A Medium for Chanting the Buddha’s Name for Rebirth in the Pure Land: The Woodblock Print of Kwŏnsu-Chŏngŏp-Wangsaeng-Ch’ŏpkyŏngdo in Chosŏn Korea

Abstract

This study examines the Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo (勸修淨業往生捷徑圖), a woodblock print created for Pure Land practice during the Chosŏn period. The print served as material evidence demonstrating how Pure Land faith developed within Chosŏn Buddhism, which consolidated various schools under the Sŏn tradition while integrating doctrinal studies and Pure Land faith. Through iconographic analysis of the transformation tableau and examination of its publication colophon, this paper explores how yŏmbul-Sŏn practice evolved from the early Chosŏn period and how this print functioned as a practical medium for daily Buddha recitation practice. The study argues that the Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo represents empirical evidence of the synthesis between Sŏn meditation and Pure Land faith, demonstrating the inclusive approach of Chosŏn Buddhist masters who accepted both Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land concepts for the purpose of widespread religious instruction.

1. Introduction

The Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo (勸修淨業往生捷徑圖, Diagram Encouraging the Cultivation of Pure Karma as a Direct Path to Rebirth; hereafter Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo) is a woodblock print created for chŏngŏp (淨業, Ch. jingye, Pure Land practice), specifically yŏmbul (念佛, Ch. nianfo, Buddha-name recitation) practice, aimed at rebirth in the Western Pure Land, as indicated by the title itself (Figure 1). With the fall of the Buddhist-oriented Koryŏ dynasty and the establishment of the Confucian-oriented Chosŏn dynasty, Korean Buddhism suffered severe setbacks. All Buddhist schools underwent significant reduction and were eventually consolidated into sŏn’gyo yangjong (禪敎兩宗, the two schools of Sŏn and Doctrinal Buddhism). In accordance with this state policy of religious unification, Chosŏn Buddhism gradually developed a practice system centred on the Sŏn school, integrating doctrinal studies (敎學) and Pure Land faith.

This Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo serves as concrete material evidence demonstrating how Pure Land faith developed within this context during the Chosŏn period. This study examines the iconography of this print and analyses its content to explore aspects of Pure Land faith during the Chosŏn dynasty.

2. Pure Land Faith and Yŏmbul-Sŏn (念佛禪) in Chosŏn

Before examining Pure Land faith and yŏmbul sŏn (禪, Ch. Chan, Jp. Zen) in Chosŏn Buddhism, it is necessary to clarify the conceptual distinction between Yusin chŏngto (唯心淨土, Ch. weixin jingtu, Mind-Only Pure Land) and Sŏbang chŏngto (西方淨土, Ch. xifang jingtu, Western Pure Land), as these two understandings of the Pure Land led to fundamentally different approaches to yŏmbul practice. Chŏngto (淨土, Ch. jingtu, Pure Land) literally means “pure land” and generally refers to the Western Pure Land where Amitābha Buddha resides. Yŏmbul (念佛, Ch. nianfo, Buddha-recitation), the practice of reciting “Amitābha Buddha” (阿彌陀佛) or “Homage to Amitābha Buddha” (南無阿彌陀佛) either vocally or mentally, is traditionally performed as a means to achieve rebirth in the Western Pure Land.

However, when the Pure Land is understood as existing within one’s mind rather than as a physical realm in the west, the purpose of yŏmbul practice fundamentally transforms. In this framework, yŏmbul is no longer practiced to achieve rebirth in a distant land, but rather as a means to realize the Pure Land within one’s mind—reciting the name of one’s own inherent Amitābha (Chasŏng Mit’a 自性彌陀) to reach the Mind-Only Pure Land. Thus, depending on which conception of the Pure Land one holds, the orientation of yŏmbul practice differs significantly. Those who accept Sŏbang chŏngto believe in the actual existence of the Western Pure Land and practice yŏmbul to achieve rebirth there. In contrast, those who espouse Yusin chŏngto view the Pure Land as existing within the mind and practice yŏmbul as a form of Sŏn meditation (yŏmbul sŏn 念佛禪, Ch. nianfo chan) aimed at realizing one’s inherent nature.

