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Article

From Turkish Mythology to Alevi–Bektashi Sacred Narratives: A Phenomenological Analysis of Animal Imagery

by
Haktan Kaplan
Department of Turkish Language, Selcuk University, Konya 42100, Türkiye
Religions 2026, 17(2), 155; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17020155
Submission received: 29 November 2025 / Revised: 26 January 2026 / Accepted: 27 January 2026 / Published: 29 January 2026
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Divine Encounters: Exploring Religious Themes in Literature)

Abstract

In this study, which focuses on animal symbolism in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames (hagiographies), the objective was to investigate animal symbolism, which is not unfamiliar but not fully understood. In this context, the study examined Abdal Musa Velayetnamesi, Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye, Demir Baba Velayetname, Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, Hacım Sultan Menakıpname, Koyun Baba Velayetname, Otman Baba Velayetname, Saltıkname, Seyyid Ali Sultan Velayetname, Şuaceddin Veli Velayetname, and Veli Baba Menakıpname. This study, which aims to reveal the animals featured in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames and the symbolic perceptions attributed to them, uses phenomenology (the study of phenomena) from qualitative research designs. Within the scope of the research, data was collected through secondary sources, and elements considered meaningful and thought to contain animal symbolism were identified and presented in the findings section through direct and indirect transfers. The analysis revealed that the following animals are used as symbolic animals in the aforementioned menakıpnames and menkıbes: horse, deer, sheep, ram, lion, wolf, dog, pig, crane, pigeon, rooster, snake/dragon, salamander, crocodile, fish, and ox. Although animals such as wolves and sheep have taken on different functions and symbolic meanings under the influence of Islamic tradition, all other animals have retained their symbolic meanings in Turkish mythology in Alevi–Bektashi legends.

1. Introduction

The relationship between humans and symbols constitutes one of the fundamental problem areas in cultural, anthropological, and religious studies. Symbols are not merely signs representing something; they are fundamental cognitive and social structures that function in the processes of human beings making sense of the world, organizing their experiences, and transmitting collective meaning across generations. In this respect, symbolic thought emerges as a primary mode of meaning-making that enables human beings to express abstract concepts such as the sacred, morality, and identity through concrete forms.
In line with this need for meaning, human communities have always produced, organized, and ensured the continuity of meaning throughout history by resorting to symbolic systems. Especially in religious and mythological narratives, symbols have functioned not only as aesthetic elements or elements supporting the narrative, but also as cultural tools that make belief systems, collective memory, and metaphysical perceptions visible. In this context, symbols provide an important analytical and theoretical basis for explaining how societies define the sacred, establish moral order, and conceptualize the relationship between humans and the world.
This multi-layered structure of symbolic thought is particularly evident in sacred narrative genres. Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames, one of the important building blocks of Turkish culture, stand out in this context as a unique narrative tradition where mythological heritage, religious beliefs, and cultural memory are intertwined. In these texts, animals appear not merely as supporting figures in the narrative, but as symbolic elements that convey moral values, sacred authority, and metaphysical meanings.
Although animal symbolism has been an integral part of ancient human addressed in various aspects within the framework of Turkish mythology and belief systems in the literature, the functions of these symbols in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames have mostly remained at a descriptive level. This situation necessitates a re-evaluation of the world of meaning of animal images within these narratives from an analytical and conceptual perspective. In this context, the place of animal symbolism within the Alevi–Bektashi belief and narrative tradition should be evaluated together with the ways it has been addressed in the literature. Studies focusing on animal imagery, particularly in the context of menakıpname1 and velayetname2 genres, are important in revealing which aspects of the subject have been examined and where limitations exist. Although studies on animal symbolism within the Alevi–Bektashi3 belief system have increased in recent years, they have largely remained at a descriptive level. M. Şahin (2025) examines the symbolic values attributed to animals in Alevi mythology, outlining the place of animal imagery in the belief system within a general framework; Karayel and Albayrak (2020) evaluate the mythological elements associated with animals in the Alevi–Bektashi belief system in the context of rituals and beliefs. Atalay’s (2022) master’s thesis examines the historical and religious origins of mythological elements in Alevi and Bektashi beliefs, drawing attention to the syncretic structure of animal symbols. Focusing on hagiographic texts, E. Şahin (2023) analyzed the esoteric journey narratives in menakıpnames within the context of rituals; however, he did not treat animal symbols as an independent and systematic object of analysis. Coşkuner (2025), on the other hand, discusses the transition of Bektashi myths from oral to written culture, examining the transfer of mythological elements from a sacred context to a secular narrative plane. While these studies reveal the importance of animal symbolism in the Alevi–Bektashi tradition, they also show that a comprehensive study examining the transformation processes of these symbols in the context of menakıpnames, from Turkish mythology to Islamic-Sufi thought, within a comparative and analytical framework, is still limited.
This gap in the literature forms the main research problem of this study. The main research problem of this study is to reveal which animals are used symbolically in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames and how the cultural, mythological, and Sufi meanings attributed to these symbols are structured. The study aims to analyze how animals function as symbolic agents in this narrative tradition by examining animal symbolism within the context of the interaction between the Turkish mythological tradition and Islamic-mystical thought. In line with this research focus, the first stage of the study addresses the theoretical and conceptual framework of the concept of symbol; subsequently, animal images found in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames are analyzed within this framework.
The theoretical foundations of symbolism have been addressed in detail in classical and contemporary studies in the field. Eliade’s (1991) work, Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism, emphasizes the central role of symbolic forms in organizing the sacred and their function in structuring human experience, treating symbols as fundamental conceptual elements that mediate between visible phenomena and transcendent meanings. Eliade’s approach constitutes the theoretical foundation of symbolism studies in that it reveals symbols to be not only representative but also meaning-constructing structures.
Other fundamental works supporting this perspective offer analytical conceptual maps that enable the analysis of symbolism in literary and cultural contexts. Turner’s (1970) The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual examines symbols as dynamic and functional elements within ritual processes, explaining their transformative role within social and religious structures. In the field of literary symbolism, Ferber’s (2017) dictionary, A Dictionary of Literary Symbols, stands out as one of the fundamental reference sources, systematically bringing together recurring symbol motifs in different cultures and making the intertextual symbolic circulation visible. Robert Segal’s work on myth and symbolism also completes this theoretical framework by revealing how symbolic narratives produce different layers of meaning within social and religious systems (Segal 2012).
Studies focusing on animal symbolism allow symbolism to be addressed on a more concrete and thematic level. In this context, Pelayo Benavides’ research on animal symbolism in folk narratives reveals how human–animal relationships are shaped through symbolic narratives and the mutual interaction of these narratives with cultural values (Benavides 2013, p. 64). Furthermore, Pramil’s (2024) work An A–Z of Animal Symbolism and the compilation edited by Dounias et al. (2011), Le symbolisme des animaux: L’animal, chef de voûte de la relation entre l’homme et la nature?/Animal Symbolism: Animals, Keystone in the Relationship between Man and Nature?, edited by Edmond Dounias, Élisabeth Motte-Florac, and Margaret Dunham, examines the symbolic meanings animals take on in different cultures and narrative traditions with comparative examples. These studies strengthen the theoretical groundwork of this research, which examines animal symbolism in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames, and enable the analyses to be evaluated within an interdisciplinary context.
Symbols are one of the most ancient and enduring tools of meaning in human history. In its most general sense, a symbol is defined as “a concrete element imbued with an abstract meaning or thought” (Aytaç 2016, p. 323). In the concept of symbol, used synonymously with “symbol” in Turkish dictionaries, the word “symbol” has the same meaning as “sign” and the concept is used points to layers of meaning that are tangible but cannot be directly expressed, proven, or perceived by the senses, in many fields including ranging from philosophy to religion, mythology to art, language and to science. It points to elements that are tangible yet indescribable, unprovable, and imperceptible to the senses (Alp 2009, p. 1).
The concept of a symbol is expressed symbols, as symbolic forms of expression that transcend their own meaning boundaries and correspond refer to other meanings. This concept is considered emerge as a result of the multi-layered structure of the human mind. This is because humans strive to derive meaning from everything they see. Therefore, they encode in line with the need to make sense of the phenomena and events or phenomena they like or dislike with symbols because they encounter, humans transfer feelings and thoughts that cannot explain or describe them be directly. Another aspect of expressed to a mental plane through symbols is that they must be interpreted. However, symbols are structures that gain meaning within the their cultural and social context of the individual’s society rather than through individual interpretations. Symbols are shaped by beliefs and culture and over time, they transcend their primary meanings over time and play an important take on a functional role in meeting social needs. Therefore in this respect, symbols should be considered regarded as reflections of cultural accumulation due to through the intricate, deep, and unique meanings they embody (Dursun and Hança 2022, p. 108).
The human–symbol relationship between humans and symbols began when humanity first appeared in history. Since then, on the historical stage; symbols have been a fundamental tool for individuals have used symbols as a means of self-expression into express themselves within language, religion, art, and mythology. Through symbols, people have often expressed thoughts and feelings that they could not openly share. In this regarddirectly articulate through symbols. For this reason, symbols can sometimes be found in both the material cultural elements of social life and sometimes in literary works.
Throughout history, humans have used many elements have been used as symbols. Undoubtedly, one of the most commonly used symbols is among these elements, animals. There are many reasons have earned a special place due to their multifaceted relationship with human life. The basis for using the use of animals as symbols. Among these reasons are the ways animals existlies in their forms of existence in nature and the effects of their instinctive behaviors, which significantly effect on human life.
The material dimension of this includes directly benefiting from relationship is formed by the use of animal products as a source of for nutrition, using the use of riding animals for transportation to increase mobility, and using them the use of animal power in agricultural work to reduce human labor. Another reason is the direct or indirect effects of animals instinctive behaviors on human life. Situations in which; while the cultural dimension of symbolic meaning production is revealed by humans are unable to domesticate animals and instead imitate or are inspired by them for their appearance, drawing inspiration from or imitating the strength, speed, and hunting abilities, etc., fall into this category of animals that cannot be domesticated (Dursun and Hança 2022, p. 108). Over time, the influence of both categories has these interactions have acquired symbolic value, and found its place animal images have become meaningful symbols in many areas of human life, such as language, religion, and literature.
Animals are undoubtedly among the most important symbols of in ancient Turkish culture. As part of the cultural identity of nomadic life, animals have been important to Turks animals were of great importance both materially and spiritually as a result of the nomadic lifestyle and have been used as symbols in many areas. The Turks initial settlements were in areas associated with numerous symbolic meanings. The steppe climate, which did not allow for intensive climate’s limitation of agricultural activities. This led the Turks to focus more on turn to animal husbandry. Therefore, the Turks became acquainted with animal husbandry from early on as a vital necessity. Consequently, many elements related to animals have been incorporated into Turkish culture. The Turks have a periods; this situation ensured that animals occupied a central position in the cultural memory. Living in close relationship contact with nature and have the Turks frequently used animal symbolism resorted to animal symbolism, which took shape around various cults and became one of the fundamental elements of Turkish mythology, as a result of their efforts to understand and perceive the world. This symbolism has taken shape around various cults and is a fundamental element of Turkish mythology.
The Turks close coexistence with animals has led to many different beliefs sur-rounding them. For instance, ancient Turkish tradition interpreted every animal movement, adopting an approach that centered animal behavior in assessing many situations, such as birth, death, marriage, and weather events. Beliefs developed around animals such as horses, dogs, owls, wolves, and deer demonstrate how deeply rooted and widespread animal symbolism is in Turkish culture (Kalafat 1992). At this point, it is possible to observe the concrete manifestations of this symbolic universe in the beliefs and practices related to animals among different Turkish communities. For instance, among the Azerbaijani Turks, the bride is passed under a horse’s the belly of a horse before entering her new home, and during this time, a male child is requested from Allah. Another belief related to developed around horses is seen among the Karay Turks. The Karays believe in the protective power of horseshoes. For this reason, horseshoes are hung on the doors of houses (Kalafat 1992, p. 3).
Among the Kyrgyz, a symbolic horse is made from a tree branch for Kyrgyz boys turning seven, and the child is placed on it. Through this practice, the child symbolically learns the horse; thus, it is believed that the child acquires the ability to ride a horse and will grow up to be brave. A similar belief exists among the Kazakh Turks. Among the Kazakhs, the umbilical cord of a newborn boy is tied attached to a horse’s mane. They believe that the child will grow up to be brave and bold like a horse. If the child is a girl, the umbilical cord is tied attached to a mare’s mane. It is believed that the girl will be docile and calm in the future (Kalafat 1992, pp. 3–5).
In addition to beliefs related to horses, there are many also numerous beliefs related to animals such as dogs, owls, roosters, wolves, deer and so on. Among the Kazakh Turks, a dog’s howl is not considered a good omen. When a dog howls, it is believed that something bad will happen. Among the Avars and Kumyks, there is a widespread belief that an owl perching on a roof means that someone will die. The among the Gagauz, the owl is regarded as a harbinger of death (Kalafat 1992, pp. 3–4). Undoubtedly, the wolf is one of the most important animals in Turkish folk beliefs. The wolf is a guide for the Turks. In the Ergenekon epic, for example, the wolf guided people who had fallen into hardship and famine. In Turkish folk narratives, the wolf sometimes appears in a divine form. Among the Göktürks, the female wolf is “Ulu Ana” (Great Mother), and among the Uyghur Turks, the male wolf is “Ulu Ata” (Great Father). In the Oğuz Kağan epic, a wolf leads Oğuz on each of his journeys. In the Cengizname, Alanguva becomes pregnant by a sky-descending wolf, and Genghis Khan is said to be descended from the child born of this union (Köprülü 2009, pp. 73–78). The Dede Korkut Tales state that the wolf’s face is sacred. In these tales, Salur Kazan communi-cates with a wolf and asks it to bring news from his homeland (Ergin 2009). In the Uyghur Turks’ Epic of the Sacred Mountain, misfortune befalls the country after a sacred rock, believed to bring abundance and happiness, is given to the Chinese. A wolf then guided the Turks as they searched for a new homeland (Ögel 2010, pp. 13–114). Another example of animals being used as symbols in ancient Turkish beliefs and perceptions is the spirit. The spirit was perceived as a small animal among the Turks. This animal was usually a bird. This can be seen among the Yakut Turks. They speak of a goddess who is believed to bring the spirit of the child from the sky. They interpret this goddess as a bird (Roux 2005). A similar belief is seen in the Dede Korkut Stories. In “The Story of Deli Dumrul,” when Azrael takes Deli Dumrul’s parents’ lives, two pi-geons fly toward the sky (Ergin 2009). The belief among highly cultured Turks that the world rests on the horns of an ox, as well as the belief among the Altay people that the world is carried by three fish, are important examples of animals being used as symbols in Turkish culture (Ögel 2010, pp. 442–43).
The Turks’ close coexistence with animals has led to beliefs centered on animals and their behavior. These beliefs and practices persisted even after the Turks adopted Islam. In Turkish culture, animals such as horses, eagles, rams, and sheep have become national symbols. Mythological animals, such as the lion, Simurg, Garuda, and dragon, are largely of foreign origin. However, the fact that these animals have been used as symbols in many areas, from Turkish art to literature, has contributed to their integra-tion into the culture (Çoruhlu 2015, p. 165). Animal symbolism among the Turks began with the steppe culture and was reflected in religious, mythological, and cultural conceptions. The Turks’ presence living in different geographical areas and encountering different belief systems paved the way for animal symbolism to acquire a syncretic structure. One of the most important transformations in this process occurred with the Turks’ acceptance of Islam; narratives in the mythological context were reinterpreted over time in the menakıpnames, which are products of the Alevi–Bektashi tradition.
Within the Alevi–Bektashi narrative tradition, the types of menakıpname and velayetname that form the primary sources of this study are closely related in terms of content and function, but they exhibit some differences in terms of narrative emphasis and context of use. Menakıpnames are narrative texts circulating between oral and written culture that focus on the extraordinary deeds, virtues, and miracles of historical or semi-historical figures. These texts serve to elevate individual sanctity and shape the community’s belief system, moral values, and collective memory.
Velayetnames largely overlap with the menakıpname tradition, but they stand out as narratives that focus particularly on the sacred authority, spiritual lineage, and miracles of a saint. In the Alevi–Bektashi tradition, velayetnames are read not only as biographical texts but also as texts that reinforce the legitimacy, sacred continuity, and doctrinal aspect of the belief system. In this respect, velayetnames can be considered a special manifestation of the menakıpname tradition.
The texts examined in this study reflect the intertwined structure of the menakıpname and velayetname genres; the distinction between the two genres is approached through the narrative’s function and symbolic intensity rather than formal classification. This contextualization is particularly important for understanding the sacred, moral, and mythological framework within which the animal symbols in the texts are produced.
This study focuses on animal symbolism in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames and aims to investigate this familiar yet not fully understood symbolism. The following menakıpnames were examined in this context: The Abdal4 Musa Velayetname, Menâkıbü’l-Kudsiyye, Demir Baba5 Velayetname, Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, Hacım Sultan Menakıpname, Koyun Baba Velayetname, Otman Baba Velayetname, Saltıkname, Seyyid Ali Sultan Velayetname, Şuaceddin Veli Velayetname, and Veli Baba Menakıpname were examined. As a result of the evaluations, it was determined that the following animals were used as symbolic animals in these texts: the horse, deer, sheep, ram, lion, wolf, dog, pig, crane, pigeon, rooster, snake/dragon, salamander, crocodile, fish, and ox.

