essence of Alevism and ensure the transmission of beliefs across generations, dedes have sought to restructure their roles in rural areas in line with the problems posed by the modern city and current social needs (Dreßler 2008, p. 295; Yaman 2020, p. 9). From this perspective, the challenges that dedes face in their interactions with young people and their experiences in coping with these challenges should be investigated in depth to understand the nature of the transmission of Alevi beliefs and values among generations in the city.

The literature on Alevism encompasses a wide range of studies. This body of scholarship has largely focused on themes such as the institution of dedelik, the ocak2 and talip3 organizations, the historical roots of Alevism, and the relationship between Alevism and politics. Conversely, relatively limited attention has been paid to interactions between dedes and young people as a central research focus, and they have more often been addressed as sub-themes within broader studies. For example, research on migration to the city and urbanization has shown that migration has disrupted the relationships between dedes and young people by eroding the inherently charismatic authority. However, interactions between young people and dedes have begun to be rebuilt, and the repositioning of the modern dede institution is discussed in this context (Sökefeld 2004; Gül 2021; Engin and Engin 2004). Some studies have indicated that the oppression and marginalization experienced in urban settings pave the way for developing reactive political identities among young people. This disrupts the relationship between dedes and young people and even causes young people to produce harsh discourses against dedes (Bumke 1979; Dreßler 2008; Geçgin 2019; Özata 2020; Tanyas 2024; Vorhoff 2003; Sinanoğlu 2017). Studies on digitalization have concluded that the increased use of social media platforms and communication tools by dedes in recent times allows them to reach younger talips more easily. Thus, participation in religious practices has increased to a relative extent (Erol 2010; Markussen 2010; Soileau 2010). Apart from these studies, research on Alevi youth has focused on themes such as identity, exclusion, migration, urbanization and secularization, religious practices, and digitalization. For example, studies on the theme of identity have stressed that, after 1990, the Alevi youth distanced themselves from ideologies and produced multiple identities under the effect of individualization and began to re-establish a sense of belonging to their religious and cultural identity owing to organizations (Bozkurt 2015; Bruinessen 2023; Coşan Eke 2017; Geaves 2003; Geçgin 2019; Gültekin 2024; Loth and Tepeli 2019; Martens 2009; Şahin 2012). Studies on exclusion have reported that the marginalization young people experience because of their beliefs leads them to feel anxious about the future; however, the visibility of young people in the public sphere has increased due to recent institutional initiatives (Aktaş 2003; Sökefeld 2003; Tanyas 2024; Tol 2017). Studies on migration, urbanization, and secularization have argued that young people’s participation in religious practices declines due to long working hours, individualization, and education (Kehl-Bodrogi 2003; Shankland 2003). Finally, studies on digitalization have asserted that digital platforms have positive functions, including compensating for missing information about religious traditions, fostering supportive environments for identity discussions among young people, and enhancing social ties (Jenkins 2020; Massicard 2013; Sökefeld 2002b). In light of the studies presented above, this article contributes to the existing literature by examining the process through which beliefs and values are transmitted to younger generations from the lived experiences of Alevi dedes.

The present article is based on a qualitative field study conducted as part of a scientific research project between 2024 and 2025 using semi-structured interview questions. This study aimed to examine transformations that occur when transmitting Alevi beliefs and values to young people (urban Alevis aged between 15 and 30 years) under the impact of urbanization, drawing on the daily life experiences of Alevi dedes. In line with this purpose, the current study analyzed the transformation of the interaction styles between dedes and young people and their strategies for adapting to contemporary conditions. The present research primarily examines how dedes transmit Alevi beliefs and values to younger generations amid urbanization and digitalization, the challenges they face in this process, and the innovative methods they adopt to overcome them. This study contributes to the existing literature by investigating the process of transmitting Alevi beliefs and values to young people in an urban context shaped by the relationship between tradition and modernity, based on the daily life experiences of Alevi dedes in the selected provinces (Eskişehir, Ankara, Afyon, and Kütahya). To address the research question, the field data were analyzed and compared with existing studies in the relevant literature. This article evaluated factors affecting Alevi youth’s interest in faith and their sensitivity to tradition, drawing on dedes’ observations and experiences. This study also offered practical and theoretical recommendations for cemevis, organizations, and policymakers.

2. The Dede and the Youth

An individual should possess certain qualities to be accepted as a “dede” in the Alevi belief system. First, a dede candidate must be male and come from an ocak lineage (Dreßler 2013, p. 243). The dede institution is predominantly patriarchal and dedes are generally positioned at the top of this hierarchy (Coşan Eke 2021, p. 21; Çelik and Kırteke 2017, p. 121; Sökefeld 2002a, p. 164). Even if the criteria above are met, the dede (ocakzade) must be accepted by a specific community of talips as a person of moral integrity (Dreßler 2013, p. 244). Moreover, each talip must show respect to the dede with whom they are affiliated, whereas the dede also has certain responsibilities toward his talips (Dreßler 2013, p. 242; Sökefeld 2008, p. 146). From talips’ perspective, the primary responsibility of the dede is to manage cem ceremonies they need (Işık 2021, p. 137). In addition to managing cem ceremonies, dedes should also serve as mediators among their talips, acting as moral and spiritual guides. Thus, dedes should help preserve social order and strengthen solidarity within the community. Furthermore, in line with their roles as mediators, dedes should visit their talips at least once a year and resolve any disputes between them (Yaman 2009a, p. 178; Coşan Eke 2021, p. 21). Therefore, dedes have numerous duties such as engaging in religious guidance activities, managing religious rituals (weddings, funerals, cem ceremonies, etc.), ensuring social control, establishing community order, and serving as moral role models (Coşkun 2020, p. 143; Yaman 2009a, p. 187; Tuğrul 2019, p. 468). Talips are required to display respect to dedes and make voluntary donations under the name of “Hakkullah” within this reciprocal relationship of responsibility (Sökefeld 2008, p. 157; Yaman 2020, p. 18).