The concept of Yusin chŏngto emerged in early Chan Buddhism when patriarchs such as Shenxiu 神秀 (?–706) and Huineng 惠能 (638–713) incorporated the popular Pure Land thought of their time into Chan practice. This trend became more pronounced with Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904–975), who actively promoted the unity of Sŏn and Pure Land (sŏnjŏng ilch’i 禪淨一致, Ch. chanjing yizhi). In Korea, Pojo Chinul 普照知訥 (1158–1210) already articulated the Mind-Only Pure Land view in his Kwŏnsu chŏnghye kyŏlsa mun 勸修定慧結社文. However, the full-scale introduction of the hwadu (話頭, Ch. huatou, critical phrase) Sŏn approach to Yusin chŏngto occurred in the late Koryŏ period through figures such as T’aego Pou 太古普愚 (1301–1382) and Naong Hyegŭn 懶翁慧勤 (1320–1376). Since Yongming Yanshou of the Chinese Fayan school advocated the sŏnjŏngilch’I (禪淨一致, Ch. chanjing yizhi, the unity of Sŏn and Pure Land) (Chongsu Yi 2010, p. 86)1, Korea’s Nine Mountain Sŏn Schools (Kusan Sŏnmun 九山禪門) during the Koryŏ period partially adopted the concept of Mind-Only Pure Land (唯心淨土). They integrated doctrinal study (教學) into Sŏn practice, advocating the unity of Sŏn and doctrine, or incorporated Pure Land yŏmbul practice, promoting the unity of Sŏn and Pure Land. However, this did not ultimately mean accepting yŏmbul practice oriented toward rebirth in the Western Pure Land. Rather, it involved transforming yŏmbul into a kong’an (公案, Ch. gong’an, Jp. kōan) within the framework of hwadu (話頭, Ch. huatou, critical phrase) Sŏn meditation, understood through the lens of Mind-Only Pure Land (Chongsu Yi 2010, pp. 162–63).

In the early Chosŏn period, however, prominent Sŏn masters such as Hamhŏ Kihwa 涵虛己和 (1376–1433) and Pyŏksong Chiŏm 碧松智嚴 (1464–1534) began to show a tendency to accept both Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land simultaneously (Park 1996, pp. 70–102)2. Subsequently, Ch’ŏnghŏ Hyujŏng 淸虛休靜 (1520–1604), who is considered to have set the direction for later Chosŏn Buddhism, presented both meditation (參禪, Kor. ch’amsŏn, Ch. chanchan) and yŏmbul as legitimate practice methods, encouraged his disciples to practice yŏmbul, and acknowledged both Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land as valid soteriological goals.

Pyŏnyang Ŏn’gi 鞭羊彦機 (1581–1644) was the first to make specific references to the Three-Gate Study System (sammun suhak 三門修學). He established this system by defining three distinct practice gates: the Kyŏngchŏl gate (徑截門, Ch. jingjie men, Direct Cutting Gate), the Wŏndon gate (圓頓門, Ch. yuandun men, Perfect Sudden Gate), and the Yŏmbul gate (念佛門 Ch. nianfo men, Buddha-recitation). He explained that the kyŏngchŏl gate involves investigating the kong’an (公案) of the patriarchs, the wŏndon gate is practice without generating discriminative thoughts, and the yŏmbul gate involves chanting the name of the self-nature Amitābha whilst facing west. Although the wŏndon and yŏmbul gates were explained as being integrated within Sŏn practice, Huayan doctrine was acknowledged as is in the wŏndon gate, whilst the Western Pure Land was also acknowledged in the yŏmbul gate. This provided a foundation for the kyŏngchŏl gate of the Sŏn school to embrace both doctrinal teachings and yŏmbul practice during the late Chosŏn period when Two Schools of Meditation and Doctrinal Study were consolidated under the Sŏn school (Chongsu Yi 2010, pp. 234–35).

