Investing in Resilience: A Comparative Study of Black Church Survival in Underserved Detroit

Abstract

This study examines how theological orientation and institutional culture shape the viability of two historically Black churches in Detroit: Historic King Solomon Baptist Church and Greater King Solomon Baptist Church. Against the backdrop of accelerating church closures in underserved Black communities, the research investigates the factors that contribute to a congregation’s continued relevance and vitality. In doing so, it also provides insight into which churches are best positioned to sustain and scale health and interventions, support community development, and offer enduring spiritual leadership. Using a comparative case study approach grounded in W.E.B. Du Bois’s framework of the Black church as a site of “refuge and protest” and Max Weber’s theory of religious institutionalization, the research combines qualitative interviews with pastors, members, and community residents, alongside sermon content analysis from Easter and Christmas services in 2023 and 2024. Findings reveal stark differences: Historic King Solomon exemplifies an outward-facing, justice-centered model rooted in social memory and public service; Greater King Solomon reflects a more inward-facing, survivalist ethic shaped by individual piety and institutional maintenance. These distinctions impact each church’s resilience, as well as its readiness for public health partnerships and social investment. The study concludes that Black churches that are outwardly facing are likely to survive socioeconomic environmental challenges. Concurrently, both churches portray the Black church as two distinct entities culturally and theologically, which suggests an enhanced selection rubric for identifying congregations best positioned to advance social and health community outcomes.

1. Introduction

Church closures in predominantly Black communities are accelerating, leaving gaps in critical service areas in communities like Detroit, where Black churches have long served as spiritual, civic, and social anchors (Dillard 2009; Busette et al. 2022; Ransome et al. 2022). Recent studies underscore the urgency of this issue. A Pew Research Center study found that the share of Black Protestants who attend religious services at least once a month declined by 15% from 2019 to 2022, the most significant drop among major U.S. religious groups. This decline in attendance has contributed to the closure of many Black churches, which historically have been central to community support and health services (Nortey 2023; Busette et al. 2022).

This case study compares Historic King Solomon Baptist Church and Greater King Solomon Baptist Church to assess key indicators for a church to survive in an underserved Black community and their impact on community health and vitality. Framed through the contrasting lenses of W.E.B. Du Bois and Max Weber, the study explores how theological views and institutional practice shape a church’s public presence. Du Bois emphasized the Black church as a “social center” of resistance, political mobilization, and community uplift (Du Bois 1903b), while Weber saw religious institutions as being ordered by discipline, moral responsibility, and internal preservation (Weber [1905] 2002). By applying these frameworks, the study reveals how some churches adopt outward-facing, justice-driven orientations, while others operate with inward-facing, survivalist logics.

Although prior studies have illuminated racial, institutional capacity, and demographic differences in congregational approaches to service delivery, this study offers a distinct contribution by applying W.E.B. Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness to the culture of the studied Black churches. It contrasts a church that is Black in optics but aligned with white institutional norms in action, with one that is “Black through and through”, that is, rooted in culturally specific, community-embedded, and justice-centered praxis. This contrast highlights a critical oversight in social work and public health research and practice: not all Black churches are equally positioned for health interventions, research, or social investment. Too often, Black churches are treated as a monolith (Chatters et al. 2009; Markens et al. 2002), which obscures key differences in theology, institutional structure, and community engagement (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Taylor et al. 2003). As Barnes (2014) and Williams (2011) argue, successful health interventions must align with a church’s degree of social embeddedness and its demonstrated capacity for public leadership. As a byproduct this study advances decolonizing scholarship by challenging the homogenization of Black churches in public health and social work discourse and practice. It calls on scholars and practitioners not merely to consider church partnerships in general. Still, it challenges the routine generalization of Black churches in public health research by offering a critical rubric for assessing which congregations possess the historical consciousness, cultural competence, and community embeddedness required to sustain and scale transformative, church-based health promotion initiatives. Simultaneously, it provides a grounded example of institutional resilience, offering a blueprint for other Black churches in underserved communities that strive to survive and remain socially relevant amid structural disinvestment and demographic change.