The traditional forms of relationship between dedes and their talips, summarized above, have changed with the migration of Alevis from villages to cities in Türkiye, which started in the 1950s and accelerated in the 1960s (Ersal 2024, p. 30; Özdalga 2008, p. 178). Migration to cities has not only made it largely impossible to maintain the traditional structure preserved in rural areas, but has also transformed the interaction between Alevi dedes and their talips (Baykan and Erol 2024, p. 239; Işık 2021, p. 128; Yaman 2009b, p. 35). In traditional Alevism, the dede is a religious guide and a figure ensuring social control. However, these roles have begun to weaken with migration to cities (Tuğrul 2019, p. 473; Dreßler 2013, p. 242). The emergence of educated Alevi elites in cities has challenged the central role of dedes in religious knowledge, and educated Alevi elites (not dedes) have begun to take on the role of transmitters of religious knowledge and doctrines (Dreßler 2008, p. 285; Uçar 2007, p. 108). The fact that families belonging to different lineages live in the same neighborhoods or regions in the urban environment has led to the heterogeneity of the Alevi community, making it challenging for dedes to know individuals who participate in cem ceremonies (Ertit 2024, p. 982; Yaman 2020, p. 20; Dreßler 2013, p. 246). Additionally, the central roles of Alevi dedes, such as administering “düşkünlük” (social/ritual suspension) sanctions and reconciling disputes within the community, have become less functional in the city. Consequently, the roles of dedes have been gradually shifted toward advice and suggestions (Yıldız 2013, p. 11; Yaman 2009a, p. 195). Moreover, the inability of dedes to access financial support, such as “Hakkullah,” from their talips in rural areas has caused dedes to pursue different careers (Ertit 2024, p. 991; Sökefeld 2008, p. 162). Hence, dedes working in the private or public sectors have experienced difficulties fulfilling their duties and have tended to fulfill their duties as dedes only after retirement (Yaman 2009a, p. 193). Although these characteristics of dedes may vary by region, dedes occupy a central position in the conduct of cem rituals due to the roles they play, derived from their charismatic authority and the talip community’s recognition of them as dedes.

Migration to cities has not only transformed the authority of dedes but has also caused significant problems in their relationships with Alevi youth. The transmission of beliefs and values between generations has been disrupted for various reasons, such as Alevi youth’s inability to interact with dedes in cities or not knowing their dedes (Gül 2021, p. 43). For example, Alevi researcher Engin and Engin (2004, p. 10) summarized this situation with the following statements: “My father says that Alevism is Islam, and we are the true Muslims. I say that Alevism is a belief system in itself, but it has also been affected by Islam. My son says that Alevism is only a philosophy, a way of life.” As can be understood from Engin’s statement, the secular environment created by modern urban life has prepared the ground for Alevi youth to question Alevi religious beliefs and identities. For instance, the orientation toward left-wing movements has caused significant rifts between some Alevi youth and their dedes, and the youth have harshly criticized dedes as “exploitative” and “charlatan” (Bumke 1979, p. 544; Dreßler 2008, p. 285). Additionally, younger generations included in the modern education system in the city have begun to distance themselves from dedes, believing that dedes lack contemporary knowledge. This distancing has also led to a loss of respect for dedes among the youth (Sinanoğlu 2017, p. 18; Gül 2021, p. 44). Nevertheless, although the challenges of urban life have weakened the relationship between Alevi dedes and young people, many Alevi youth have begun to show renewed interest in their social, religious, and cultural past since the early 1990s (Ocak 1996, p. 231; Shankland 2005, p. 21). The frequent usage of social media and other communication technologies by dedes in recent times has made it easier for them to reach their young talips. Thus, young people, in particular, have started to take a greater role in religious activities such as semah4 (Markussen 2010, p. 75).

3. Materials and Methods

The present study used a qualitative research method to investigate transformations in the transmission of Alevi beliefs and values to younger generations, drawing on Alevi dedes’ observations and experiences, under the impact of urbanization. Therefore, the study evaluated changes in dedes’ roles under the influence of urbanization and dedes’ strategies for adapting to modern environments from their perspectives. The current study employed an interview technique, as this allowed dedes to describe their daily life experiences in detail and express how they interpreted them. Semi-structured interview questions were asked to dedes. Whereas semi-structured interview questions provide researchers with the opportunity to obtain in-depth knowledge about the subjects under analysis, they also enable participants to share their own experiences interactively (Creswell 2013, p. 77; DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree 2006, p. 317; Mason 2002, p. 73). In this regard, once the research questions had been posed to dedes, their responses were read back to them, and any points they wished to add, clarify, or revise were incorporated into the final record. Furthermore, when the researchers encountered words or expressions used by dedes that were not fully understood, the interview was paused, and the participants were asked to elaborate on the unclear points. It was planned to conduct the research with the participation of 18 Alevi dedes residing in the Eskişehir, Ankara, Afyon, and Kütahya provinces of Türkiye and to include one dede from each ocak in the region as much as possible. However, two dedes declined to participate in the study due to some sensitive issues they did not wish to disclose. The research was conducted through face-to-face interviews with 16 Alevi dedes, each lasting about 3 h. Eight interviews were conducted in dedes’ homes, three in cemevis, and five in diverse meeting settings. The Alevi dedes who participated in the research voluntarily, except for two, reside in city centers. Alevi dedes disagree on some issues due to the discriminatory attitudes and various internal disputes they have experienced from the past to the present. To avoid creating new disputes among dedes and to avoid deepening existing ones, all demographic information of the Alevi dedes participating in the research was kept confidential. The growing number of people who identify as “dede” today suggests that, with the migration to urban settings, the criteria of the legitimacy of authority have become more pluralized, religious leadership has become more contested, and its forms of representation in the city are being renegotiated. Although the present study does not directly examine this transformation, the sampling criteria were designed to focus on dedes who are recognized by the community, actively conduct cem ceremonies, and maintain ongoing relationships with their talips. For this reason, purposive sampling technique was employed, and participants were required to have led at least two cem ceremonies and to have recognized by a community of talips. This study preferred purposive sampling because it allows researchers to deliberately select individuals with specific characteristics aligned with the study’s purposes (Campbell et al. 2020, p. 654). After the necessary permissions were obtained from the Social and Human Sciences Human Research Ethics Committee of Eskişehir Osmangazi University on 9 October 2024, interviews were conducted between 12 November 2024, and 18 August 2025.