2. Materials and Methods

This study, which aims to reveal the animals featured in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames and the symbolic perceptions attributed to these animals, employs phenomenology (the study of phenomena) from among qualitative research designs. The qualitative research design is a research approach that focuses on examining any social phenomenon in its natural context, within which it is connected or embedded, and interpreting the data obtained through observation, interviews, or document evaluation (İslamoğlu and Alnıaçık 2019, p. 220). The fundamental characteristic of this type of research is that it focuses on specific phenomena and adopts an interpretive and meaning-centered perspective (Ç. Şahin 2020).
The phenomenological approach that forms the research design focuses on phenomena that individuals or communities are aware of but have not conceptualized in depth and detail. In this respect, phenomenology is not merely a method that examines “what”; it is a research tradition that questions how experience, perception, and meaning are constructed. The main reason for choosing the phenomenological approach in this study is that animal symbols appear in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames as areas of meaning that are not unfamiliar but are often treated superficially. Therefore, in this study, which focuses on animal symbolism in the tales of saints, phenomenology provides a suitable framework for revealing the ways in which these symbols are experienced and interpreted within the narratives of the menakıpname.
In line with this methodological framework, the menakıpname and velayetname texts analyzed in the study were selected based on specific criteria. The selection of the velayetname and menakıpname examined in this study is not random. The texts included in the scope of the research were selected from works that are considered canonical within the Alevi–Bektashi tradition, that use animal symbolism intensively and repeatedly, and that present narrative examples spanning different historical periods and geographical contexts. In line with these criteria, the Abdal Musa Velayetname, Menâkıbu’l-Kudsiyye, Demir Baba Velayetname, Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, Hacım Sultan Menakıpname, Koyun Baba Velayetname, Otman Baba Velayetname, Saltıkname, Seyyid Ali Sultan Velayetname, Şuaceddin Veli Velayetname, and Veli Baba Menakıpname have been included in the scope of this study. These texts provide a sample suitable for comparative analysis of animal symbols in the context of producing sacred, guiding, and Sufi meanings. Therefore, the study does not claim to cover the entire Alevi–Bektashi menakıpname tradition; it is limited to texts that contain examples of animal symbolism that are highly representative and analytically productive.
The phenomenological framework of the research is based on Van Manen’s life-based phenomenology approach. According to Van Manen, phenomenological analysis aims to reveal the implicit meaning structures in everyday, cultural, or textual experiences; in this process, narratives are treated as phenomenological fields that reflect the experience itself (Van Manen 2007). In this context, the menakıpnames were evaluated not only as historical or literary texts but also as phenomenological texts reflecting how animal symbols are associated with sacredness, moral order, and Sufi thought in the Alevi–Bektashi belief system.
The phenomenological approach was systematically applied in the research. In the first stage, the animal names appearing in the examined menakıpnames were identified, and the fundamental phenomenon of the research was determined. In the second stage, it was examined which areas of emotion, thought, and belief these animals symbolized within the narrative contexts; this examination went beyond a descriptive classification and was conducted with a meaning-centered analysis approach. In the third stage, the meaning units obtained were evaluated within a thematic structure, taking into account cultural, mythological, and mystical contexts. This process was carried out in accordance with phenomenology’s principle of “revealing meaning.”
The oral analysis method was used as another method supporting phenomenological analysis in the study. In this context, animal figures appearing in the relevant menakıpnames and menkıbes were identified; the symbolic connotations produced by these figures and the sacred and moral contexts in which they gained meaning were analyzed within the framework of the oral analysis method. The oral analysis method played a complementary role in revealing the function of animal symbols within the narrative, recurring motifs, and patterns of meaning.
The general methodological framework of the study was structured in line with the principles set forth by Creswell regarding qualitative research. According to Creswell, phenomenological studies aim to reveal how a particular phenomenon is experienced and interpreted by participants or through texts; in this process, context sensitivity and interpretive analysis are essential (Creswell 2013). In this vein, the study aims to analyze animal symbolism in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames without detaching it from its context and taking into account its layers of meaning.
The fundamental research questions guiding this methodological approach are as follows:
(1)
Which animals are used symbolically in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames?
(2)
Within which cultural, mythological, and mystical contexts are the symbolic meanings attributed to these animals shaped?
(3)
How do animal symbols function in the construction of sacredness and moral order in the narratives of menakıpname?
In order to answer these research questions, the interpretive possibilities offered by the phenomenological approach to text-based qualitative research were utilized. In this context, Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames were approached in a way that allowed not only the quantitative identification of animal symbols, but also the analysis of the meaning production processes of these symbols within the narrative context. During the research process, the texts were systematically scanned through the identified symbolic indicators; the narrative, cultural, and mystical contexts in which animal images functioned, either explicitly or implicitly, were evaluated in line with a context-sensitive reading.
While scanning the menakıpname and menkıbe that constitute the universe of the study for explicit or implicit references to the phenomenon of animals and animal forms, the animal symbolism thought to be mediated by Turkish culture and mythology was examined, including the “horse,” “deer,” “sheep/ram,” “lion,” “wolf,” “dog,” “pig,” “crane,” “pigeon,” “simurg,” “huma,” “rooster,” “snake,” “dragon,” “salamander,” “crocodile,” “fish,” and “ox” were scanned, and those found to be meaningful in terms of animal symbolism were included in the scope of the study were used as key search terms. These keywords in Table 1 reflect the screening criteria for identifying symbolic animals in the texts, and only animals actually identified in the menakıpnames and determined to have a symbolic function have been included in the findings section. Therefore, although it is among the keywords, the “hüma” bird, which was not found to be used directly in the texts, was excluded from the evaluation in the findings section; this is a methodological choice and should not be considered a conceptual inconsistency.