2. Literature Review

The Black church has long been recognized as a foundational institution in African American life, particularly as an engine of social uplift, moral leadership, and communal resilience (Howard Caldwell 1994; Harris 2001; Du Bois 1903a, 1903b; Mays and Nicholson 1933). Scholars consistently emphasize the church’s dual function as a sacred space for spiritual formation and a civic institution committed to meeting its congregants’ material, social, emotional, and political needs (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Barnes 2005; Pattillo-McCoy 1998; Du Bois 1991). Central to this body of literature is the work of W.E.B. Du Bois, whose sociological and historical analyses established a template for understanding the Black church not merely as a religious organization but as a cultural and social force (Taylor and Chatters 2010; Billingsley 1999; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Du Bois 1903a, 1903b).

Du Bois’s The Souls of Black Folk (Du Bois 1903b) represents one of the earliest attempts to apply a sociological approach to the study of African American religion, blending empirical observation with lyrical prose, historical narrative, and philosophical reflection. In this text, Du Bois examines the church as a central institution in the spiritual and social lives of formerly enslaved people, identifying it as “the social center of Negro life in the United States.” He returned to this theme throughout his career, offering more formal sociological treatments in The Philadelphia Negro and The Negro Church where he systematically investigated the church’s educational, economic, and political functions. As well as their social and financial vitality, several of those studied in the Philadelphia Negro still survive today. Though many have come very close to closure, and others have closed (Busette et al. 2022).

Similarly, Billingsley (1999) examined the institutional adaptability of Black churches, especially their capacity to form networks for delivering social programs. More recent contributions have continued to build on this legacy, emphasizing the Black church’s evolving role in public health, youth engagement, senior citizen coping, and political mobilization (Taylor and Chatters 2010; Brewer and Williams 2019; Smith et al. 2022; Boddie and Park 2022).

In contrast to Du Bois, Max Weber’s work offers a framework for analyzing the internal logic and institutional values of religious organizations. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Weber [1905] 2002), Weber theorizes that Protestant theology, particularly Calvinist notions of calling, work, and discipline, fostered the rise of capitalism by cultivating a culture of self-restraint, diligence, and moral responsibility. Though developed in a European context, Weber’s insights have been adapted to studies of contemporary religious life in the United States, including the Black church (Smith et al. 2022; Higginbotham 1994; Weber [1905] 2002)

Weber emphasized how, over time, religious institutions can evolve from charismatic, mission-oriented movements into bureaucratized, rule-bound organizations that prioritize internal order, doctrinal maintenance, and spiritual discipline over public engagement. This evolution reflects Weber’s broader concern with the process of disenchantment, where institutions may substitute spiritual vigor with administrative continuity, becoming spiritually and socially absent to outsiders, even in proximity (Weber [1905] 2002). In this view, preaching itself risks becoming routinized, stripped of its transformative power, and serving primarily to reinforce institutional norms rather than inspire social action. This Weberian critique is particularly salient for understanding churches that lack visible public engagement or have diminished impact on their surrounding communities.

Together, Du Bois and Weber offer contrasting yet complementary perspectives on the Black church: one centered on prophetic activism and civic engagement, the other on internal discipline and institutional survival. These frameworks offer a theoretical foundation for understanding how various churches address the challenges of disinvestment, demographic shifts, and evolving community needs.

Further, the analysis lays the groundwork for future scholarship by showing that the Black church cannot be fully understood apart from its community functions, including education, health promotion, social services, and civil rights advocacy. Later scholars such as Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) extended Du Bois’s framework by exploring the tensions within the “seven dimensions” of the Black church, particularly the tension between its spiritual mission and its political responsibilities their model purports the Black church: as theological, ritual, experiential, moral, communal, institutional, and political (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990). Similarly, Billingsley (1999) examined the institutional adaptability of Black churches, especially their capacity to form networks for delivering social programs. More recent contributions have continued to build on this legacy, emphasizing the Black church’s evolving role in public health, youth engagement, senior citizen coping, and political mobilization (Billingsley 1999; Taylor and Chatters 2010; DeHaven et al. 2004; Smith et al. 2022; Boddie and Park 2022).