3. Iconography and Composition of Wangsaeng-Ch’ŏpkyŏngdo

Five editions of Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo from the Chosŏn period are currently preserved as woodblocks. The earliest is the 1571 Ssanggyesa (雙溪寺) edition from Pulmyŏngsan (佛明山), Ŭnjin (恩津), followed by the Sin’ansa (身安寺) edition from Kŭmsan (錦山, 1576), the Yŏngwŏnsa (靈源寺) edition from Chirisan (智異山, 1640), the Unhŭngsa (雲興寺) edition from Wŏnchŏksan (圓寂山, 1678), and the Yŏngwŏam (靈源庵) hermitage edition (1781). Among these, the earliest Ssanggyesa edition (1571) has a complete colophon, including donor records at the bottom. According to this content, the printing blocks were produced in the 5th year of Longqing (1571) through donations from many people. The project involved several key individuals: bhikṣu (monk) Sung-o 崇悟比丘 responsible for the carving work, monk Ch’ŏnbo 天寶比丘, Hwanghari 黃禾里 and the couple Kangoksun 羗玉淳兩主 as donors, and monk Haeng-un 行雲比丘 as the principal fundraiser who coordinated the entire project.

This print is carved on two wooden blocks, with the complete transformation tableau measuring 65.5 × 39.5 cm (Figure 2). This transformation tableau is iconographically composed of two horizontal registers. The upper register depicts an Amitābha preaching assembly, with Amitābha Buddha in the center, surrounded by a large body halo and seated on a high throne, flanked by the Eight Great Bodhisattvas, four on each side. The lower register shows the Nine Grades of Rebirth (九品往生, Kor. kup’um wangsaeng, Ch. jiupin wangsheng) in the Pure Land, depicted within nine circular compartments demarcated by pearl borders (連珠文) against a background of lotus ponds (Figure 3). The Nine Grades of Rebirth iconography is arranged in three horizontal tiers, representing Upper, Middle, and Lower Grades. Within each tier, the rebirth scenes are depicted in a specific sequence: Upper Birth, Middle Birth, and Lower Birth. Interestingly, the iconography shows hierarchical differences according to grade levels. The iconography displays hierarchical differences according to rebirth grade. Those of Upper Grade rebirth appear as bodhisattvas. Figures from Middle Grade Upper Birth to Lower Grade Upper Birth are depicted as monks seated on lotus seats. Lower Grade Middle Birth figures show monks with only their upper bodies visible on lotus seats. Finally, Lower Grade Lower Birth is represented solely by lotus blossoms. Such iconographic expressions, representing the hierarchical differences in rebirth, were also included in the Sammun chikchi 三門直指 (Direct Pointing to the Three Gates), authored by Chinhu P’algwan 振虛捌關 (?–1782) in 1769, depicted in the form of varying degrees of lotus blooming (Figure 4). This iconography was also adopted in the Muryangsu yŏrae tarani (無量壽如來陀羅尼), Immeasurable Life Tathāgata Dhāraṇī, published during the late Chosŏn period (Figure 5). In the Sammun chikchi, whilst this iconography represents the Nine Grades Lotus Flowers of the Western Pure Land through visual imagery, the accompanying verse simultaneously speaks of the Mind-Only Pure Land:

The Pure Land exists only in the mind, with no separate land;

Self-nature is Amitābha—how could there be any different form?

Sentient beings, deluded by this, remain in the dusty world;

Therefore the Buddha opened the Pure Land.

One day, seven days, forty-nine days—

Nine times the lotus blossoms in sequence;

Regardless of noble or lowly birth, those who wish to be born there—

That Buddha’s name and characteristics reside within the mind.