3. Results

Many animals in Alevi–Bektashi legends are seen as having symbolic significance. In relevant legends, animals appear with the meanings they hold in Turkish mythology. Our findings reveal that certain animals, such as snakes, dragons, horses, deer, wolves, sheep, rams, dogs, roosters, lions, fish, pigeons, cranes, oxen, pigs, salamanders and crocodiles, express symbolic meanings as mythological elements in these legends. The animals and their meanings, as identified in the menakıpnames/legends examined in this study, are discussed within the context of Turkish mythology and Turkish Islamic Sufism in the following sections.

3.1. Snake/Dragon

The snake is an animal that has held symbolic meanings since ancient times. Recognized as a divine being in most ancient civilizations, this animal has been at the core of many myths due to its physical structure (Kaplan 2024, p. 686). Generally known as the ruler of the underworld, this animal has been perceived as a feared creature due to its appearance and dangerous characteristics (Ekici 2022, p. 109). Although it has created a negative impression in humans, it is not without positive characteristics. The circular shape of the snake’s tail and its movements symbolize the cycle of life, immortality, and eternity in ancient myths. At the same time, the snake was accepted as a symbol of medicine in ancient Egyptian civilization, and this symbol has survived to the present day. Another symbolic meaning of the snake is the cycle of time. We see this symbolic meaning in the “Twelve Animal Turkish Calendar” (Boztemir 2013, p. 114).
In Anatolian culture, the snake has come to life in the form of Şahmaran, depicted as having a human face and a snake’s body. In Anatolian culture, Şahmaran, with its ornate crown, floral motifs, and dragon-shaped tail, has been seen as a symbol of fertility both in folk tales and in homes (Abiha 2020, p. 38).
Another creature intertwined with the snake in Turkish culture, embodying mythological characteristics, is the dragon. The dragon, a legendary and mythological creature, is referred to as Ajder-Ajdarha in Turkmen, Ajıdaar in Kyrgyz, Azdaa in Nogai, and Ajdaha and Azdakı in Tatar. Another name for the dragon in Turkish is Evren (Kaplan 2024, p. 681). The dragon, which occupies an important place in Turkish folk tales, is usually depicted in fairy tales and legends as the protector of water sources. It is stated that the dragon, which is described as a respectable creature that must constantly be fed by an animal in legends and fairy tales, lives in caves (Boratav 2012, p. 66).
Generally considered frightening animals, snakes and dragons have taken on certain symbolic meanings in Turkish culture. Thanks to these symbolic meanings, negative thoughts about snakes and dragons have given way to sanctity and respect. Thus, in Turkish culture and mythology, the snake and dragon, which possess a mysterious power, symbolize luck, fertility, health, happiness, protective spirit, life force, fertility, immortality, rebirth, productivity, eternity, good and bad fate, the struggle against the ego that leads humans to evil, and gossip (Şimşek 2019, pp. 26–27). In the Alevi–Bektashi legends we examined in our study, the symbolic meanings mentioned in relation to snakes and dragons were also identified. In the Demir Baba Velayetname, the dragon appears as a creature embodying negative characteristics.
The dragon harms the people and their animals in the region where it lives. In the aforementioned legend, the dragon’s enormous appearance and subsequent strangulation and killing by Demir Baba (Noyan 1976, pp. 83–92) express Demir Baba’s power and the strength of his authority. Another important symbol in the narrative is Demir Baba’s struggle with the dragon, which symbolizes his struggle with his own self. Another section of the same work mentions two dragons descending from the sky to Moscow. These dragons swallowed some of the inhabitants of this land and frightened others. The king of Moscow learns that a wrestler in the Islamic lands has previously slain a dragon and wants to invite him. He sends a merchant to Demir Baba, who immediately sets out and arrives. Together with the king, they go to the dragon. Demir Baba tricks the dragon with butterflies and talks to it, asking why it swallows people. The dragon gives two reasons: First, Adam saved it and cried for the sin of the serpent. The second reason is that it cannot bear to be hungry. Upon hearing this, Demir Baba shouts and defeats the dragon with his sword (Noyan 1976, pp. 94–97). In this story, the fact that the dragons descended from the sky symbolizes their extraordinary characteristics.
We also encounter dragons in the Hacım Sultan Menakıpname. In the narrative: “Some dervishes who could not tolerate Hacım Sultan sent him to the mountain where the dragon lived, wanting to destroy him with the dragon. Hacım Sultan and Dervish Burhan encountered the dragon in the forest on the mountain. Dervish Burhan fainted from fear. Just as the dragon is about to attack them, Hacım Sultan lets out a terrifying roar. The flames that come out of Hacım Sultan’s mouth burn and scorch the dragon.” (Gülerer 2014, p. 279). In the story, the dragon, which stands out with its negative characteristics, is a creature that symbolizes evil.
In the Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, however, the dragon is highlighted for its positive characteristics. In the narrative, “When the pioneers arrived at the cave, Hacı Bektaş, who was praying, heard the voices of the infidels and said, O Lord, help me; send a seven-headed dragon to guard the cave. God commanded a seven-headed dragon, and the dragon immediately came, surrounded the cave, and lay down. When the infidels saw this, they were frightened and fled.” (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 12). In the legend, the seven-headed dragon sent by God and its protective qualities symbolize his protective spirit. In the same work, a dragon that appears in a castle frightens the castle’s inhabitants. Sarı Saltık frightens this dragon by shouting at it. Later in the text, Saltık cannot fight the dragon because he has forgotten his sword. Sarı Saltık calls on Hızır when he finds himself in a difficult situation. Hızır comes to Sarı Saltık’s aid and defeats the dragon with his spear. Sarı Saltık then severs the dragon’s seven heads from its body with his wooden sword (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 46). The seven-headed dragon that Sarı Saltık fights is his ego on the path to reaching the level of human perfection. Therefore, the dragon in the legend symbolizes the ego. In another section of the Velayetname, the universe is encountered. Here, the universe represents the serpent. The person who is to be slandered in the legend is Ahi Evren. When a group of people go to raid the shop of Ahi Evren, who is busy tanning leather, they encounter snakes with sparkling eyes when they open the shop door (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 51). In the legend, the snakes symbolize the protective spirit and also emphasize Ahi Evren’s guardianship. In another section of the Velayetname: “Hacım Sultan sets out on the road with Burhan Abdal. Hacım Sultan walks behind, Burhan Abdal walks in front, when a dragon appears before them. The dragon begins to roar and breathe fire. Burhan Abdal, frightened, moves behind the donkey and clings to its tail. Hacım Sultan stands up to the dragon, shouts, pulls it out of his mouth, and burns the dragon where it stands.” (Gölpınarlı 2019, pp. 84–85) Hacım Sultan’s victory over the dragon through his miraculous power demonstrates his strength. Therefore, the concept of power is symbolized through the dragon.
The snake/dragon symbol also appears frequently in the Sarı Saltık Epic. In the epic, the dragon is generally portrayed as a symbol of evil. The narrative hero Saltık Gazi overcomes this evil. The epic also includes sections where the snake and dragon sometimes symbolize loyalty, goodness, and abundance. For example, there is a dragon that turns into a spear upon Saltık’s prayer. Saltık defeats his enemies with this spear (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 287). The Saltık Gazi Epic also includes sections related to Şahmeran. In the epic, Şahmeran is associated with almost all sacred women and goddesses, starting with Mother Earth and Mother Eve (Kodaman 2018, p. 1368). These characteristics of Şahmeran ensure that she symbolizes goodness, helpfulness, strength, and abundance. In the Saltık Gazi Epic, it is seen that the snake and the dragon also symbolize opposites such as good-evil and black-white. In the epic, Saltık’s fulfillment of the good-intentioned snake’s request and killing of the evil-intentioned snake (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 527) is proof of this.
Another menakıpname in which the snake is used as a symbol is the Şeyh Safi Menakıpname. The statement by Şeyh Safi in the menakıpname indicates that the snake is used as a symbol of punishment. If a person is evil, when they die, snakes and scorpions will enter their grave and harm them. If they are a person of good character, the snake and scorpion will not harm them (Kutlu and Parlak 2008, p. 354).
In the Veli Baba Menakıpname, the snake symbolizes the protective spirit sent by God. As stated in the work, “When a slave attempted to rape a woman from Uluborlu, the woman sought refuge in Allah and Veli Baba. A large snake bit the slave’s hand, and the slave died.” (Noyan 1996, p. 277). The snake symbol is also used in the Koyun Baba Velayetnamesi. In the legend, when twelve people with evil intentions who were pursuing Koyun Baba entered the water to bathe, Koyun Baba frightened them with the help of snakes (Doğanbaş 2015, pp. 70–71). In this legend, the snake symbol also represents guardianship and protection. In the Otman Baba Menakıpname, Otman Baba takes on the role of Hızır. The snake in the legend obeys his words and does not harm those around him.
All these examples show that the symbols of the snake and dragon are quite important in Alevi–Bektashi legends. As a result of the examples we have given, the snake and dragon have sometimes been used as symbols of positive meanings and sometimes of negative meanings. However, even in the negative meanings, these creatures have emerged as symbols of the power and might of the saints.