This Weberian perspective is particularly relevant for understanding how, even in settings of inequality, churches may reinforce a “religious individualism” that privileges personal piety and responsibility. By contrasting Du Bois’s outward-facing, justice-centered vision of the Black church with Weber’s inward-focused ethic of institutional survival and individual responsibility, this study reveals how Black churches negotiate the tensions between communal obligation and organizational self-preservation in distinct ways, particularly in contexts marked by urban decline, demographic shifts, and disinvestment.

3. Focus of the Present Study

This study examines the differences in theological orientation, institutional behavior, and community engagement between two historically Black churches in Detroit that have experienced membership and socioeconomic decline. It also investigates how these differences influence their suitability for public health promotion and social investment. Drawing on W.E.B. Du Bois’s vision of the Black church as a civic vanguard for racial justice and Max Weber’s conception of religious institutions as inwardly ordered communities rooted in discipline and spiritual accountability, the study aims to contrast two modes of operation: the Du Boisian church, which is outward-facing, justice-oriented, and publicly engaged; and the Weberian church, which is inward-facing, survivalist, and institutionally self-protective.

This is important because, too often, public health scholarship and philanthropy approach the Black church as a monolithic entity, overlooking the theological orientations, institutional behaviors, and social histories that shape a congregation’s willingness, readiness, and capacity to engage in health promotion and social investment. Therefore, programs and research either thrive in the right environment or produce limited results. To this end, historic urban congregations, many of which served as foundational institutions in Black civic life, are dying at an alarming rate due to the lack of sustained or effective partnerships (Busette et al. 2022; Mohamed 2021).

This research aims to address this oversight by demonstrating how theological worldviews and organizational cultures influence both the spiritual mission and civic posture of a church. It offers a more nuanced framework for church selection in public health and a practical roadmap for health practitioners and funders seeking to invest in faith-based infrastructure. It also provides critical guidance to pastoral leaders, many of whom inherit these historic institutions without formal theological training rooted in Black church traditions. Instead, influenced by evangelical models that prioritize inward-facing, individualistic frameworks of success, frequently shaped by the aesthetics and growth metrics of megachurch culture, rather than communal engagement and prophetic witness. By mapping these dynamics, the study contributes to the growing call for equity-oriented, culturally grounded approaches to health, faith, and community development.

4. Methodology

This qualitative study examines the community roles of two historically Black churches in Detroit: Historic King Solomon Baptist Church and Greater King Solomon Baptist Church. We conducted twelve semi-structured interviews with a balanced sample, comprising one pastor, two church members, and two community members from each church, as well as two elected officials familiar with both institutions. Each participant responded to ten open-ended questions, guided by motivational interviewing techniques (Miller and Rollnick 2013), to elicit reflective narratives about church engagement, spiritual life, and community service. Interviews lasted up to 20 min, were transcribed verbatim, and analyzed in NVivo 14 (QSR International 2022).

Participants were purposefully selected to ensure a balanced and comparable sample across both churches. Participants were identified for each church using a combination of purposive and snowball sampling. I prioritized individuals with direct experience or proximity to church programs, while also ensuring that community members included both affiliated and unaffiliated residents. The two elected officials were chosen based on their public engagement with both churches and their familiarity with the neighborhood’s religious and civic landscape. This sampling strategy allowed for triangulation and cross-validation of themes, while centering the churches themselves as the unit of analysis.

Each participant responded to ten open-ended questions, guided by motivational interviewing techniques (Miller and Rollnick 2013), to elicit reflective narratives about church engagement, spiritual life, and community service. Interviews lasted up to 20 min, were transcribed verbatim, and analyzed in NVivo 14 (QSR International 2022).

We employed thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2006), which involved coding, memoing, and identifying patterns. The study was framed through a dual theoretical lens. Drawing on W.E.B. Du Bois, we examined the Black church’s role in civic life and social uplift (Du Bois 1899; Du Bois 1903a, 1903b). From Max Weber’s perspective, we explored how discipline, duty, and service ethics inform church practice and theology (Weber [1905] 2002). This framework enabled a grounded, comparative interpretation of how Black churches serve as spiritual, social, and civic anchors in contemporary urban contexts.