The study employed a descriptive phenomenological research design since it allows for an understanding of the essence of Alevi dedes’ daily life experiences and their perceptions and interpretations of different issues. The distinguishing feature of the phenomenological design is that it facilitates access to rich and descriptive data through intensive interaction with participants (Cooper et al. 2009, p. 775). Moreover, the phenomenological design is an effective tool for examining participants’ subjective approaches and perceptions in research conducted using semi-structured interview questions (Merriam 2009, p. 23). Dedes’ voices were not recorded during data collection due to the sensitivity of the subject examined. During the interviews, each dede was first given a demographic form to collect some information about them, and their answers to the interview questions were recorded in a notebook. These notebooks were destroyed after the carefully preserved data were digitally transcribed. During the interviews, two researchers recorded the data in notebooks to prevent information loss during the conversations. The transcribed interview data were first coded and converted into categories, and main themes were developed based on these categories. The coding process was completed when it reached saturation, with similar repetitions. The data were coded and converted into categories, and themes were created using the MAXQDA 2024 qualitative research data analysis program.

Reliability and Validity

It is crucial to ensure reliability and validity in qualitative research using an interview technique to improve study quality and the reliability of results. However, since there is no universally accepted criterion for evaluating qualitative research, establishing reliability and validity in research is challenging (Noble and Smith 2015, p. 35; Miyata and Kai 2009, p. 66). Although universally accepted and agreed-upon common criteria are absent, researchers apply diverse techniques to ensure validity and reliability in research. First, researchers should explain in detail the data collection process, whether the necessary permissions were received, and how the research results were obtained. Additionally, researchers must obtain verbal consent from participants regarding their voluntary participation in the study. Finally, having the interview questions analyzed and evaluated by at least two experts in the field increases research reliability (Kuckartz 2014, p. 160). The current study considered the above-mentioned issues. Before receiving ethical approval, two experts reviewed semi-structured interview questions, and pilot interviews were conducted with three dedes to prepare the interview questions. In this respect, pilot interviews are an effective practice for clarifying interview questions and their scope (Kim 2010, p. 191). After the interviews, each transcript was read to dedes, who were given the ethical committee approval document for the research. Note-taking was interrupted at moments when dedes displayed sensitivity, taking their warnings into account. Any topic that dedes did not want to be recorded was not included in the research transcript. Lincoln and Guba (1985, p. 438) and Creswell and Miller (2010, p. 125) recommended such precautions to ensure study reliability and validity.

4. Results

Three main themes were identified based on frequently recurring codes in the interview data (see

Table 1. Sub-themes and Themes.

Themes	The Youth and the Changing Socio-Cultural Structure	From Lineage to Education: Modern Dede Institution	Reconfiguring Family, Marriage, and Communal Continuity
Sub-themes
1	Participation in Cem Ceremonies: Obstacles, Exclusion, and Ikrar5	Innovative Methods Developed by Dedes	Families and Alevi Youth
2	Tensions Between Dedes and Young People: Questioning Youth	Young People and Becoming a Dede	Young People and Marriage
3	Technology and Social Media Use		Expectations and Concerns About the Future

). First, the participation of Alevi youth in cem ceremonies in the urban setting and dedes’ experiences in transmitting Alevi values to young people under changing socio-cultural conditions were examined under the main theme “The youth and the changing socio-cultural structure.” The second main theme, “From lineage to education: modern dede institution,” examined the innovative methods dedes developed to transmit religious doctrines and beliefs to young people and the young people’s desire to become dedes. Finally, the interactions between families and Alevi youth, the marital status of young people, and the expectations and concerns of dedes regarding the future of young Alevis were analyzed under the main theme “Reconfiguring family, marriage, and communal continuity.” Since the interviews with dedes were translated from Turkish into English, the original Turkish answers were also included in footnotes to preserve the authenticity of dedes’ expressions. Pseudonyms were not assigned to dedes when presenting the interview findings since repeating the same pseudonym across different sub-themes, when the quotations were put together, would make dedes’ statements visible and increase the risk of revealing their identities.