惟心淨土別無地 自性彌陁何異形 衆生迷此在塵中 是故能仁開淨土 一日七日七七日 三三瑞蕚次第開 無問貴賤欲生彼 彼佛名相在心頭

(Archive of Buddhist Canons (ABC) n.d.b, H0220, v10, pp. 153c22–54a02)3

Indeed, the fact that not only the Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo but also such iconography was included in books and further produced in dhāraṇī form for mass printing and distribution demonstrates that the tendency to pursue the unity of Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land was universally accepted within the Chosŏn Buddhist community of the time.

Above these Amitābha preaching and Nine Grades of Rebirth scenes, the title of this transformation tableau, ‘Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏng’, is carved with one character in each circular compartment. To the left and right in the same format, the Six-Syllable Great Bright Mantra of Avalokiteśvara (觀世音菩薩六字大明王眞言), ‘Om mani padme hum’, is carved with three syllables on each side. Carved on the left and right sides of the transformation tableau is what is known as the ‘Publication Colophon’ (開版緣記, kaepan yŏn’gi), a text that explains the circumstances and motivations behind the production of the woodblock. This colophon contains explanations of the causes and conditions for Pure Land rebirth through yŏmbul, specific methods of practice, and expected results.

The Publication Colophon reads as follows:

Muryang subul kyŏng (無量壽佛經, Ch. Wuliangshou fo jing, Skt. Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra, Sutra of Immeasurable Life) states that when Amitābha Buddha was formerly a bhikṣu named Dharmākara, he made forty-eight great vows before Buddha Lokeśvararāja. Among these was one that declared, ‘If any sentient beings of the ten directions who recite my name should fail to be born in the Pure Land, I shall not attain perfect enlightenment.’ Having achieved awakening, he now resides in the Western Pure Land of Ultimate Bliss, constantly emanating light through the power of his compassionate vow to receive sentient beings with karmic connections who recite his name.

That land is pure and adorned with the seven treasures. Being devoid of the three evil paths, it is pure and natural in itself. When one thinks of clothing, food, and palaces, they immediately manifest, allowing one to experience all forms of pleasure. If a person recites the Buddha’s name with sincere faith, a lotus blossom will emerge for them within the seven-jewelled pond of the Pure Land, where their name will be inscribed. If they truly practise diligently without regression, at the moment of death, that Buddha will come to welcome them, and they will be born through transformation within a lotus, see the Buddha, hear the Dharma, reach the stage of non-retrogression, and be eternally liberated from the cycle of rebirth. This is what the Buddha has expounded, a teaching without any falsehood.

Now this print is published, distinguishing the nine grades and four groups of disciples, with a total of 360 sections4, symbolising one year, making it possible to offer devotions. Each morning, one should face west, quiet the mind, and detach from external conditions, recite the Buddha’s name in one’s mind ten, one hundred, or one thousand times, and fill in one cell with red. When reciting with the aspiration that the Perfect Moon (Amitābha Buddha) remains with one’s body for a lifetime, making rebirth in the Western Pure Land one’s central practice, one will attain rebirth—this is in harmony with the awakened mind that seeks to save deluded beings and will certainly not be mistaken.

Moreover, if one has already achieved ultimate realisation and naturally attains complete enlightenment and immediate liberation like Amitābha Buddha, this is supremely excellent and beautiful. The ancient Buddha earnestly admonished: do not seek wealth and profit, but only wish that all people firmly establish faith, each escaping the paths of suffering and together realising perfect enlightenment—how could this not be beneficial? I aspire that through this merit, all of us sentient beings may together realise sublime awakening.