To supplement interview data and deepen comparative insights, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of eight sermons delivered at Historic King Solomon and Greater King Solomon Baptist Churches during Easter and Christmas services in 2023 and 2024, two of the most theologically significant dates on the Protestant liturgical calendar. These sermons were selected due to their high attendance, heightened spiritual symbolism, and greater likelihood of addressing themes central to the church’s identity and mission. Transcripts were coded using a deductive-inductive approach in NVivo 14, with initial codes guided by Du Boisian (outward-facing, justice-centered) and Weberian (inward-facing, discipline-centered) constructs. Analytical categories included theological emphasis (e.g., sacrifice, resurrection, sin, justice), institutional focus (e.g., self-preservation vs. community engagement), and language of power and responsibility. This content analysis examines how homiletic narratives reflect and reinforce each church’s orientation toward the community, clarifying the role that preaching plays in shaping public health readiness and civic posture (Brown et al. 2023; Brown et al. 2021).

While some of the church’s history is publicly documented, much of what is known about both congregations was gathered through interviews with longtime members: Professor Charles Simmons, a former trustee who grew up in the congregation; Mother Bernice Leatherwood, who attended the church as a child under its founding pastor, Rev. Mose Williams; and Shelia Pearson, a current member and local church clerk whose father participated in the church in its early days (Simmons, pers. comm.; Leatherwood, pers. comm.; Pearson, pers. comm.).

4.1. Selection of Churches

I selected Historic King Solomon and Greater King Solomon Baptist Churches as comparative case studies because they offer a unique opportunity to examine divergent models of Black church life within a shared geographic, denominational, and historical context. Both churches are located in Detroit and share Baptist roots, yet they differ significantly in their institutional visibility, civic engagement, and perceived relevance to their surrounding communities. Historic King Solomon has a nationally recognized legacy of political activism and community outreach, while Greater King Solomon, despite its proximity, reflects a quieter, more internally focused model of ministry.

Historic King Solomon Missionary Baptist Church was founded in 1926, during the height of the Great Migration, a period that brought over six million African Americans from the rural South to northern and western cities in search of economic opportunity and relief from racial terror and Jim Crow segregation (Blevins and Gregory 2006; Weiss and Lemann 1992; Wilkerson 2021). Detroit, as a hub of the automotive industry, became a major destination, and Black churches, such as Historic King Solomon, quickly emerged as cornerstones of civic and spiritual life (Wilmore 1998; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990). These churches were not only sites of religious worship but also engines of social support, political organizing, and cultural affirmation, with membership swelling alongside the rising Black population (Dillard 2009). For Historic King Solomon, between 1926 and 1944, the church experienced four shifts in pastoral leadership. While mostly uncontroversial with no decrease in membership, the pastors suffered health challenges pastoring until they died. Following Baptist congregational polity, the church elected a new pastor in 1944: Rev. Theodore Sylvester (T.S.) Boone, a Texas-born minister, historian, and lawyer whose leadership would define the church’s civil rights and social engagement legacy (Texas State Historical Association n.d.; Detroit1701 n.d.; King Solomon History Designation n.d.).

That same year, in 1944, a congregational split occurred. Though not officially documented in either church’s institutional history, this division is confirmed through oral testimony from longtime members Charles Simmons, Bernice Leatherwood, and Sheila Pierson. According to one account from Mother Bernice Leatherwood, the split began shortly after Rev. Theodore S. Boone, a highly intellectual Texas-born minister, lawyer, and historian, arrived at Historic King Solomon. Boone was reportedly surprised to learn that the building the church occupied on Alexandrine Street in Detroit’s Black Bottom district had been financed by Arthur Garfield (A.G.) Wright, a prominent and wealthy Black businessman.