3.2. Horse

As with all nomadic peoples, the horse is an important animal for the Turkish nation. For the Turks, the horse is a vehicle for migration and a means of warfare. Such an important animal has also found its place in literary works. In written and oral cultural products, such as the Dede Korkut Tales, epics, fairy tales, and folk tales, the horse is often the hero’s helper, confidant, and guide. Another indication of the importance of horses among the Turks is the existence of myths dedicated solely to them. This further indicates the importance the Turkish nation attaches to horses.
This importance continued even after the Turks embraced Islam. Many mythological motifs related to horses took on an Islamic form and continued to exist in daily life and in menakıpnames (books of miracles). This is linked first to the Prophet Muhammad and then to Ali. The horses attributed to both are white. Therefore, white horses are still considered sacred today. In contrast, various miniatures depicting the Prophet Muhammad’s ascension to heaven depict Burak, his mount, as a spotted horse, in accordance with tradition, despite not being mentioned in the Quran (Çoruhlu 2013, p. 175). Horses were also commonly used for transportation during wars to spread Islam. In the epics describing these wars, horses were the heroes’ greatest allies. For example, Hz. Ali’s Düldül, Battal Gazi’s Aşkar, Manas’s Akkula, and Köroğlu’s Gray Horse. All of these heroes are associated with their horses (Ekici 2022, p. 88).
Within the scope of our study, we identified many tales in the menakıpnames where the horse is used as a symbol. In the Demir Baba Velayetname, for instance, Demir Baba sets out to kill the dragon in the Özü Desert. He is given a horse like Düldül (Noyan 1976, p. 88). The dragon approaches Demir Baba and raises its head. Demir Baba dismounts because he does not want his horse to be harmed. However, the horse says it is old and therefore cannot be harmed by the dragon (Noyan 1976, p. 91). The horse used by Demir Baba is a reference to Hz. Ali’s horse, Düldül. Düldül is a gray, fast, and agile horse gifted to Hz. Ali by the Egyptian ruler Mukavkıs (Yardım 1994, p. 20). In another Demir Baba legend, a horse with an Aşkar-like mane approaches Demir Baba, who begins to converse with the heavenly horse. Demir Baba then mounts Aşkar. When the battle begins, about fifty infidels approach Demir Baba. Aşkar bites their horses, causing them to veer off course and fall to the ground. Demir Baba beats them with his red stick, and the battle is won. Afterwards, the prisoners are invited to convert to Islam. Even the enemy commander, Marko, becomes a Muslim (Noyan 1976, p. 106). This legend is about Battal Gazi’s horse, Aşkar. The fact that Demir Baba speaks to Aşkar, a horse with a long mane, demonstrates its extraordinary qualities and proves that the battle was won thanks to the horse.
Another menakıbname in which the horse is used as a symbol is Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye. In this menakıbname, Baba İlyas has a gray horse. Based on the horse’s characteristics mentioned in the Demir Baba Velayetname, this horse is reminiscent of Hz. Ali’s horse, Düldül (Tulum 2017, pp. 112–19). Furthermore, the gray color of the horse references Hz. Hızır’s horse. Thus, the gray horse is imbued with a mythical element. In Turkish mythology, gray is the color of the earth. In this context, Baba Ilyas’s horse is associated with the power of the earth. In the legend recounted in the Menakıbname, the horse can knock twelve people to the ground and break through a wall with its power. This also indicates that the horse has a redemptive quality.
The horse is also used as a symbol in the Otman Baba Menakıpname. In it, a farmer from Zağara sees a man on a gray horse with a green saddle approaching from the opposite direction while he is plowing his field. As the man approaches, the farmer greets him and recognizes him as Kan-ı Velayet by his voice (Koca 2002, p. 61). The horse’s gray color in the legend is a reference to Hz. Hızır. This indicates that the horse is fast and has extraordinary characteristics. It also suggests that the gray horse is the Islamic counterpart of the guide wolf in Turkish mythology.
There are also many examples of horse symbolism in the legends of Sarı Saltık, one of Hacı Bektaş Veli’s caliphs who played an important role in spreading Islam in Anatolia. We have included what we consider to be important within the scope of our study. In one legend, Sarı Saltık sees Battal Gazi in a dream. Battal Gazi describes a cave where his horse, weapons, and clothes are kept. Saltık goes to the cave on the mountain, takes the horse named Aşkar, and retrieves the weapons. After the dream, Saltık Gazi wakes up and prays for Seyyid’s soul. Then, he climbs the mountain and finds the cave. Inside, he sees a horse waiting. It has white-violet hair, a gawky forehead, and yellow skin (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 26). This powerful horse, known as Div-zâde Aşkar, served holy figures such as Adam, David, Isaac, and Hamza. It then passed on to Hüseyin Gazi, the father of Battal Gazi. It drank from the fountain of life, becoming immortal and eventually reaching Saltık Gazi (Öztelli 1971, pp. 5924–25). Significantly, Sarı Saltık found this horse in a cave after having a dream. It is through this discovery that the hero will find himself. In short, the cave and the horse symbolize rebirth. Furthermore, in the continuation of the legend, the horse enables the main hero, Saltuk, to display his bravery in his role as a supporting character. Considering all this, it is clear that the horse played a significant role in spreading Islam.
Examples from related menakıpnames show that a connection has been established between the horses owned by the heroes of the legend and Hz. Ali’s Düldül and Hızır’s Boz At. While the horses in the texts bear a striking resemblance to Düldül, they all possess extraordinary qualities and are symbolized as the heroes’ helpers, guides, and saviors. Additionally, the texts examined in this study identify horses of cave, water, and sky origin and reference their functions in Turkish mythology. Therefore, it is accurate to state that the horses in Alevi–Bektashi legends are symbols rather than mere horses.

3.3. Deer

The deer is undoubtedly one of the most important game animals for nomadic societies. Hunting deer has satisfied the sporting and nutritional needs of nomadic societies. However, in Turkish society, deer are considered sacred, and hunting them is not appropriate. According to ancient Turkish beliefs, individuals who hunted deer would be punished by supernatural powers. This belief persisted even after the adoption of Islam. This belief is evident in many Alevi–Bektashi legends, which are the focus of our study.
In literary texts, the deer is generally a game animal, but it also represents creation, guidance, shape-shifting, rulership, resurrection from bones, fortune-telling, sacrifice, and belief (Yeşildal 2015, p. 11). Additionally, the deer represents the feminine element Umay and thus fulfills the roles of protection and leadership. For this reason, in many folk tales, the deer cares for lost, motherless children and feeds them its milk (Çetindağ Süme 2011, p. 220). These roles of the deer are identical to those assigned to the wolf in pre-Islamic Turkish beliefs. Thus, the deer is considered the Islamic transformation of the wolf.
The legends examined in this study demonstrate that the deer symbol parallels these explanations. In legends formed within the Alevi–Bektashi belief framework, the deer symbolizes freedom, guidance, and identity. In the Velayetname of Hacı Bektaş Veli, the deer motif acts as a shape-shifting mediator. In one legend, Rasûl, a caliph of Hacı Bektaş Veli, took the form of a deer and convinced non-Muslims to convert (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 86). Thus, the deer motif became a manifestation of transformation and guidance in a symbolic sense.
In the Koyun Baba Velayetname, the deer motif appears again as an element of shapeshifting. However, the shape-shifting is slightly different here. In folk tales, shape-shifting is generally used to escape a bad or shameful situation. In the Koyun Baba Velayetname, a newborn fawn turns into a dragon and damages the surrounding villages (Doğanbaş 2015, pp. 80–81). Though the fawn’s transformation into a dragon and subsequent harm to people may seem negative in this legend, the underlying meaning is that it symbolizes the individual’s identity. In other words, the transformation of an innocent animal like a fawn into a destructive monster suggests that an innocent child may grow up to be a bad person. Thus, the transformation of an individual unable to purify their identity is symbolized by the fawn. Another legend in which the fawn symbolizes the self is found in Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye. While four hundred caliphs are walking towards Central Anatolia, a herd of deer suddenly appears in front of the sheikh, hopping and jumping. They bow to him, and when he points to them, they turn and bow their heads. The sheikh then thinks, “I have become great” (Tulum 2017, p. 79), allowing his ego to take hold of his identity.
The deer’s guiding, salvific function is symbolized in the Şucaeddin Veli Menakıpname. In one story, a group of dervishes from Khorasan lose their way in the desert. They wander for days without food or water. Suddenly, a deer appears before them. The dervishes pursue the deer to hunt it. They finally catch the deer and tie it to a tree. However, after a while, the deer breaks free and begins to run away. The dervishes follow the deer all the way to a village. The dervishes realize that the deer is a saint in the form of an animal because it saved them from the desert (Say 2010, pp. 108–10). Through its role in the story, the deer symbolizes guidance and salvation.
The most notable menakıbname in which the deer is a symbol is the Kaygusuz Abdal Menakıbname. In this work, Gaybî—who was given the nickname Kaygusuz Abdal after entering the Abdal Musa Tekke—shoots a deer while hunting one day. The wounded deer runs away and enters the dervish lodge through the door. Gaybî follows the deer into the lodge and asks the dervishes for the deer he hunted. Although the dervishes claim not to know anything about the deer and say they have not seen it, Gaybî does not believe them. Gaybî begins to search for the deer inside the lodge. Abdal Musa then calls Gaybî to him, removes the arrow from under his arm, and offers it to Gaybî. Recognizing his own arrow and witnessing this miracle, Gaybî falls at the sheikh’s feet and asks to become his disciple (Güzel 1999). The guiding function of the deer is at the forefront of this legend. Abdal Musa’s transformation into a deer and his guidance of Kaygusuz Abdal are symbolized by the deer. Furthermore, Abdal Musa’s transformation into a deer refers to ancient Turkish beliefs. According to these beliefs, shamans would transform into deer during religious ceremonies and when ascending to the realm of the Sky God. Additionally, the deer is a horned animal that symbolizes God’s power in Turkish mythology. Therefore, Abdal Musa guiding Gaybî by taking the form of a deer symbolizes God’s manifestation on Earth.
As the examined legends show, the deer symbolizes transformation, change, salvation, guidance, and enlightenment. The influence of ancient Turkish beliefs and Islam on these symbols’ origins should not be overlooked. Thus, the deer symbol stands out in the legends as a guide.