4.1. The Youth and the Changing Socio-Cultural Structure

Modernization is often understood as a process that reshapes traditional structures and gives rise to new social dynamics. In this respect, it provides a useful framework for analyzing, through dedes’ experiences, how Alevi youth in today’s urban setting engage with Alevism and the dede institution. Therefore, the secular structure of the urban setting is strengthened not only in the public sphere but also by the impact of digital platforms, preventing the religious identities of young people from remaining constant and making them fluid. The majority of the dedes stated that young people receiving modern education scientifically question Alevi teachings, which often leads to tension between dedes and the youth. The intense interest of young people in technology, their improved research abilities, and their rapid access to different information through social media use necessitate that dedes review their knowledge based on tradition and develop novel forms of communication. In this respect, the first main theme analyzed the factors driving increases and decreases in participation in cem ceremonies, seeking to shed light on the relationships between dedes and youth amid tensions arising from migration and changing urban conditions.

4.1.1. Participation in Cem Ceremonies: Obstacles, Exclusion, and Ikrar

The majority of the dedes interviewed in this study stated that a significant proportion of Alevi youth are subjected to exclusionary practices, labeled in the public sphere due to their distinct cultural backgrounds and beliefs, and treated as “the other”. Hence, the current sub-theme tried to analyze the impact of exclusion on the participation of Alevi youth in cem ceremonies, the status of giving ikrar, and their desire to continue education based on Alevi dedes’ experiences and perspectives. According to dedes’ observations, the decreased interest of young people in cem ceremonies closely correlates with the fear of social exclusion and negative statements about Alevis. Moreover, the decreased participation of young people in cem ceremonies is not merely a matter of individual preferences, but is associated with urbanization, secularization, economic causes, lack of religious education, and the way dedes lead cem ceremonies.

“One day I asked him, ‘Why don’t you come?’ He said, ‘My parents don’t allow it.’ I asked why. They said, ‘If you go to the cemevi, you’ll be blacklisted and excluded.”6

“He said, ‘Dede, I’m going to study, I have a future. I can’t come to the cem ceremony all the time.”7

“Participation in cem ceremonies is very low. For example, we participated in one the other day. There wasn’t a single young person. The youngest participant was 50 years old.”8

4.1.2. Tensions Between Dedes and Young People: Questioning Youth

Some of the dedes stated that Alevi youth in the region do not approach religious and cultural issues in the same way as dedes; instead, they display a more questioning and inquisitive attitude. Young people in urban settings criticize or question dedes raised in traditional Alevi beliefs due to the traditional knowledge they use in cem ceremonies. Therefore, the present sub-theme examined the tensions between dedes and young people arising from the questioning and critical approaches of young people toward dedes’ statements and their methods of transmitting religious teachings, based on dedes’ experiences. First, many dedes’ statements show that Alevi youth approach religious life and beliefs in a more questioning and critical way under the influence of urbanization and digitalization. As stated by some dedes, young people raised in urban settings frequently compare the scientific knowledge with Alevi teachings and often question the way dedes conduct cem ceremonies and transmit religious knowledge.

“Dedes have to behave carefully. When you say something wrong, young people say, ‘I’ve checked that verse, it doesn’t mention that issue at all.”9

“Young people used to be devout in the past. They didn’t ask many questions; they asked no questions at all. Today, even middle-aged people ask questions by looking at the youth.”10

“When you recite a verse during a cem ceremony, young people can immediately check it on the internet and say, ‘Dede, you’ve said the number wrong; there is something like this here.”11

4.1.3. Technology and Social Media Use

Most of the dedes interviewed in this study stated that Alevi youth in the region frequently use technological tools and regard them as an important means of obtaining religious knowledge. Hence, the current sub-theme examined social media use and dedes’ positions in the face of technological advancements and the impacts of using these tools on dedes’ interaction with young people. The majority of Alevi dedes attach great importance to using social media to communicate with young people and to establish contact with their talips in distant places. Owing to social media, dedes can listen to their young talips who live far away and quickly respond to their questions. Although this facilitates communication for some dedes, it also weakens faith, beliefs, and worship. Despite all this, social media use directly impacts the process and style by which dedes transmit beliefs to young people.

“It is a necessity of modern life. Social media is the most effective method. Everyone has a cell phone, so I try to reach them through it.”12

“As a dede who uses such technology, I can reach young people more easily. I have talips in distant provinces. I can reach young people through things like WhatsApp.”13

“On the contrary, we benefit from social media. When I can’t come, they ask questions online until 8–11. We have talips who are doctors, engineers, etc.”14

“Young people have these things called phones. There’s no respect, your conversation should stay away, and so should that.”

“One day, we were praying before a meal. A young person said, ‘Dede, keep it shorter.’ It’s disrespect.”15

4.2. From Lineage to Education: Modern Dede Institution

Taking into account the statements of some dedes, religious teachings that were rarely debated or questioned in rural settings in the past are increasingly being questioned among young people in urban contexts. In this process, many dedes state that they continuously seek to improve their own knowledge to convey religious teachings through more rational methods that can be understood by urban youth who have received modern education. In this context, our study demonstrated that dedes try to rebuild their cultural capital in line with the necessities of modern urban life and the expectations of well-educated young people in the city. In this respect, the main theme analyzed the novel teaching methods developed by dedes in line with the city’s needs, the questioning of dedes by Alevi youth receiving modern education, and the willingness of young people to become a dede.