Although some aspects of this account remain unconfirmed, several factors likely contributed to the church’s relocation. These include shifting Black residential patterns out of Black Bottom, city planning efforts that eventually displaced the area with highway construction, and the indefinite financial obligation tied to Wright’s original investment. As Mother Leatherwood recalled, “So long as the church was there, A.G. Wright would always receive money from the church.” Within a short period, Rev. Boone led the congregation to a new building on Delmar Street, marking the beginning of a new chapter for Historic King Solomon Baptist Church.

The founding of Greater King Solomon Baptist Church is less clearly documented. However, it is likely that Rev. Robert Bradby Jr., then President of the NAACP Detroit Branch and son of the legendary Rev. Robert Bradby Sr. of Second Baptist Church, played a key role. A newspaper obituary named Bradby Jr. as both President of the A.G. Wright Insurance Company and pastor of Greater King Solomon, suggesting a close relationship between the two men. Mother Bernice Leatherwood suggests that after Boone moved Historic King Solomon, A.G. Wright collaborated with Rev. Bradby Jr. to establish a new congregation, which became Greater King Solomon Baptist Church.

Despite this shared origin, the trajectory of Greater King Solomon diverged significantly from that of Historic King Solomon. It did not carry forward the same activist legacy, nor did it match the civic and theological leadership embodied by Rev. T.S. Boone at Historic King Solomon Baptist Church. However, Historic King Solomon, too, diverged from its historic roots at the death of T.S. Boone, and because of that, both of the congregations declined significantly.

That decline was shaped by the forces of deindustrialization, urban poverty, racial segregation, and Detroit’s sharp population loss (Sugrue 2005). Once-thriving congregations, over time, began to shrink, and both churches found themselves on the brink of closure. Today, Greater King Solomon has sold its longtime building due to aging infrastructure and a dwindling membership and moved into a smaller storefront building. In contrast, Historic King Solomon has adopted a revitalization strategy rooted in its tradition of civic engagement. It is actively raising funds through a capital campaign, has received federal grants for building rehabilitation, and holds a state contract to provide health services on its campus.

While both churches meet the standard definition of a Black church as outlined by Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) and Billingsley (1999)—that is, they are Black-led, have predominantly Black congregations, and are rooted in a historically Black denomination: the National Baptist Convention USA Inc.—their paths reflect vastly different approaches to social engagement. The distinction lies not in structure but in social location and public visibility: one church has maintained a public-facing, activist tradition, while the other has receded into a more private, survival-focused orientation.

4.2. Historic King Solomon Missionary Baptist Church

The Historic King Solomon Baptist Church is a monument to Detroit’s Black cultural, political, and religious heritage. Rooted in the principles of Black power, liberation, self-determination, and gospel music destination, the church was once a central node for Black activism and cultural expression. Under the leadership of Rev. T.S. Boone, it hosted nationally significant events, including the Grassroots Leadership Conference, Nation of Islam Saviours’ Day under Elijah Muhammad, Southern Christian Leadership Conference meetings, and fundraisers for figures such as Mamie Till and Thurgood Marshall. It was also a hub for quartet gospel music, launching talents like Sam Cooke and Lou Rawls, and a literary sanctuary for icons such as Langston Hughes, Margaret Walker, Dudley Randall, and great leaders to speak, including Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, and W.E.B. Du Bois.

After the move from its Delmar Street location, the church relocated to the Northwest Goldberg neighborhood, establishing itself as the largest Black-owned and operated facility in Detroit. The campus once included a doctor’s office, a florist shop, a daycare, youth programs, and a boxing gym. However, following Rev. Boone’s illness and passing, the church entered a period of decline during Detroit’s heroin and crack epidemics in the 1970s and 1980s (Shakur 2010).

Today, under my leadership as Rev. Charles E. Williams II, Historic King Solomon Baptist Church is undergoing a revitalization grounded in its historic mission of civic engagement and social uplift. When I assumed the pastorate at the age of 27, the active membership had dwindled to just twelve senior citizens. Drawing upon my background in political organizing and social justice advocacy, I reoriented the church toward its community-centered legacy. I helped reinstate public programming, including a youth initiative known as the Sea Cadets, and re-established the church as a hub for civic activity. We have welcomed national figures such as Rev. Al Sharpton and Rev. Jesse Jackson, as well as members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. Additionally, we host weekly civil rights meetings for the National Action Network. While I bring reflexive insight to this study as both pastor and scholar, I took deliberate steps to preserve the integrity of the research process. Data collection adhered to ethical research standards, and qualitative analysis was conducted with peer review and collaborative oversight to ensure analytical rigor and minimize bias.