3.4. Wolf

The wolf is one of the most significant symbols of the Turkish people’s power of expression and has been used extensively in Turkish culture and literature. It has sometimes appeared on flags, becoming a symbol of the state.
Wherever it is used, the wolf symbolizes courage, nobility, and leadership. Even after the adoption of Islam, the wolf motif retained its significance. This is evident in the Tales of Dede Korkut. The statement in the work that “the wolf’s face is blessed” (Ergin 2009) confirms this. We also encounter the wolf motif in the Alevi–Bektashi legends that form the scope of our study. In these legends, the wolf represents justice, friendship, loyalty, and power.
In Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye, the wolf symbolizes loyalty and friendship through the statement, “The wolf herds sheep day and night; it takes them away during the day and brings them back at night” (Tulum 2017, p. 87). However, in the Otman Baba Velayetname, the wolf is portrayed as a wild animal to be feared. However, in this legend, Otman Baba’s holiness is known to the wolves, who listen to him as if he were human. Therefore, in this legend as well, the wolf symbolizes power and loyalty. In the Şucaeddin Veli Menakıpname, Sultan Şucaeddin entrusts his sheep to three wolves, who herd them back without harming them (Say 2010, p. 100). In this legend, loyalty is narrated through the wolf as a symbol. The only menakıbname in which the wolf is portrayed negatively is the Menakıbname of Sheikh Safi. In it, Sheikh Safi says that some people appear pious but are actually like wolves who will attack the sheep (Kutlu and Parlak 2008, p. 346).
This motif has been identified in the menakıbnameler of Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye, Otman Baba, Sheikh Safi, and Şucaeddin Veli. In these menakıbnameler, the wolf generally stands out for its positive characteristics. However, only in the menakıb belonging to Sheikh Safi is the wolf described as wild and aggressive. It is accurate to say that the use of the wolf as a symbol in this menakıb is influenced by Islam. However, a parallel can be seen in the use of the wolf in Turkish culture when we look at other works. In Alevi–Bektashi menakıb, the wolf is symbolized with attributes such as agility, boldness, strength, guidance, loyalty, and honesty.

3.5. Sheep/Ram

Sheep and rams are essential to agricultural activities and animal husbandry and are very important to Turks. These animals have been used symbolically in ancient Turkish beliefs and many literary works that emerged after the advent of Islam. For instance, the Epic of Manas establishes a connection between the word “Turk” and sheep and rams. The epic suggests that the growth of the Turkish nation is connected to their raising of rams (Useev 2016, pp. 1621–22). In Turkish mythology, rams were also kept as sacrificial animals, particularly for births (Ögel 1995, p. 544). This belief continues today. The Turks also gathered on mountaintops every three years for religious ceremonies, during which they sacrificed three-year-old rams (İnan 2013, pp. 53–54).
The importance of sheep and rams persisted after the advent of Islam. The most important reason for this is the story of Prophet Ismail. Based on this story, literary texts that emerged after Islam depict the ram as a symbol of peace, tranquility, and submission. In menakıpnames (hagiographies) within the Alevi–Bektashi faith framework, sheep and rams are also used symbolically.
In the Koyun Baba Velayetname, Koyun Baba is described as having been born in Khorasan and as tracing his lineage to ʿAlī al-Riḍā, the eighth Imam descended from the progeny of ʿAlī. Referred to in the text as Seyyid Ali, Koyun Baba spends most of his time in Khorasan engaged in worship and in seeking remedies for the troubles of the people. One night, he sees the Prophet Muhammad in a dream and, upon his command, sets out on pilgrimage. After visiting Medina and Karbala, he is sent to Anatolia to fulfill a mission of spiritual guidance (irshād) (Doğanbaş 2015, pp. 12–14). Evliya Çelebi reports that during his journey from Khorasan to Anatolia, Koyun Baba would bleat like a sheep once every twenty-four hours, and that this behavior led to his being given the epithet “Koyun Baba” (Sheep Father) (Evliya Çelebi 2011, p. 181). Other accounts attribute this appellation either to his gentle and mild disposition or to an incident in which he chased a sheep that had strayed from the flock, circling a hill seven times before catching it. Upon doing so, he is said to have remarked, “O blessed one, you have exhausted yourself and have granted me the patience of Job,” a statement that further reinforced his association with this name (Gürel 2000, p. 16; Yılmaz 1999, p. 24). Within this narrative framework, sheep symbolism is transformed, in the person of Koyun Baba, into a concrete representation of patience, humility, submission, and an ethic of service. In Turkic–Islamic culture, the sheep is generally associated with docility, innocence, and qurbiyyah (closeness to God), and the epithet attributed to Koyun Baba, together with the hagiographical narratives surrounding him, deliberately cultivate this symbolic field. As conveyed by Evliya Çelebi, his bleating like a sheep during the journey may appear outwardly as an unusual act; however, within the logic of menakıpname literature, this behavior symbolizes the saint’s disciplined ego, his purification from worldly selfhood, and his absolute submission to divine will. Similarly, the reference to the patience of Job in the episode of capturing the sheep allows the animal to be interpreted as a symbol of endurance and forbearance. In this respect, the sheep in the hagiographies of Koyun Baba functions not merely as an animal figure, but as a symbolic medium through which the moral and Sufi virtues central to the concept of velayet are rendered visible.
In the Menakıpname of Şucaeddin Veli, Seyyid Nesimi and Kemal intend to slaughter the Sultan’s ram and consume its meat. However, although they slaughter the ram, its meat does not cook (Say 2010, pp. 122–23). Notably, Şucaeddin Veli refers to the ram as golden-horned. This is because the ram is intelligent enough to entertain guests in the Sultan’s absence. Furthermore, the fact that the meat does not cook is significant. In all these aspects, the ram symbolizes sovereignty, power, and ultimately, surrender through death.
In the Demir Baba Velayetname, the sheep also appears as a symbol. The work states, “The Tatar tribe is a creature that, like sheep, all go where one goes” (Noyan 1976, p. 87), symbolizes loyalty and unity. This situation must be interpreted in terms of Sufi understanding. According to Sufi teachings, the phrase “do not stray from the flock; the wolf will catch those who stray” indicates loyalty to the order and the sheikh. The sheep is also used as a symbol with these characteristics in the Velayetname.
In the Otman Baba Velayetname, sheep symbolize abundance and fertility. Four rams are missing from the flock entrusted to Ali Bey by Otman Baba. In response, Ali Bey provides four thousand sheep for each missing ram (Koca 2002, pp. 75–76).
Furthermore, the same work emphasizes the ram’s horns. This indicates that the ram symbolizes power and strength, as it does in the Şucaeddin Veli Menakıpname. In the legend of Sarı Saltık, justice and truth are symbolized by the sheep.
In the legend, Server left and went to Evran Mountain. The Evrans lived on this mountain. There are two lakes on that mountain. The fish in those lakes are hairy like sheep. It is said: There was a shepherd. He denied a prophet access to his sheep. Later, he brought his sheep to drink water. The sheep entered the water and, they say, became fish. The shepherd watched the fish and marveled at God’s wisdom. He then left and came to the Edirne region. (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 594). The sheep’s reaction to the shepherd’s lie and their subsequent transformation into fish and entry into the water have become symbols of truth and justice.
As these examples illustrate, sheep and rams symbolize abundance, sovereignty, submission, death, strength, shape-shifting, truthfulness, justice, and purity in ancient Turkish beliefs and in the post-Islamic era through the story of Prophet Ismail.

3.6. Dog

In Turkish culture and mythology, dogs, like other animals, occupy a special place. In general, dogs are seen as animals that symbolize negative characteristics. Specifically in Turkish culture, one underlying reason for this negativity is that, in ancient Turkish beliefs, shamans would transform into dogs to travel to the underworld. Consequently, dogs are generally considered to symbolize death and hell (Çoruhlu 2013, pp. 188–89). However, despite this, dogs are also used for hunting. In some narratives, the dog used for hunting symbolizes loyalty (Ögel 1993, pp. 562–63). For instance, in the Altay creation myth, God entrusts a tree whose fruits must be protected from Satan to a snake and a dog. The snake obeys Satan and eats the fruit, but the dog does not (Ögel 1993, pp. 454–56).
The dog is also symbolized in various ways in Turkish literature. In folk and classical poetry, for example, poets have depicted it as a simple and despicable creature to belittle and insult their rivals. Additionally, in poems, the dog is symbolized as preventing the lover from reaching his beloved, being closer to the beloved than the lover, disrupting the relationship between the lover and the beloved, and the beloved showing affection to the rival. Therefore, the dog is generally used as a symbol with negative connotations.
Within the scope of our study, we examined the use of the dog as a symbol in Alevi–Bektashi legends. In these legends, however, the dog is portrayed more positively. In the legends in which we identified the use of the dog, loyalty, strength, helpfulness, and guidance are symbolized by the dog.
In the Velayetname of Hacı Bektaş Veli, Ahmet Yesevi is slandered. Consequently, the slanderer is transformed into a dog as punishment (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 14). Due to this characteristic, the dog is symbolized as an element of punishment. The dog is also used as a symbol in Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye. In the relevant legend, the dog Barak is described as follows: “If Barak (the long-haired dog) distinguishes between friend and foe, there is nothing surprising about that. Burak would also distinguish” (Tulum 2017, p. 87). These statements demonstrate that Barak is an intelligent animal capable of distinguishing between friend and foe. With these characteristics, Barak symbolizes trust and intelligence. In the same work, a Christian ascetic comes to Anatolia with forty dervishes and travels around the region. Finally, they visit Baba İlyas. Lying face down next to Baba İlyas, Barak attacks the Christian monk and tears his cloak and robe. God informs Barak that the dervish is an uncircumcised infidel (Tulum 2017, pp. 95–96). The dog receiving news from God shows that it possesses extraordinary qualities. The dog’s attack on the monk, fearing harm to Baba Ilyas, symbolizes trust, strength, and loyalty. The dog is also a symbol in the Saltık Gazi Epic. In the epic, three friends—Çoban Ata, Kemal, and Kara Davut—fight the enemy together. During the battle, the shepherd’s dogs help them greatly. They attack the enemies like lions and fight like humans. With the dogs’ help, the three friends defeat the infidel enemies (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 127). In this narrative, the dog symbolizes strength and loyalty once more. In another part of the Saltık Gazi Epic, dogs take on the roles of guides and saviors. One day, a female dog in Fidaguros’ palace gave birth to nine puppies. Before evening, the dog carried her puppies and climbed the mountain opposite. Fidaguros saw this and understood its significance. He ordered, “Let all the people climb the mountain.” The people said, “This animal is not doing this for nothing.” Everyone in the city climbed the mountain. That night, after everyone had gone up, the city sank into the ground. Water rose up in its place, forming a lake. They realized that this was the dog’s sign. (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 288). These words symbolize the dog’s role as a guide and savior. In another part of the epic, Sultan Alaeddin’s viziers oppress the people. A sheikh then gives Sultan Alaeddin advice, using the example of dogs’ loyalty to illustrate it (Demir and Erdem 2007, pp. 516–18). Here, too, loyalty and justice are symbolized by dogs.
Contrary to its depiction in Turkish mythology, divan literature, and folk poetry, the dog is generally portrayed positively in Alevi–Bektashi legends. It symbolizes loyalty, strength, helpfulness, guidance, and salvation.