The original Chinese text of the colophon reads:

無量壽佛經云 昔阿彌陀佛 作此比丘時 名曰法藏 曾對世自在王前 發四十八重誓願 於中有一願 十方衆生 念我名號 不遂生者 誓不成佛 後成正覺 今在西方極樂世界 慈悲願力常放光明 祿受有緣念佛衆生 其國土純 以七寶莊嚴 無三惡道 淸淨自然 衣食宮殿隨念卽至 受諸快樂 若人心信念佛 生極樂七寶池中 便生蓮花朶 標其姓名 果然精進不退 臨命終時 彼佛接引於蓮花中化生 見佛聞法 得不退轉 永脫輪廻 此乃佛說之所宣 決無誑妄之法 今刊此圖分別九品四衆 計三百六十眼 以象一年 可以供養 每日淸晨 向西屛息亡緣 念心持或十聲百聲千聲 紅塡一眼 念圓滿月留得百年隨身 作西方公業 便證往生 度濟迷倫等覺心決不相誤 更能就已究竟 自然彌陀一得悟徹立地解脫 尤爲盡善羙焉 古佛開口叮嚀 不求財利 但願諸人 信心堅固 各脫苦趣 同成正覺 豈以補哉... 願以此功德 普及於一切我等衆生同成妙.

This colophon is particularly interesting because it specifically presents the purpose and method of using this print. The middle section states:

“… Now this print is published, distinguishing the nine grades and four groups of disciples, with a total of 360 sections symbolizing one year, making it possible to offer devotions. Each morning, one should face west, quiet the mind, and detach from external conditions, recite the Buddha’s name in one’s mind ten, one hundred, or one thousand times, and fill in one cell with red. When reciting with aspiration that the Perfect Moon (Amitābha Buddha) remains with one’s body for a lifetime, making rebirth in the Western Pure Land one’s central practice, one will attain rebirth…”

This passage provides the following information:

• Practitioners hung this image facing west each morning and used it as a medium for yŏmbul practice.
• Practitioners utilized this image as a tool for continuous yŏmbul practice by filling in the small circles surrounding the images of the nine grades of rebirth day by day. (The four-layered circular patterns of pearl borders surrounding the nine-grade images are heavily worn in many areas, making precise counting difficult, but they can be roughly estimated at approximately 100-94-86-80 from the outermost layer inward, totaling 360. This number corresponds to the annual count mentioned in the publication colophon. The colophon’s instruction to fill in each section with red pigment during yŏmbul practice presumably refers to these circular patterns.) (Figure 6).

Synthesizing the content of this text comprehensively, it explains that through the vows of monk Dharmākara, the previous incarnation of Amitābha Buddha, anyone who recites Amitābha’s name can achieve rebirth in the Pure Land. Therefore, anyone who chants Amitābha’s name with faith can be born in the Seven-Jeweled Pond of the Pure Land paradise and ultimately achieve enlightenment through yŏmbul practice. This idea of simultaneously achieving rebirth and enlightenment through Pure Land (chŏngŏp 淨業) practice, involving concentrated mind and vocal yŏmbul, is a concept based on the tradition of Dual Cultivation of Sŏn and Pure Land (sŏnchŏng ssangsu 禪淨雙修).

From the early Chosŏn period, when Buddhism was consolidated primarily around the Sŏn school, yŏmbul practice evolved into yŏmbul-Sŏn by integrating with Sŏn practice in an atmosphere where both Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land were gradually gaining recognition. This Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo serves as tangible evidence that empirically demonstrates this developmental trend in Pure Land practice.

Furthermore, regarding this vertical iconographic composition that places the Amitābha preaching assembly above and the Nine Grades of Rebirth below, previous research has pointed out that Korean Pure Land transformation tableaux underwent a significant shift beginning in the late 16th century. Unlike works from Koryŏ and early Chosŏn that faithfully depicted all sixteen contemplations of the Contemplation Sutra, later works evolved to emphasize the final stage—the Three Grades Contemplation (sampae-kwan 三輩觀), namely the Nine Grades of rebirth in the Pure Land. Scholars have substantiated this claim by citing evidence such as records showing that 16th-century monks like Chŏnghŏ Hyujŏng wrote texts related to the enshrinement or renovation of Western Nine Grades assemblies (西方九品會) within temple halls (Y. Yi 2015, p. 195)5. Such changes can also be seen as reflecting the Pure Land practice methods of this period in iconography. In other words, as existing Pure Land faith, which had visualized the scenery of the Western Pure Land through contemplation methods (觀法) while aspiring for rebirth, gradually shifted toward achieving rebirth and enlightenment through yŏmbul practice, the iconography of contemplations 1–13, which were objects of contemplation methods, was reduced or omitted, while the scenes of Nine Grades of Rebirth, which showed the results of practice, were expanded and emphasized.