The church now has 200 members, with approximately 100 attending weekly services; half of these members are from the surrounding community. Programs have expanded to include a wellness clinic, eye clinic, and weekly soup kitchen, and plans are underway to grow the youth ministry with a pilot summer camp. Historic King Solomon has also entered a strategic partnership with Henry Ford Hospital and is currently engaged in a capital campaign to restore its facilities in time for its 2026 centennial celebration.

4.3. Greater King Solomon Baptist Church

Founded in 1944, Greater King Solomon Baptist Church was established under the leadership of Rev. Robert Bradby Jr., son of Rev. Robert Bradby Sr., the long-serving pastor of Detroit’s Second Baptist Church, a historic congregation and Underground Railroad site, a politically involved church that served as a touchstone for southern Black migrants seeking work in Detroit’s auto industry (Sugrue 2005; Meier and Rudwick 1976). Rev. Bradby Jr. was a civic leader in his own right, serving as president of the Detroit Branch NAACP and as a member of the Detroit Housing Commission. His political confrontation with then-Mayor Albert Cobo over racially discriminatory housing policy indicates engagement in Detroit’s mid-century civil rights battles (Thomas 2013).

Unlike its namesake, Historic King Solomon Baptist Church, Greater King Solomon does not carry a widely recognized legacy of cultural or political activism during the civil rights era. The relative lack of historical documentation may suggest that the church’s mission was more evangelical and inward-facing, focused on pastoral care and spiritual formation.

Today, Rev. Norman Oliver leads the congregation during a time of organizational fragility. With a small and aging membership of approximately 20 members and a facility in need of significant repairs, the church recently sold its property to sustain its ministry. While Greater King Solomon continues to offer spiritual refuge and has provided some aerobic health classes, it is not yet known the impact it will have in the new community it will serve.

5. Results

The comparative analysis of Historic King Solomon Baptist Church and Greater King Solomon Baptist Church reveals two fundamentally distinct paradigms of Black church life in underserved communities. Guided by the theoretical lenses of W.E.B. Du Bois and Max Weber, this study identifies a central axis of divergence: one church exhibits an outward-facing, justice-centered orientation rooted in civic activism and communal care (Du Boisian), while the other operates according to an inward-facing, preservationist logic emphasizing spiritual maintenance, institutional continuity, and personal responsibility (Weberian).

5.1. Outward-Facing (Du Boisian): Civic Engagement, Embeddedness, and Prophetic Theology

Historic King Solomon Baptist Church exemplifies what Du Bois identified as the Black church’s highest function: a “social center” and “refuge of protest”, a civic, spiritual, and political institution that serves as the organizing heart of the Black community. Interviews with community members revealed a deeply embedded relationship between the church and its neighborhood. Residents, including those unaffiliated with the congregation, described the church as a hub for material aid (e.g., food, youth programming, elder care), cultural memory, and collective identity. This relational intimacy aligns with Du Bois’s concept of the church as a “social organism”, where the rhythms of community life and institutional mission are intertwined.

This Du Boisian tradition was also evident in pastoral interviews and sermon content. The pastor emphasized a theology of holistic liberation, stressing that ministry must attend to the “whole person”, body, mind, and soul. Sermons during Easter and Christmas often invoked themes of liberation, justice, and resistance, casting Jesus as a radical figure who was aligned with the oppressed. These messages reflect Du Bois’s vision of the church as a space for structural critique and moral transformation.

Elected officials confirmed this civic posture, describing the church as a trusted partner in public health and social advocacy, including its involvement in COVID-19 testing, food security initiatives, and neighborhood revitalization efforts. Community suggestions focused on scaling up programs rather than correcting deficiencies, indicating a shared desire to amplify the church’s already-visible presence. These patterns collectively affirm Du Bois’s claim that the Black church at its best functions as a surrogate for the absent state, offering both sanctuary and strategy for collective survival.