3.7. Rooster

In Turkish folklore, the rooster symbolizes many positive and negative traits. It represents military character due to the spurs on its feet. It symbolizes courage because of its behavior in fights. It symbolizes kindness and generosity because it shares food with other chickens. It symbolizes trust because it heralds the morning and daylight. However, due to its behavior, especially its gait, it has also been a symbol of arrogance and pride.
Three examples of the rooster being used as a symbol are found in the examined tales. In the Kızıl Deli Sultan Velayetname, the infidels occupying the castle under the leadership of Kızıl Deli asked Kızıl Deli Sultan for time until the rooster crowed (Yıldırım 2007, p. 177). According to the legend, the rooster determined the time for the agreement between the two sides to be made. Because of this, the rooster symbolizes trust. Another legend in which the rooster is used as a symbol is found in the Saltık Gazi Epic. In the story, Saltık sees a great castle on Mount Kaf. Sunlight shines on the castle. In front of the castle, which has doors, towers, and walls made of gold and steel, stands a marble rooster. It stands with its wings spread and holds the castle’s keys in its mouth (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 106). In the narrative, the rooster’s guardianship of the castle keys symbolizes power, pride, and trust. The rooster reappears as a symbol later in the Saltık Gazi Epic. However, it is mentioned that someone who wants to kill Saltık disguises himself as a rooster (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 473). In the narrative, the rooster symbolizes a mask that hides evil. Therefore, in legends where the rooster appears as a symbol, trust, reputation, power, and evil intent are conveyed.
Within this framework, the narrative function of the rooster complements the symbolic plurality discussed in the preceding paragraph. Depending on the narrative context, the rooster appears alternately as a temporal marker that establishes trust and order, as a guardian associated with authority and power, or as a deceptive guise concealing malicious intent. In the Kızıl Deli Sultan Velayetname, the rooster’s role in determining time generates a symbolic meaning grounded in agreement and mutual trust, whereas in the Saltık Gazi Epic, the rooster holding the castle keys represents control over sacred space, authority, and prestige. The subsequent appearance of the rooster as a disguise employed to conceal evil intentions within the same epic clearly demonstrates the functional transformation of the symbol within the narrative. This continuity indicates that the rooster does not carry a fixed symbolic meaning in Turkish folk narratives, but rather functions as a dynamic and context-sensitive symbol whose significance is redefined according to narrative purpose and character roles.

3.8. Lion

The lion is feared due to its predatory nature. This characteristic has been reflected in mythology, where the lion symbolizes justice, peace, and security. This concept has also been depicted in many works since the time of Islam. In some Turkish-Islamic states, the lion was used as a legal emblem and was depicted on flags and coins. Given these characteristics, the lion was a symbol of peace and security (Köksal 1983, p. 152).
The Alevi–Bektashi belief system used the lion as a symbol more than any other. In this belief system, the lion symbolizes Hz. Ali’s power. Over time, the lion symbol has been reflected in literary works and has stood out in Alevi–Bektashi-derived legends due to the miracle of riding a lion and whipping a snake. However, taming a wild animal like a lion and using it as a mount is also a symbol of power, even though it is described as a miracle. Examples from related legends are given below:
The Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname (The Book of the Authority of Hacı Bektaş Veli) recounts the story of Seyyid Mahmud-ı Hayrânî setting out from Akşehir to visit Hacı Bektaş Veli. He rode a lion and whipped a snake, accompanied by three hundred Mevlevi dervishes (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 49). In Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye, Sheikh Ahmed Kebîr-i Rüfâî rode a lion and whipped a snake while searching for Dede Garkın (Tulum 2017, p. 61). This motif also appears in the Saltık Gazi Epic. There is a strong man in Rum named Karaca Ahmed. Upon hearing that Bektaş has come to Rum, he rides a lion and uses a snake as a whip. He sets out with his dervishes to see Bektaş. When Bektaş hears that Karaca Ahmed is coming, he climbs onto a wall and walks along it to greet him (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 294). In another part of the epic, Saltık sets out on a campaign to Frengistan. When he encounters Sababil Cazu, Cazu rides a lion and uses a snake as a whip (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 325). This is more of a display of power than authority. Later in the epic, however, Saltık defeats Cazu, proving himself to be more powerful.
Based on these examples, riding a wild animal such as a lion is a symbol of power. As mentioned above, this symbol is common to almost all mythologies. However, the lion symbol found in Alevi–Bektashi-derived legends has this meaning and is more closely related to the lion that the Prophet Muhammad is said to have encountered during his ascension to the seventh heaven. Therefore, in legends where the lion symbol is present, it is generally depicted in an Islamic context, representing sovereignty, peace, security, and power.
In this context, the lion figure is evaluated as a complementary example to the symbolic framework discussed in the preceding section, in which animal symbols acquire meaning through narrative context. Although the lion is inherently feared due to its predatory nature, in Turkish-Islamic culture this characteristic is reinterpreted and associated with justice, order, security, and sovereignty. Within the Alevi–Bektashi narrative tradition in particular, the lion becomes closely identified with the power attributed to Ali, and the act of taming a wild animal and using it as a mount is presented—through miracle narratives—as a sign of spiritual supremacy and absolute authority. The recurring motif of “riding a lion and using a snake as a whip” in the Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye, and the Saltık Gazi Epic demonstrates that this symbol functions not merely as an individual miracle, but as a legitimized representation of power and dominion within an Islamic framework. Accordingly, the lion in Turkish folk narratives signifies not brute force alone, but a form of sovereignty sanctified by religious meaning, embodying ideals of peace, security, and authority.

3.9. Fish

Fish are among the most curiously regarded animals by humans and hold a significant place in human imagination, as life began in water and the first living creatures formed there (Kaplan 2021, pp. 130–31). Because of this, fish have symbolic value in many Turkish folk tales. The most significant symbol it represents is abundance and fertility. This is because fish lay many eggs in the water during reproduction. Humans have interpreted this behavior as a symbol of fertility. Additionally, the fact that fish travel in schools contributes to their representation as symbols of unity and togetherness. In addition to the symbols of abundance and unity, fish also have protective and punitive characteristics in various mythologies. Thus, humans have sanctified fish by attributing divine characteristics to them (Kaplan 2021, p. 131).
Among the texts we examined in our study, the fish symbol was only identified in the legend of Sarı Saltık. In the epic, Saltık is thrown into the sea. A fish rescues Saltık and says that it carried the Prophet Jonah in its belly for forty days. Saltık emerges from the water three days later (Demir and Erdem 2007, pp. 272–73). The fish’s role as a savior refers to the story of Jonah, symbolizing his journey of self-discovery. In another part of the narrative, Saltık fights the infidels in Istanbul. During the battle, the infidels try to escape by ship but are unable to thanks to giant fish that emerge from the water (Demir and Erdem 2007, pp. 361–62). Here, too, the fish come to the aid of Saltık and Islam. Ultimately, the fish symbolize abundance and salvation in the Saltık Gazi Epic.
While the previous sections focused on terrestrial animals and their symbolic functions, this part extends the analysis to a creature associated with water and the idea of primordial existence. In Turkish folk narratives, the fish primarily symbolizes abundance and fertility; however, in the Saltık Gazi Epic, it assumes a distinctly salvific and protective role. The episode in which Sarı Saltık is rescued from the sea by a fish—explicitly linked to the story of the Prophet Jonah—demonstrates that the symbol is framed within an Islamic narrative tradition rather than a purely mythological one. In a later episode, the emergence of giant fish preventing the enemy’s escape signifies a shift from individual salvation to collective divine intervention. Accordingly, the fish in the Saltık Gazi Epic functions not only as a symbol of abundance, but also as a marker of divine assistance, redemption, and the preservation of sacred order.

3.10. Pigeon

The pigeon is a common symbol of innocence, purity, and abundance in Turkish folk tales. It has also been featured in folk tales and dream interpretations as a symbol of good news.
This association is based on the Flood Legend of the Altay people and the story of Noah. In both narratives, the pigeon brings good news after the flood by carrying a green branch in its beak. The pigeon is also used as a symbol of peace. Among all the nations of the world, the pigeon is a symbol of peace and brotherhood.
These symbolic elements are also reflected in Sufi texts. In the legends examined in this study, saints sometimes took the form of pigeons to symbolize purity and peace. For instance, in the Otman Baba Menakıpname, Hacı Bektaş Veli appears before his dervishes as a pigeon (Koca 2002, p. 239). A similar situation occurs in the Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname. In this text, Rasûl, one of Hacı Bektaş Veli’s caliphs, takes on the guise of a pigeon. Rasûl was instrumental in converting non-Muslims to Islam in this form (Gölpınarlı 2019, p. 86).
Within this narrative context, pigeon symbolism emerges in the Alevi–Bektashi hagiographical tradition as a symbolic expression of purity, peace, and spiritually communicative power. The association of the pigeon with saints through the motif of transformation (don değiştirme) is directly linked to Sufi conceptions of the refinement of the ego (nafs), the renunciation of violence, and the transmission of divine truth through gentleness rather than coercion. In the Otman Baba Menakıpname, Hacı Bektaş Veli’s appearance before his disciples in the form of a pigeon symbolically reveals a preference for a peaceful and inclusive mode of guidance in the process of irshād, rather than an intimidating or authoritarian posture.
Similarly, in the Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, Rasûl’s transformation into a pigeon and his role in leading non-Muslims to embrace Islam demonstrate that the pigeon signifies not only innocence but also a transformative and invitational power. In this respect, the pigeon transcends its role as a physical animal figure in Alevi–Bektashi hagiographies and becomes a powerful symbolic instrument embodying a Sufi understanding of spiritual guidance articulated through the language of peace inherent in the concept of velayet.