4. The Dissemination of Wangsaeng-Ch’ŏpkyŏngdo

The Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo, which corresponds to the prevailing religious practices of the Chosŏn period when yŏmbul-Sŏn, which incorporated Pure Land faith from the Sŏn school’s perspective, was likely mass-produced and distributed to many people for the purpose of encouraging Amitābha yŏmbul practice. This popularity of yŏmbul practice can be confirmed by the fact that Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo prints inheriting the same iconography as the Ssanggyesa edition continued to be produced thereafter. While these prints basically share the iconography of the Ssanggyesa edition, the arrangement of iconography and detailed expressions were partially modified. To briefly examine the characteristics:

Four editions of Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo produced after the Ssanggyesa edition are currently extant (

Table 1. Chosŏn Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo produced after the Ssanggyesa edition, (Photo by Author).

Sin’ansa edition (1576, 57.5 × 39.5 cm)	Yŏngwŏnsa edition (1640, 66.5 × 38.0 cm)
Unhŭngsa edition (1678, 68.5 × 46.0 cm)	Yŏngwŏam edition (1781, 63.0 × 39.5 cm)

). The Sin’ansa edition (1576, 57.5 × 39.5 cm), made five years after the Ssanggyesa edition, shares identical iconography and compositional format with the Ssanggyesa edition, differing only in the content of the colophon at the bottom of the image. Even the format of carving the upper register (preaching assembly) and lower register (Nine Grades of Rebirth) on separate blocks is identical to the Ssanggyesa edition (J. Kim 2017, n. 326)6. From this, we can see that the Sin’ansa edition was produced using the Ssanggyesa edition as a base text. Considering that Ssanggyesa and Sin’ansa are located in relatively nearby geographical areas, and the production dates of the two editions differ by only five years, it is quite possible that the donors or producers of the Sin’ansa edition had previously accessed the Ssanggyesa woodblocks and used them as reference for producing the Sin’ansa edition. The Sin’ansa edition’s colophon indicates it was published at Sin’ansa in 1576 (萬曆四年丙子八月日全羅道錦山土神陰山身安寺開刊), with the carver being monk Sŏngchŏng 性渟 (S. Kim 1990, pp. 116–17, 154)7.

Comparing the iconography of the Sin’ansa and Ssanggyesa editions, while the Sin’ansa edition faithfully recarved the Ssanggyesa edition, it omitted the decorative patterns on the innermost part of the main Buddha’s halo that were carved in the Ssanggyesa edition, allowing the main Buddha’s form to be separated from the complex decorative patterns of the halo. However, characteristics of the recarved edition are evident in aspects such as the ambiguous rendering of the robe knot on the main Buddha’s chest, the less refined expression of the bodhisattvas’ jeweled crowns compared to the Ssanggyesa edition, and the fact that while the Ssanggyesa edition accurately carved all the sacred figures’ eyes and pupils within them, the Sin’ansa edition carved the sacred figures’ eyes as straight lines.