4.2.1. Innovative Methods Developed by Dedes

The majority of dedes suggest that they attempt to prevent young people’s alienation from faith through contemporary teaching techniques developed in the process of transmitting knowledge. In their view, these efforts are particularly necessary in response to the intense stimuli of the modern urban setting, which distance young people from faith. They also assume that faith constitutes an important bulwark against alienation. Therefore, this sub-theme investigated the novel methods developed by dedes in the process of transmitting religious beliefs and values to Alevi youth, which are in line with and rationalized by modern educational understanding. The findings show that the novel methods that dedes use to transmit beliefs and teachings to young people in the modern urban life have yielded successful results. For example, it is quite remarkable that young people can ask dedes their thoughts about mystical events without any hesitation and that dedes attempt to give rational answers to young people’s questions. Some dedes report that their teaching methods have also been transformed in the urban setting, especially since young people seek more concrete and scientifically based information and approach “batıni” (esoteric, essential, and deeper meaning) explanations with distance.

“Now, we don’t talk about things like ‘kan kalesini (the blood fortress)’ like we used to. Now, we focus on being a good person.”16

“Young people accept if you share experiences with them. They notice and are impacted by this within science. It’s not enough to say, ‘The stone started talking’ or ‘The animal started talking.’ You should prove this.”17

“For example, older generations may understand and believe Hazrat Ali killed 1000 people with a single swing of his sword. However, the new generation won’t understand if you can’t explain this. The death of 1000 people means that unbelievers became Muslims. You should explain it in this way.”18

4.2.2. Young People and Becoming a Dede

Some dedes stated that young people in the city are reluctant to become a dede due to their intense work lives and the desire to continue their education and pursue careers. In this regard, the current sub-theme sought to analyze Alevi youth’s willingness to become dedes in an urban setting, drawing on dedes’ experiences. Dedes stated that many individuals who introduce themselves as dedes in the city do not actually possess the qualities necessary to be a dede and do not have the religious knowledge and authority necessary for this role. Moreover, they expressed their sadness at young Alevis’s reluctance to become dedes, which would restore the former prestige of the dede institution.

“What can we say, what can we do? This has to arise from inside. Today’s young people have no shame.”19

“There is the following difficulty: let’s say, we have trained a dede. But there’s no guarantee of his future. He has to do a second job. That’s why young dedes cannot fulfill their duties as dedes.”20

“Strictly speaking, nobody wants to become a dede.”21

4.3. Reconfiguring Family, Marriage, and Communal Continuity

A significant proportion of the dedes stated that urbanization and migration to cities have affected the traditional structure of Alevism, altered the relationship between dedes and youth, and made the conduct of cem ceremonies considerably more challenging. As the social relations of urban youth have become increasingly individualized, the discipline of cem ceremonies and the social sanctions associated with them have gradually weakened. For this reason, dedes have found it increasingly difficult to maintain communication with Alevi youth dispersed across urban areas. Thus, dedes have turned to transmitting certain practices in a more rationalized form to increase participation in cem ceremonies and to reduce the effects of secular urban life on individuals. One example of this is the weakening or removal of certain sanctions, such as treating marriages outside the faith as a cause of “düşkünlük.” Additionally, modern life and urbanization have shortened the duration of traditional rituals and cem ceremonies, while also transforming their form and timing. This theme discussed the relationships between families and youth, youth and marriage, and dedes’ fears and expectations from dedes’ perspectives.

4.3.1. Families and Alevi Youth

According to some of the Alevi dedes who participated in the research, young people nowadays do not follow their families’ advice and make their own decisions without consulting them due to weakened family ties and the influence of individualization. Therefore, this sub-theme examined the relationships between young people and their families and focused on the impact of families on youth in participating in cem ceremonies and in teaching religious knowledge. Some dedes regard the family’s failure to participate in cem ceremonies and to encourage their children to attend them as a serious threat to the youth’s commitment to their faith. Nevertheless, some dedes indicate that the positive effects of the recent increase in young people’s independence from their families should also be considered. Conversely, according to some dedes, this cannot fully replace traditional family and support for cem ceremonies. For this reason, most dedes think that the family plays a central role in ensuring that young people learn and adopt their faith.

“We regard parents as a great threat. It won’t work if you can’t teach young people anything. Today’s young people are very sharp. They will ask, ‘Why and where did this come from?”22

“There is irresponsibility, lack of faith, and lack of belief. They don’t bring their children along. It’s not a threat, it’s neglect, indifference.”23

“Parents themselves don’t know anything, so how can they teach their children? They don’t even try.”24

4.3.2. Young People and Marriage

Some of the dedes participating in the study consider marriage and family formation vital for the solidarity of the Alevi community. In this respect, the present sub-theme evaluated young people who marry individuals of different faiths or postpone family formation for particular reasons, without consulting their families or dedes, from dedes’ perspective. First, most dedes often criticize the fact that Alevi youth meet and marry individuals of different faiths during their university education. There is a common belief among dedes that marriages between Alevis and Sunnis will hinder or weaken the continuation of commitment to the religion in the future.

“A young person can marry a Sunni, but their spouse should come and give ikrar. Their spouse can perform the Islamic prayer, but they also should accept Alevism.”25

“There is no ikrar without marriage. My grandson got married last year. A year has passed, but he hasn’t given ikrar. He says, ‘I haven’t started a job yet.’”26

“There used to be no marriages between Alevis and Sunnis in the past. Now, what has happened? The number of marriages between Alevis and Sunnis has increased. Thus, the child is on one side, and the parents are on the other. The child cannot abandon either of them: they can’t say anything to their mother or father. This time, deism emerges.”27

4.3.3. Expectations and Concerns About the Future

The expectations and concerns of many dedes about the future of Alevi youth play a critical role in maintaining collective consciousness through social solidarity and in rebuilding community ties. Hence, this sub-theme examined the concerns and expectations about the future of youth and Alevism, based on dedes’ perspectives, specifically in the context of upbringing the youth and the continuity of religious rituals, e.g., ikrar. Some dedes participating in the research consider giving ikrar by young people crucial for the future existence of the Alevi faith. Therefore, they stated that the strict rules based on tradition should be relaxed. Finally, many dedes state that Alevis are subjected to discrimination in the public sphere due to exclusionary expressions. Therefore, there are thoughts and concerns that Alevi youth cannot openly declare their faith and properly practice the tradition.