5.2. Inward-Facing (Weberian): Spiritual Maintenance, Institutional Preservation, and Symbolic Presence

In contrast, Greater King Solomon Baptist Church represents a Weberian model of religious institutionalization, characterized as orderly, self-contained, and spiritually dutiful, yet socially limited. Weber’s concept of the “routinization of charisma” is especially salient here. Initially founded by civic leaders in the mid-20th century, the church has evolved into an institution primarily concerned with internal discipline, doctrinal continuity, and member sustenance rather than public engagement. Community members expressed minimal awareness or a lack of relational connection, noting that while the church’s physical presence is well-known, its programs, leadership, and impact are mainly invisible.

Interviews with church members reinforced this orientation. The congregation was described as small, aging, but faithful, with a strong emphasis on spiritual devotion and institutional perseverance. Sermons reflected this ethic, focusing on themes of personal piety, forgiveness, and inward growth. This corresponds to Weber’s concept of “inner-worldly asceticism”, a religious ethos centered on individual discipline, duty, and self-regulation.

Community reflections on the church’s potential closure were framed more in spiritual or symbolic terms (“God’s presence would be missed”) than in terms of material or civic losses. Feedback from elected officials revealed no significant recollection of its programs or partnerships, suggesting limited civic imprint. This pattern reflects Weber’s theory of disenchantment, where institutions become bureaucratic and spiritually introspective, increasingly divorced from social action.

5.3. Summary

Together, these findings illustrate how Historic King Solomon Baptist Church and Greater King Solomon Baptist Church represent distinct paradigms of Black church life. Historic King Solomon embodies a Du Boisian tradition of civic ministry, prophetic preaching, and community embeddedness, making it a critical institution for social justice and health equity initiatives. Greater King Solomon reflects a Weberian model characterized by inward focus, institutional preservation, and symbolic presence, which limits its capacity for public engagement and structural intervention.

Understanding these divergent paths is essential for struggling Black churches battling decline, as well as for scholars, policymakers, and public health practitioners seeking to revitalize, sustain, and engage Black churches in efforts to address health disparities and promote community well-being. The findings suggest that a church’s theological orientation and operational logic profoundly shape its social function, relevance, and capacity for transformative engagement.

6. Discussion

This study demonstrates how theological orientation and institutional culture shape the viability of Black churches in underserved communities. By applying the frameworks of W.E.B. Du Bois and Max Weber, we find that churches tend to align with one of two trajectories: outward-facing and community-embedded or inward-facing and institutionally preservationist. These orientations are not simply operational; they are deeply theological, sociological, and historical.

Historic King Solomon Baptist Church exemplifies what Du Bois, in The Souls of Black Folk and The Negro Church, described as the Black church’s role as a “social center” of resistance, refuge, and collective uplift. The church is not just a site of worship, but a hub of civic life and political memory. It embodies Du Bois’s vision of a functional, collective institution that sustains Black life in the absence of equitable state support. Participants described the church’s outreach as essential to the community’s material and spiritual survival. In this Du Boisian model, the church’s theological commitments to justice and liberation translate directly into programs that feed the hungry, house the poor, and challenge systems of inequality.

In contrast, Greater King Solomon Baptist Church reflects what Weber, in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, described as the rationalization and routinization of religious life. Here, the church is oriented inward, toward spiritual formation, moral discipline, and organizational maintenance. Rather than serving as a civic anchor, it offers symbolic stability to a small circle of believers. The theology expressed by the pastor and members emphasized personal piety and institutional trust over collective activism. This aligns with Weber’s observation that religious institutions, over time, may evolve into bureaucratic structures that prioritize order, tradition, and moral self-regulation, primarily when operating in resource-scarce environments.