The Yŏngwŏnsa edition (1640, 66.5 × 38.0 cm, housed at Ssanggyesa in Hadong 河東) and the Yŏngwŏam edition (1781, 63.0 × 39.5 cm, housed at Songgwangsa (松廣寺) in Sunch’ŏn 順天) omit the “Publication Colophon” that was carved on the left and right sides of the Ssanggyesa edition and adorn those sections with lotus patterns instead. Although these two editions are currently housed in different locations, their iconography matches completely. However, the colophon of the Songgwangsa edition omits the publication region and only records that it was published at “Yŏngwŏam,” making it uncertain whether these two temples are the same place. However, through the phrase “published by the Ten Thousand Days Assembly” (manilhoe 萬日會) (Han 2000, p. 5)8, recorded in the colophon of the Chungbong hwasang pogwŏn yŏmbu ch’ŏpkyŏng (中峰和尙普勸念佛捷徑) carved on the reverse side of the Songgwangsa edition’s wooden block, we can surmise that this printing block was published at Yŏngwŏam in Chirisan, where the Ten Thousand Days Assembly was held under the direction of monks Hwanan 喚庵 and Mun’gok 文谷 in the late 18th century. Therefore, the Yŏngwŏam edition (1781) appears to have been carved by directly recarving the earlier version produced about 140 years earlier at the same temple. This fact also allows us to consider the possibility that this Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo was mass-distributed as a tool for practice by the Ten Thousand Days Assembly, a devotional organization formed for Amitābha worship and Pure Land rebirth through yŏmbul practice.

Finally, the Unhŭngsa edition (1678, 68.5 × 46.0 cm, housed at T’ongdosa (通度寺) in Yangsan (梁山)) omits both the left and right borders of the image, widens the horizontal ratio compared to other editions, and creates variation by placing the Six-Syllable Mantra “Om mani padme hum,” which had been positioned on the upper left and right sides, to the left and right of “Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏng” at the top of the image.

Meanwhile, during the 17th–18th centuries, mainly in the Yŏngnam region (嶺南地域, the southeastern provinces of Korea), under the direct influence of this iconography, Wood-Carved Amitābha Buddha Preaching Images (木刻阿彌陀如來說法像) were created as relief sculptures depicting Amitābha preaching assemblies and Nine Grades lotus ponds, and installed as posterior Buddha paintings (hubuldo 後佛圖) in Buddha halls. Six Wood-Carved Amitābha Buddha Preaching Images are currently extant, with representative examples being the Taesŭngsa (大乘寺) edition (1675) from Mungyŏng (聞慶) (Figure 7) and the Yongmunsa (龍門寺) edition (1684) from Yech’ŏn (醴泉)9. Both images show nine lotus blossoms symbolizing Nine Grades of Rebirth below the Amitābha preaching assembly, with inscriptions such as “Upper Grade Upper (上品上),” “Upper Grade Middle (上品中),” “Upper Grade Lower (上品下),” “Middle Grade Upper (中品上),” “Middle Grade Middle (中品中),” “Middle Grade Lower (中品下),” “Lower Grade Upper (下品上),” “Lower Grade Middle (下品中),” and “Lower Grade Lower (下品下)” written on each lotus. This method of placing the Amitābha preaching assembly in the upper part of the image and visualizing Nine Grades of Rebirth below is very similar to the Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo, suggesting an influential relationship between the two works.

The Wood-Carved Amitābha Buddha Preaching Images share significant similarities with Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo in terms of pictorial composition, production intent, and usage. In this regard, the 1640 Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo woodblock, produced at Yŏngwŏnsa temple on Chirisan 智異山 and currently preserved at Ssanggyesa temple on Mount Chiri in Hadong, is particularly noteworthy (see Table 1). According to the vow text and colophon of the Yongmunsa Wood-Carved Amitābha Buddha Preaching Image, this work was created according to the wishes of Soyŏng Singyŏng 昭影神鏡 (1684?–1713?). Soyŏng Singyŏng was a disciple of Hwanjŏk Ŭich’ŏn 幻寂義天, who continued the dharma lineage of Ch’ŏnghŏ Hyujŏng and P’yŏnyang Ŏngi 鞭羊彦機 (1581–1644), and had close ties with Ssanggyesa, having renovated Ssanggyesa Nŭnginam (能仁庵) and served as the certifying master for the production of the Four Guardian Kings statues at Ssanggyesa. Examining the records concerning Hwanjŏk Ŭich’ŏn and Soyŏng Singyŏng, we find that Hwanjŏk Ŭich’ŏn was known for practicing kwansim (觀心, contemplation of mind) ascetic meditation, and Soyŏng Singyŏng was also recorded as emphasizing toŏp (道業, cultivation of the Way) (Y. Yi 2017, pp. 92–93; 2013, pp. 67, 80–81)10. The term myŏngsim (明心, illuminating the mind) carved at the center of the lower part of the Yongmunsa relief corresponds to his master Hwanjŏk Ŭich’ŏn’s emphasis on kwansim, indicating that this wooden relief embodies not only aspirations for rebirth in the Western Pure Land but also the meaning of Sŏn practice. Considering these geographical and personal connections, as well as the practice-oriented background, it can be concluded that the Wood-Carved Amitābha Buddha Preaching Images, which were intensively produced in the Yŏngnam region from the 17th century, were transformed into large-scale wooden reliefs for practice purposes and installed in Buddha halls by monks who practiced yŏmbul sŏn and had prior exposure to the iconography of Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo.