3.11. Crane

In Turkish mythology, the crane is equated with the Zümrüd-ü Anka, and in Western mythology, it is equated with the phoenix (Ekici 2022, p. 105). In the Alevi–Bektashi faith, the crane is used as a symbol of communication. This is because, in Turkish mythology, cranes are believed to be creatures that bring and carry messages. For this reason, they are accepted as “God’s messengers” (Ögel 1995, p. 553). In ancient Turkish beliefs, the crane is considered one of the gods, separate from the Sky God (Elçin 1997, p. 64). For example, crane feathers were considered sacred in the Altai region and were used in shaman clothing because they were believed to give the shaman mysterious powers (Eliade 2014, pp. 207–9; Özçelik 2023, p. 1080).
These sacred characteristics of the crane continued to exist in ancient Turkish beliefs and in Alevi–Bektashi legends, which are the focus of our study, even after the advent of Islam. In Alevi–Bektashi beliefs, the crane represents souls who have set out on the path of divine love with faith and commitment because it has attained the secret of existence on the path from eternity to eternity. Furthermore, in Sufi poetry, the crane is a motif of news. According to belief, the crane received its voice from Hz. Ali (Elçin 1997, pp. 64–72). Additionally, in Alevi belief, there is a type of semah known as the Turnalar Semahı. Some believe that the semah originated from swans’ revolutions in the sky (Melikoff 1993, p. 127).
Of the menakıpnames examined, two stories were identified in which the crane is used as a symbol. In the Otman Baba Velayetnamesi, Ali Bey gives Otman Baba a black horse as a gift. Otman Baba names this horse Kara Turna, or Black Crane. Otman Baba uses this horse for all his travels throughout the story. It is quite significant that the horse is named after a crane. Naming a horse “turna” and its assistance to Otman Baba throughout his trials and tribulations made it a symbol of power and authority. Though there is no physical mention of a crane in the narrative, the horse’s name indicates the value given to it. Another menakıpname in which the crane is used as a symbol is the Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname. In one legend, the saints of Horasan wanted to invite Ahmed-i Yesevî to a meeting. They sent seven saints. The seven saints transformed into cranes and flew to Turkistan. The sheikh learned of this and told his caliphs, “The saints of Horasan will gather. They have sent seven saints to invite us. They transformed into cranes. Hurry up; let us go meet them before they arrive.” (Gölpınarlı 2019, pp. 14–15). This statement suggests that the crane symbolizes communication.
In both legends, the crane symbolizes power, authority, and communication. It is reasonable to link the evolution of this symbol through shape-shifting to ancient Turkish beliefs. This is because, as mentioned at the beginning of our article, the crane’s ability to change shape is related to its acceptance as God’s messenger in ancient Turkish beliefs. Furthermore, shape-shifting symbolizes rebirth. In this respect, the crane has been equated with the Zümrüd-ü Anka.
Within this narrative framework, the crane appears in Alevi–Bektashi hagiographical accounts not merely as an animal figure of mythological origin, but as a multilayered symbol associated with communication, guidance, and mediation of divine will. The portrayal of the crane as a messenger through the motif of transformation (don değiştirme) demonstrates continuity with the ancient Turkic conception of the crane as a “divine envoy,” while simultaneously being reinterpreted within Sufi thought as a symbolic expression of spiritual journey and divine calling. In this context, the crane functions as a transitional element between mythological heritage and Sufi interpretation, serving in menakıpname narratives as a symbolic intermediary that facilitates both the transmission of sacred knowledge and the construction of a velayet-centered sacred worldview.

3.12. Pig

In Turkish culture and mythology, the pig is a symbol of negative meanings. This perception is rooted in the animal’s appearance, the muddy areas it inhabits, and religious beliefs.
In our study, we found that the pig is used as a symbol in only one narrative. Interestingly, in this narrative, the pig possesses a positive trait. We discovered this in the Saltık Gazi Epic. In the narrative, Kara Davut, a friend of Sarı Saltık, saves a pig from a dragon. Later, while Kara Davut is fighting infidels, the pig saves him (Demir and Erdem 2007, p. 126). Clearly, the pig symbolizes goodness in this narrative. It shows that good deeds are rewarded.
While the previous sections demonstrated how various animal symbols acquire positive or multilayered meanings depending on narrative context, the pig represents a striking inversion of conventional symbolism. Although generally associated with negative connotations in Turkish culture and mythology, the pig in the Saltık Gazi Epic is repositioned within an ethical framework that emphasizes moral reciprocity. Kara Davut’s act of saving a pig from a dragon, followed by the pig’s subsequent rescue of Kara Davut during battle, indicates that the animal is not linked to sanctity or power but rather to the principle that good deeds are rewarded. This narrative moment reveals that symbolic meaning can be detached from entrenched religious and cultural perceptions and refunctionalized according to narrative purpose. In this respect, the pig—much like the animals discussed earlier—illustrates the flexibility of symbolic systems in Turkish folk narratives, where meaning is shaped less by fixed cultural codes than by moral and narrative context.

3.13. Ox

The ox is often depicted as a symbol of strength and power in Turkish folk tales and has mythological origins. In Turkish mythology, Kama Yama’s mount being an ox and tales of the world resting on an ox’s horn point to the animal’s mythological origins (Esin 2001, pp. 73–74).
In post-Islamic Turkish folktales, the ox has been equated with the bull. In a sense, with the advent of Islam, the ox evolved into the bull and became a symbol of strength and power. Because of this characteristic, it has also been considered a symbol of sovereignty or a talisman. The most concrete example of this can be seen in the Tales of Dede Korkut. In “The Story of Dirse Han’s Son Boğaç Han,” Boğaç earned his name by wrestling a bull. Thus, the bull symbolizes strength, power, and bravery.
In the Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames examined in this study, the ox appears as a symbol of loyalty and power. The Velayetname of Hacı Bektaş Veli describes the ox as a domesticated animal that can go to the market and return. If something is taken from its bag, the ox understands that the person did not pay and can follow that person (Gölpınarlı 2019, pp. 14–15). In this section of the legend, the ox symbolizes loyalty to and the power of Ahmet Yesevi.
Animals play an important role in every aspect of human life and have also been used as symbols in literary works. In the Alevi–Bektashi legends examined in this study, animals were generally used as symbols drawing on Turkish mythology and Islamic Sufism. These symbols reveal insights into the mindset of the Turkish nation.
At this stage, the ox emerges as a symbol whose mythological continuity can be traced more clearly than that of the previously discussed animals. In Turkish mythology, the ox is associated with cosmic order, while in post-Islamic narratives it becomes closely aligned with the bull, thereby acquiring meanings related to physical strength, authority, and sovereignty. The episode of Boğaç Han earning his name by wrestling a bull in the Book of Dede Korkut represents one of the most explicit epic manifestations of this transformation. In Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames, however, the ox is not portrayed as a wild or fearsome creature but as a domesticated being symbolizing loyalty, discernment, and controlled power. The account in the Velayetname of Hacı Bektaş Veli, where the ox is capable of recognizing injustice and pursuing wrongdoing, demonstrates that the symbol is reinterpreted through a Sufi framework emphasizing spiritual authority rather than brute force. In this respect, the ox functions as a complementary symbol illustrating the transition from mythological power to moral and spiritual sovereignty within Turkish folk narratives.

3.14. Salamander

In mythology, the salamander is believed to be an animal that cannot be burned by fire. This animal is said to live in fire and die when removed from it (Kam 1998, p. 369; Levend 2018, p. 184; Onay 2000, p. 399; Pala 2004, p. 399). The salamander also appears as a mythical bird in various stories and is referred to as the Anka, Gegenus, Phoenix, or Simurg. This bird is known as the Phoenix in most European languages and is associated with the expression, “Like a phoenix, it is born of fire!” The expression symbolizes rebirth from one’s own ashes and constant renewal, like Zümrüd-ü Anka (Beydili 2003, pp. 491–92).
Due to these characteristics, the salamander has also found its place in Turkish folk tales. In our study of the Saltık Gazi Epic, we found that the salamander represents a mythological bird. This animal plays a role in the section of the epic dealing with the journey to Mount Kaf and symbolizes endurance and rebirth. The epic emphasizes the salamander’s aggressive nature and ability to withstand fire. Furthermore, Saltık’s capture and killing of the salamander, skinning it, and wearing its skin symbolizes his power. The epic also emphasizes that each organ of the salamander must be preserved. Together, these details demonstrate that the salamander embodies symbols of endurance, power, and rebirth in the epic.
In narrative traditions, animal symbols are often connected not only to social or moral order, but also to conceptions of the cosmos and existence itself. Within this perspective, the salamander emerges as a figure that defines the boundaries of mythic thought through its exceptional association with fire. In the Saltık Gazi Epic, the salamander appears during the journey to Mount Kaf, embodying the idea of endurance and rebirth through its ability to survive destruction. Saltık’s act of overcoming the salamander, skinning it, and wearing its hide signifies the transmission of the creature’s cosmic qualities to the hero. Furthermore, the emphasis on preserving each part of the salamander indicates that it is perceived not merely as an adversary, but as a sacred embodiment of power and continuity. Accordingly, the salamander functions as a high-level mythic symbol representing transformation and the persistence of existence within the epic.