“We expect that young people will give ikrar and enter this path. Unless the new generation enters this path, the elders will pass away, and there will be no one to follow them. If no one gives ikrar, cem rituals will end.”28

“Our concern is that they will be confronted with superstitions.”29

“We should focus on the youth and re-establish the institution of ikrar and musahiplik (spiritual brotherhood), which are necessary for the path, to encourage their participation in cem rituals. The losses of the last fifty years must be rectified.”30

5. Discussion

Since this study is based on a regionally delimited field sample, its findings on Alevi dedes and Alevi youth are not intended to be generalized. Nevertheless, considering the data obtained and the study’s aim, the situation in the region was evaluated in comparison with other studies in the relevant literature. Drawing on the interview data obtained from the present study suggests that the intense pace of urban life, the continuation of education, workload, and concerns about labeling have decreased young people’s participation in cem ceremonies. Another notable finding concerns the criticism voiced by the dedes interviewed regarding the labeling of young people in the public sphere. In this respect, most dedes often stated that many young people cannot attend cem ceremonies or give ikrar due to the fear of “being labeled” and “being excluded” and the desire to “continue their education.” Bozkurt (2015, p. 106) and Karabulut (2017, p. 120) similarly argued that although young people’s participation in cem ceremonies has increased to a limited extent, their overall interest in Alevism remains weak. Furthermore, Tol (2017, p. 8), Aktaş (2003, p. 116), and Geçgin (2019, p. 1033) noted that Alevi youth are frequently subjected to discrimination, concluding that this prevents young people from attending religious rituals. As suggested by Goffman (1963, p. 4), labeling attitudes reproduce mechanisms of exclusion within interpersonal interaction. In this respect, exclusionary and labeling attitudes toward young people, as evidenced by both prior research and the present study, constitute a major obstacle for Alevi youth in the region. Gül (2021, p. 44) similarly argued that, in addition to discrimination, young people may refrain from giving ikrar and may be unable to participate in cem ceremonies because of other factors such as marriage, continuing education, and employment. Nevertheless, some researchers have reported that young people’s participation in cem ceremonies and their indifference toward religious beliefs have begun to change. Previous studies have also obtained similar findings. For example, Shankland and Çetin (2010, p. 235) and Tol (2017, p. 36) argued that, although young people regard Alevism as an identity, they are more willing to participate in association-based activities such as music and semah. Likewise, Ertit (2024, p. 979) claimed that Alevi youth have begun to reinterpret tradition and tend to establish deeper connections with their beliefs and historical heritage. Apart from participating in cem ceremonies, some dedes reported experiencing problems arising from the style or tone of communication with young people. For example, young people’s “disrespectful” or “indifferent” behavior toward dedes substantially disturbs them. Dreßler (2013, p. 241), who obtained similar results to the current study, reported that reforms suitable for modern life should be made to the education of dedes, highlighting that Alevi dedes who adopt traditional teachings face difficulties communicating with youth. Yaman (2009a, p. 197) asserted that dedes who have migrated to the city experience tensions with young people due to their traditional forms of knowledge. The researcher also argued that dedes should develop novel interpretations in transmitting Alevi beliefs and teachings by considering the city’s needs. Furthermore, conflicts between the youth and dedes stem from young people questioning dedes’ authority due to a lack of knowledge. Therefore, within the regional context in which the study was conducted, tensions regarding the source of authority and the legitimacy of knowledge are increasing in the relationship between young people and dedes. Thus, while young people do not regard dedes as “spiritual authority,” find them boring due to their age and style, or try to evaluate them by asking difficult-to-answer questions, dedes, in turn, strive to answer the questions of young people in cem ceremonies in the first place. Dedes also strive to build a more tolerant discourse toward them and repair the deteriorated interaction using digital tools. Yıldız (2013, p. 12) and Gül (2021, p. 8) argued that dedes’ inability to adapt to the requirements of modern urban life and their lack of adequate pedagogical training lead to disputes between dedes and young people, thereby preparing the ground for criticism of dedes by young people. Most dedes stated that young people constantly check and take notes on the information conveyed by dedes, particularly during cem ceremonies or in social environments. This disturbs some dedes on the issue of making mistakes. Geçgin (2019, p. 1046) and Karabulut (2017, p. 148), who reached similar findings, argued that Alevi youth in the city are more questioning in their interpretation of religious knowledge than previous generations. Uçar (2007, p. 108) drew attention to the inadequate religious and scientific knowledge among dedes in the city, suggesting that they are often criticized for this. Likewise, Sinanoğlu (2017, p. 18) concluded that young people criticize the information transmitted by dedes and question them due to the impact of technological advancements, the expansion of educational opportunities, and the ease of access to information.