Moreover, the transformation of this small woodblock print into large-scale relief sculptures appears to be related to the needs of late Chosŏn Sŏn communities. This format provided a permanent, architecturally integrated form that could depict both the Amitābha assembly and the Nine Grades of Rebirth in detail, while simultaneously functioning as both an object of contemplation and the principal icon of the hall. This can be understood as a deliberate adaptation of Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo iconography to meet the ritual and pedagogical needs of monastic communities practicing yŏmbul sŏn. The fact that this iconography was created as large relief sculptures and installed in halls demonstrates that the iconography of Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo expanded its function from a medium for individual practice to adorning the interiors of halls and serving as focal points for collective practice during the late Chosŏn period.

5. Conclusions

This study has examined the Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo, published as a medium for Buddha-name recitation practice (稱名念佛修行) aimed at Pure Land rebirth during the Chosŏn period. The Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo was produced as a print intended for mass production and distribution. Since its first carving in 1571, prints inheriting this iconography were repeatedly produced and distributed at various temples, providing clear material evidence for confirming an example of yŏmbul practice during the Chosŏn period. In Chosŏn, which was founded with Confucianism as its political ideology, Buddhism inevitably contracted in many areas compared to Koryŏ, which had revered Buddhism. The various schools that had existed until the Koryŏ period were also gradually consolidated around the Sŏn school. Within this atmosphere, Pure Land faith developed from the early Chosŏn period as yŏmbul-Sŏn, combining yŏmbul and Sŏn practice in an environment where Sŏn masters gradually came to acknowledge both Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land. This Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo serves as material evidence that empirically demonstrates this trend in Pure Land practice.

The Publication Colophon inscribed on this print contains detailed descriptions of the doctrinal basis for Pure Land rebirth through yŏmbul, specific methods of practice, and expected spiritual results, demonstrating that this print was produced specifically as a practical tool for yŏmbul practitioners. The colophon’s assertion that practitioners can achieve both rebirth in the Pure Land and ultimate enlightenment through yŏmbul practice directly reflects the Dual Cultivation of Sŏn and Pure Land (禪淨雙修) approach adopted by Sŏn masters during the early Chosŏn period when Buddhist schools were being consolidated primarily under the Sŏn tradition.

The production of these images as woodblock prints facilitated their mass distribution to practitioners, indicating that yŏmbul practice was widely performed during this period. This continuity of yŏmbul practice is confirmed by the fact that Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo prints continued to be produced and were transformed into large-scale Wood-Carved Amitābha Buddha Preaching Images in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. These carved reliefs, installed as principal icons in temple halls, demonstrate how the iconographic program of the Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo evolved from a tool for individual practice into a focal point for communal worship and instruction.

This study contributes to our understanding of Chosŏn Buddhist practice by demonstrating how material objects served as active agents in shaping religious life. The Wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo exemplifies the practical integration of doctrinal study (kyohak 教學), meditation practice (sŏn 禪), and Pure Land devotion (chŏngŏp 淨業) that characterized Chosŏn Buddhism. The detailed instructions preserved in the Publication Colophon provide concrete information about actual devotional practices beyond merely prescriptive texts.