3.15. Crocodile

The crocodile does not appear in Turkish mythology because it is a wild animal that does not live in the region where Turks live. This is because the animal does not inhabit the regions where Turks live. However, the crocodile is used as a symbol in the Saltık Gazi Epic, which we examined as part of our study. In the epic, Sarı Saltık encounters crocodiles on the banks of the Nile during his journey to Egypt. The fact that he encounters and interacts with them indicates that the epic was influenced by Egyptian mythology. In Egyptian mythology, Sobek is a god who lives around the Nile River. Sobek is the son of Neith, the goddess of ancient waters (Pinch 2019, pp. 308–9).
In the epic, a crocodile attacks Saltık. Saltık flees from it toward Egypt, where he meets friendly crocodiles. They help him by showing him the way (Demir and Erdem 2007, pp. 151–52). These well-intentioned crocodiles are a reflection of Sobek in Egyptian mythology. Thus, the crocodiles in the epic are symbolized as guides and pathfinders.
At this stage, the crocodile serves as a revealing example of how elements outside the Turkish mythological geography are integrated into the epic narrative and endowed with symbolic meaning. As an animal not native to the regions inhabited by the Turks, the crocodile appears in the Saltık Gazi Epic within the Nile and Egyptian context, thereby highlighting the intercultural dimension of the narrative. Saltık’s encounter with an aggressive crocodile followed by his guidance by benevolent crocodiles demonstrates that the animal is not constructed solely as a threat, but as a symbol whose meaning shifts according to narrative function. In this respect, the guiding crocodiles reflect the attributes of Sobek in Egyptian mythology, functioning as protectors and pathfinders. Through this narrative strategy, the epic incorporates a foreign mythological figure and resemanticizes it within its own symbolic universe.
Overall, the findings indicate that animal symbols in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames—particularly in the Saltık Gazi Epic—are not confined exclusively to Turkish mythology or Islamic Sufism. Instead, these symbols are dynamically reshaped through narrative context and cultural interaction, occasionally drawing on external mythological traditions when required by the storyline. This flexibility reveals that the symbolic system of these narratives is neither static nor isolated, but rather open to intercultural exchange and continuous reinterpretation.

4. Conclusions

This study focuses on the conceptual appearance and specifically examines animal symbolism in the Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames/menkıbes through a text-centered approach. The study seeks to answer the following questions: How much was the Alevi–Bektashi faith influenced by Turkish mythology, and which traces of Turkish mythology does it carry and preserve? Twelve works were examined using through a text-centered approach. Rather than claiming to explain the relationship between the Alevi–Bektashi belief system and Turkish mythology entirely within the framework of “influence–transformation–loss/preservation,” the research it aims to reveal, based on concrete data, the contexts in which animals are used as symbols in selected menakıpname/velayetname texts, the semantic fields around which this symbolic use is concentrated, and the patterns that recur across the texts. Therefore, the results are evaluated based on the narrative examples and symbolic uses presented in the examined texts rather than broad generalizations at the level of cultural history writing.
Within this framework, the study covers the Abdal Musa Velayetname, Menakıbu’l Kudsiyye, Demir Baba Velayetname, Hacı Bektaş Veli Velayetname, Hacım Sultan Menakıpname, Koyun Baba Velayetname, Otman Baba Velayetname, Saltıkname, Seyyid Ali Sultan Velayetname, Şuaceddin Veli Velayetname, and Veli Baba Menakıpname. As a result of the screening and text analysis, it was determined that the figures of the lion, horse, fish, pig, deer, pigeon, rooster, ram, sheep, dog, wolf, ox, salamander, crocodile, crane, snake, and dragon were used in these texts in a symbolic function within mythological and Sufi contexts. This finding shows that animals in menakıpname narratives are not merely descriptive elements; they function as symbolic tools that mediate meaning fields related to the concepts of velâyet, irşad, keramet, moral ideals, and sanctity.
The one of the main contributions of the study is the systematic ranking of animal symbols in the examined texts based on their frequency of use. The findings show that the animal most frequently used as a symbol is the snake/dragon, appearing eleven times. These are followed by the horse, deer, and wolf, each appearing five times; the sheep/ram and dog, each appearing four times; the rooster, appearing three times; and the lion, fish, pigeon, and crane, each appearing twice. Pigs, oxen, salamanders, and crocodiles appear once each in a symbolic context within the texts. This table shows that animal symbols are not randomly distributed within the narrative universe; certain figures (particularly the snake/dragon, horse, deer, and wolf) stand out distinctly, forming a symbolic center reinforced by intertextual repetitions. The particularly intensive use of the snake/dragon indicates that these beings are associated in the texts with multi-layered narrative functions such as sacredness, testing, danger, transformation, and meaning production, beyond being mere “symbols.”
The findings reveal that animal symbols cannot be reduced to merely a “mythological” or merely a “mystical” field of meaning; on the contrary, both planes often operate simultaneously in the texts. In this context, examples have been identified that go beyond the claim that animals such as wolves and sheep/rams completely abandon their mythological connotations within the narrative structure; rather, they suggest that these animals are reframed around Islamic-mystical values and directed toward a different center of meaning. On the other hand, animals such as lions, horses, fish, deer, dogs, and cranes have gained new functions by intersecting with the Sufi context in the world of the menakıpname narrative, centered on velâyet, without completely losing their mythological origins. It should be emphasized that this interpretation is not intended to establish a definitive relationship between general Turkish mythology and the Alevi–Bektashi faith; rather, it is an internal textual assessment based on the symbolic uses observed in the menakıpname narratives directly examined.
Another noteworthy finding of the study is the symbolic use of certain animals in menakıpnameler that are not common in Turkish mythology or have limited counterparts in the historical geography of the Turks. The example of the crocodile is particularly clear at this point: the crocodile, which has limited visibility in Turkish mythology due to the geography where Turks live, is included in the narrative with a guiding role in the legend related to Sarı Saltık. Similarly, despite being mostly associated with negative connotations in Turkish culture and mythology, the pig is used as a symbol of goodness in the Saltıkname narrative examined in this study. These two examples demonstrate that the symbolic repertoire of menakıpname texts is flexible and sensitive to the narrative context to an extent that cannot be reduced to a single cultural source. However, rather than being transformed into a broad claim such as “the Alevi-Bektashi belief system has been definitively influenced by other mythologies,” these findings should be evaluated as a limited, text-based conclusion pointing to the diversity of symbolic choice seen in these texts and the determinacy of narrative function. In addition, the example of the salamander represents a symbolically intense usage that is rare in the texts: in the examined legend, the salamander is positioned within the semantic field of rebirth and resilience, similar to the Phoenix.
Another finding that clarifies the function of animal symbols in menakıpnames is that symbolic meaning is often constructed through the physical characteristics and qualities of animals. The study shows that the lion, ox, wolf, ram, and salamander are associated with power, strength, and endurance; the dove with communication and peacefulness; and the horse with speed, agility, and the quality of being the hero’s/saint’s most important helper. This situation supports the idea that in the menakıpname tradition, animals are not treated as “decorative motifs” but as symbolic elements, chosen consciously to convey the moral and mystical message of the narrative.
In conclusion, this research has concretized the scope of animal symbolism in selected Alevi–Bektashi menakıpnames; it has revealed which animals serve a symbolic function, the frequency with which these symbols are repeated in the texts, and how the symbolic meaning is constructed in most examples through the qualities of the animal. The findings of the study show that animals play a prominent role in the production of meaning in the sacred narratives centered on velâyet in Alevi–Bektashi menakıpname narratives. This contribution goes beyond merely “listing” animal symbolism, revealing the symbolic usage in menakıpname texts through systematic classification, internal textual function, and patterns of meaning. In this respect, the study provides an analytical basis for making the symbolic universe constructed by the texts more comprehensible through the signs offered by animal symbols in Alevi–Bektashi-derived menakıb.
This study will reveal secrets about the collective consciousness of the Turkish na-tion by examining the animals used as symbols in mythological and mystical terms in Alevi–Bektashi-derived legends.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

Notes

1
Menakıpnames refers to literary works that recount the miracles, virtues, and exemplary deeds of saints, prominent Sufi leaders, and sheikhs. Although these texts typically lack explicit information regarding time, place, and historical chronology, they reflect the customs, traditions, and belief systems of the cultural environment in which they were produced (Kaya 2014, pp. 554–55).
2
Velayetname refers to literary works that narrate the lives, wise sayings, exceptional qualities, and widely circulated anecdotes and miracles of renowned figures, distinguished Sufi leaders, and especially individuals regarded as saints (veli). These texts serve as hagiographical accounts that highlight the spiritual authority and sanctified status attributed to such persons (Kaya 2014, pp. 826–27).
3
Bektashi It is an Islamic Sufi order believed to have been founded by Hacı Bektaş Veli. The members of this order—those who join the organization through initiation (known as el almak or nasip almak)—are referred to as Bektashi (Kaya 2014, p. 165).
4
Abdal in Sufi literature and the broader Islamic mystical tradition, Abdal refers to a category of wandering dervishes who have renounced worldly attachments and lead an ascetic, itinerant lifestyle. Abdals are characterized by their spiritual discipline, their role in guiding communities through travel and public presence, and their association with miraculous abilities. Some Sufi sources also situate the Abdal within the metaphysical hierarchy of sainthood, identifying them as holders of a specific spiritual rank alongside figures such as the qutb and awtād (Kaya 2014, pp. 36–37).
5
Baba in Sufi literature, the term Baba denotes a respected spiritual guide or elder who assumes roles of instruction, leadership, and moral direction within a Sufi order, lodge, or local devotional community. The title is particularly prominent in heterodox mystical traditions in Anatolia—such as the Abdalan-ı Rum, Kalenderi, and Bektashi circles—where it signifies spiritual authority, accumulated religious experience, and communal influence. Individuals bearing this title function not only as transmitters of esoteric knowledge but also as central figures who maintain social and spiritual cohesion within their communities (Kaya 2014, p. 141).

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Table 1. Keywords used to determine the sample group for the study.
Table 1. Keywords used to determine the sample group for the study.
Keywords Used to Determine the Sample Group for the Study
LionDeerDog
HorsePigeonWolf
FishRoosterOx
BoarHummingbirdSalamander
DragonSheep/RamSimurg
CrocodileCraneSnake
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Kaplan, H. From Turkish Mythology to Alevi–Bektashi Sacred Narratives: A Phenomenological Analysis of Animal Imagery. Religions 2026, 17, 155. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17020155

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Kaplan H. From Turkish Mythology to Alevi–Bektashi Sacred Narratives: A Phenomenological Analysis of Animal Imagery. Religions. 2026; 17(2):155. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17020155

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Kaplan, Haktan. 2026. "From Turkish Mythology to Alevi–Bektashi Sacred Narratives: A Phenomenological Analysis of Animal Imagery" Religions 17, no. 2: 155. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17020155

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Kaplan, H. (2026). From Turkish Mythology to Alevi–Bektashi Sacred Narratives: A Phenomenological Analysis of Animal Imagery. Religions, 17(2), 155. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17020155

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