Despite numerous problems with young people, most dedes believe that social media is the most effective way to reach young people and transmit religious values. Hence, they attempt to answer the questions of educated young people by broadcasting on popular social media platforms, such as WhatsApp and Facebook. Nevertheless, social media leads to some negative consequences during worship despite its positive functions. For example, as most dedes specify, young people attending cem ceremonies spend time on social media or using technological devices during the ceremony. Dedes criticize the behavior of young people preoccupied with their phones during the cem ceremony and frequently warn them. Yaman (2020, p. 7), who reached similar results, indicated that the communication tools that developed after migration to cities have led to questioning dedes’ knowledge, highlighting their weaknesses in using these tools. On the other hand, Geçgin (2019, p. 1048) assumed that social media is an effective tool for young people and dedes to access information, find solutions to questions, and for dedes to establish quicker communication with the youth. Gümüş (2004, p. 507) asserted that dedes have been communicating with young talips using developing technological tools since the 1990s and have improved their skills in using them. Despite the ease of reaching young people using digital tools, dedes state that educated young people in the city no longer accept historical and religious events, such as the “kan kalesi (the blood fortress)” or the “Khaybar incident,” which are accepted without question in villages. They also state that they use novel analytical interpretations to explain such mystical teachings and that they emphasize universal values, such as being a mature and good person, more in cem ceremonies. This tendency may be read alongside Weber’s (1946, p. 139) observation that religious institutions in the modern world often sustain themselves through the more rational reinterpretation of religious teachings. As the findings of the present study suggest, many dedes participate in a wide range of activities to prevent young people from becoming alienated from Alevi beliefs and values. From this perspective, Berger’s (2011, p. 106) argument that religion can protect against alienation provides a useful lens for interpreting dedes’ efforts. In the face of the intense stimuli of urban life, dedes employ contemporary teaching techniques to sustain young people’s connection to faith and communal values. Markussen (2010, p. 75), who reached similar findings on this issue, reported that dedes enroll in diverse training programs and attend seminars to facilitate the transmission of religious values to young people. Sökefeld (2008, pp. 165–69) and Karabulut (2017, p. 88) asserted that some dedes write works on Alevism and learn different languages to transmit religious knowledge more effectively. Another issue often emphasized by dedes in our study is young people’s reluctance to become dedes. Most dedes stated that young people do not consider becoming dedes since they want to continue their education and make a good career. Economic and time constraints also prevent young people from becoming dedes. Some dedes indicated that efforts to increase income, financial insecurity, and the need to perform the duties of a dede while performing other jobs prevent young people from becoming dedes. Additionally, to become dedes, young people should be trained under the guidance of a dede for a long time, regularly attend cem ceremonies, and observe and practice certain rituals. However, dedes sadly stated that young people in the city do not have sufficient time to learn this kind of dede’s roles. In this respect, Bourdieu’s (1986, p. 246) emphasis on the intergenerational transmission of cultural capital provides a useful perspective for understanding how dedes seek to sustain and re-establish their legitimacy under urban conditions. The findings of the present study suggest that dedes attempt to reconstruct their cultural capital in ways that respond to both the demands of urban life and the expectations of young people. Previous studies have also noted similar concerns. Karabulut (2017, p. 95) and Yaman (2009b, p. 36) argued that dedes are concerned about the future of the dede institution since ocakzade youth are not willing enough to become dedes. Additionally, Uçar (2007, p. 114) reported that it becomes quite challenging to find a young dede and that dedes usually begin to perform their duties after retirement. In addition to young people’s reluctance to become dedes, which poses a significant risk to the continuation of the dede institution, most dedes stated that families fail to fulfill their responsibilities in transmitting the Alevi faith to future generations and raising young people. For example, some dedes believe that the regular participation of parents in cem ceremonies and their regular communication with dedes deeply impact young people’s interest in their beliefs. However, some dedes criticize parents’ attitude toward their children’s religious education, describing it as “indifference.” Therefore, Bozkurt (2015, p. 106), who obtained findings similar to ours, emphasized that young people’s interest in religious practices is weakening due to a lack of encouragement from their families. Likewise, Aktaş (2003, p. 117) argued that families’ non-participation in religious practices, or their reluctance to participate for particular reasons, influences young people’s involvement in religious practices. Engin and Engin (2004, p. 10) asserted that religious incompatibilities arising from intergenerational differences between Alevi families and young people cause various problems, noting that young people perceive Alevism as a cultural and philosophical identity. Conversely, the first families who migrated to the city used to view Alevism as the essence of Islam. Yıldız (2013, p. 14) assumed that migration to the city transforms the Alevi family structure and that young people receiving modern education in the urban setting become independent of their families and individualize.

Drawing on the interview data obtained from the dedes, another notable finding of the present study is young people’s reluctance to marry and establish families, as well as their tendency to marry non-Alevis. For instance, according to some dedes, the condition in the Alevi belief system that a person cannot give ikrar before marriage prevents young people from participating in religious practices. To overcome these challenges, some dedes stress the need for marriages to be planned in advance and for Alevi youth to be introduced to, or married to, someone of Alevi faith. Additionally, some dedes argue that children born from Alevi–Sunni marriages may experience a sense of religious ambiguity. This, in their view, may weaken their connection to faith and, in some cases, lead to deist tendencies. However, to ensure the continuity of the Alevi faith, most dedes permit such marriages between Sunni and Alevi youth on the condition that Sunni individuals at least give ikrar, accept Alevism, and raise their children in line with Alevi beliefs. This finding may also be discussed in relation to Baumann’s (2000, p. 6) argument that familial authority and intergenerational bonds are increasingly reshaped under conditions of fluid modernity. From this perspective, the findings suggest that young people today tend to make decisions about marriage and the future more independently of their families, a development that many dedes interpret as a challenge to the intergenerational transmission of Alevi beliefs and values. Karabulut (2017, p. 174), also reaching similar conclusions to our study on this issue, indicated that Alevi dedes are quite concerned when their children marry the children of someone who is not a dede. This suggests that dedes believe that children born from such marriages will not only be unable to perform dedes’ duties but will also harm the faith. Baykan and Erol (2024, p. 238) asserted that Alevi youth tend to interfaith marriages during urbanization, claiming that the rule of interfaith marriage, forbidden in tradition, begins to weaken in the city. Likewise, Yaman (2009a, p. 197) argued that the rules for participating in cem ceremonies have been relaxed for the same reason, noting that interfaith marriages have become widespread alongside urbanization.

Despite all efforts, Alevi dedes have numerous concerns about the future of young people and the transmission of the faith to younger generations. Most of the dedes argue that it is necessary to relax certain religious rules (participation in cem ceremonies without giving ikrar, being able to give ikrar without sacrificing an animal, etc.) for young people who have not yet given ikrar to learn and experience Alevism and for social ties to develop among Alevis. Additionally, some dedes have serious concerns about the misinterpretation of Alevism, the exposure to superstitions, and the use of Alevi youth as tools by particular organizations to achieve political goals. This finding highlights the importance of social solidarity, which Durkheim (1984, p. 61) understood as the force binding individuals to society through shared values and collective ends. In this sense, the expectations and concerns expressed by dedes may be understood as attempts to preserve communal cohesion and ensure the intergenerational continuity of Alevi beliefs and values. Savaşçı (2004, p. 491), who obtained results similar to ours, examined Alevi dedes’ concerns and expectations regarding the future. The researcher emphasized that dedes experience intense concerns about how Alevi youth will learn their faith in an urban setting or how religious knowledge will be transmitted to them. Similarly, Geçgin (2019, p. 1055) indicated that dedes fear that Alevi beliefs and tradition will be eroded during urbanization and that it will be impossible to sustain the faith in the future. Yıldırım (2013, p. 144) also expressed a similar concern, stating that Alevi religious leaders believe that young people will face the danger of becoming Sunni and being assimilated in the future. Bozkurt (2015, pp. 111–12), who also reached findings similar to the study by Yıldırım and our research, stressed that Alevi leaders regard Türkiye as a conservative country and think that the policies in the country will affect Alevi youth more than young people of other religious beliefs.

6. Conclusions

Although Alevi youth have historically faced exclusion and marginalization in the public sphere, their relationship with Alevi beliefs and traditions has been reshaped under urban conditions. Factors such as modern education, career planning, weakened family communication, and individualization have affected the transmission of Alevi beliefs and values to younger generations in the regional context. Furthermore, Alevi youth have begun to partially re-engage in religious practices under the influence of the relatively socio-political détente in Türkiye in the early 1990s. In this process of renewed visibility, dedes, who have assumed the role of spiritual leaders in villages, play a dominant role in religious practices in cities and mediate political and social issues within the community. Nowadays, tensions arise between dedes and young people due to digitalization, social media, modern education, and the individualizing effects of urban life. Thus, to overcome these challenges, the dedes participating in the study publish scholarly works, receive education in various fields, actively use artificial intelligence applications and social media, and promote associations and foundations to carry out activities for young people. They also demand inclusive measures from the state and maintain constant contact with families.

The interaction between dedes and young people in daily life is concentrated on three main axes. The first is the increased usage of technological opportunities by dedes to reduce or resolve tensions with young people and to reach them within the modern socio-cultural structure. The second axis is the development of innovative methods by dedes. These methods aim to increase interaction with the new type of questioning and researching young people in the city, encouraging young people to become dedes and ‘warming young people to Alevism.’ Finally, the third axis is shaped around the relationships between dedes and families to ensure the continuity of the Alevi faith in the future, the importance of the institution of marriage, and their expectations and concerns regarding the future of young Alevis.

Initiatives addressing young people’s expectations regarding their future should be implemented based on Alevi dedes’ experiences. The transmission of beliefs to future generations can be facilitated through several measures. These include facilitating the ikrar process, providing dedes with the training necessary to communicate effectively with today’s questioning youth, and raising young people in Alevi beliefs and teachings by increasing contact with families. They also include offering scholarships and educational opportunities to young people to train dedes, constructing large cemevi complexes so that Alevi young people can meet and socialize, and preventing institutional exclusion and labeling. Moreover, dedes have some main concerns about the future of Alevi youth. These include the danger of Sunnification, the postponement of ikrar, interfaith marriages, weakened interest in Alevism, the deepened adverse effects of individualization and technology, the increased number of ideological individuals and institutions spreading superstitions about Alevism, and young people’s reluctance to become dedes. All of these hinder the transmission of the faith to future generations. To eliminate the concerns above, it is necessary to establish institutions similar to theological faculties that can train dedes and to provide necessary scholarships for young people who want to become dedes. It is also necessary to provide support through the state and other civil society organizations to prevent exclusion, to popularize digital chat rooms, and to increase young people’s interest in religious subjects through these initiatives. Dedes must develop a language and style appropriate to the spirit of the age and to young people’s expectations for the reconstruction of collective consciousness in the process of reintegrating them into Alevi identity. Finally, the current work empirically demonstrated how interactions between dedes and young people are reconstructed in an urban setting based on dedes’ experiences and perspectives. It also showed through which innovative methods and tools the dede institution tries to regain its legitimacy, which is the study’s most significant contribution to the literature. Additionally, the present research, conducted on a sample from Eskişehir, Ankara, Afyon, and Kütahya provinces, fills the empirical gap in the literature on a regional basis. Considering this study’s limitations, we recommend that future research use multiple field samples (from different provinces) and mixed research methods. Moreover, new studies on Alevi youth should be carried out to reveal the current problems of Alevi youth and dedes, to ensure strong social integration, and to make generalizable recommendations.