These two models reveal the theoretical utility of Du Bois and Weber in interpreting contemporary Black church life. Du Bois locates the power of the church in its communal function, as a tool of survival and resistance forged in response to racial oppression. Weber, on the other hand, emphasizes the internal logic of religious institutions, highlighting how discipline and respectability become essential to institutional continuity in the face of uncertainty.

Importantly, both logics coexist within Black church life. Churches like Greater King Solomon are not without value; they provide emotional refuge and theological stability. However, in the current era of public health crises and social fragmentation, the Du Boisian model appears more aligned with the urgent needs of underserved Black communities. It offers a theological and institutional basis for partnership, sustainability, and equity-driven investment.

7. Implications and Recommendations

This study reveals that the survival of Black churches, particularly those facing institutional decline, is closely tied to their level of civic engagement, rather than solely to their internal congregational strength. Churches that thrive often do so by embedding themselves in the community’s life: addressing food insecurity, hosting health screenings, mentoring youth, or mobilizing for justice. These are not just social programs; they are cultural expressions and theological commitments grounded in the Black religious tradition. From the prophetic preaching of liberation theology to the communal ethic of care, engaging the public is both a historical practice and a sacred mandate for many Black churches.

Based on these findings, the following recommendations are offered for both struggling Black churches seeking revitalization and church-based public health (CBPH) practitioners:

7.1. Recommendations for Struggling Black Churches

7.1.1. Reclaim the Church’s Role as a Community Anchor

Rediscover and renew your historical role as a hub for social uplift. Health promotion, food security, education, and justice work are not distractions from ministry—they are ministry.

7.1.2. Develop Partnerships Beyond the Pulpit

Build relationships with hospitals, universities, public health agencies, and grassroots organizations to enhance your network and support your initiatives. These partnerships can bring new resources, visibility, and relevance to your work.

7.1.3. Build a Theology of Health and Justice

Preach, teach, and lead from a theological framework that embraces healing and justice as spiritual mandates. This helps the congregation see health outreach not as charity, but as a calling.

7.1.4. Empower Lay Leadership and Intergenerational Involvement

Create space for younger members and lay leaders to lead new initiatives—especially those focused on technology, wellness, and community partnerships. Their energy can drive innovation and renewal.

7.1.5. Pursue Institutional Health Alongside Congregational Health

Strengthen your church’s administrative, technological, and financial operations. Apply for capacity-building grants, host training sessions, and invest in systems that support long-term survival.

7.2. Recommendations for Community-Based Public Health (CBPH) Practitioners

7.2.1. Select Churches Based on Civic Engagement, Not Demographics Alone

Move beyond simplistic models that select churches by size, denomination, or racial makeup. Choose partners whose mission and practice already demonstrate consistent outreach to the broader community.

7.2.2. Prioritize Community Perception and Historical Trust

Assess how the surrounding neighborhood views the church. Public health partnerships should include a vetting process that examines historical trust, community access, and the church’s local reputation.

7.2.3. Support Church Capacity, Not Just Program Delivery

Invest in churches’ infrastructure, financial management systems, health ministry staffing, technology, and space improvements, to ensure interventions are sustainable and reach beyond the pews.

7.2.4. Align Interventions with Theology and Leadership

Understand the church’s theological framework and pastoral philosophy. Interventions are more likely to succeed when they resonate with a congregation’s core beliefs and leadership values.

7.2.5. Value the Black Church’s Role as a Cultural Institution

Recognize that the Black church is not only a religious body but a cultural anchor. Frame health initiatives in ways that affirm this identity, using language of faith, healing, justice, and legacy.

In summary, Black churches that survive and thrive do so not by retreating inward, but by expanding outward, responding to the needs of their people, affirming their cultural mission, and embodying a theology of liberation and care. By embracing this model, public health and religious institutions can find common ground, ensuring that health equity and faith-based resilience are mutually supportive.

8. Conclusions

The interviews and sermons reflect two different community dynamics. Historic King Solomon is embedded in the daily rhythm of neighborhood life, functioning as a trusted, historic anchor to which even non-members feel a connection. Its legacy is carried forward in the Black church tradition, and it is the kind of church that would be prime for CBHP engagement due to its high level of community engagement.

In contrast, Greater King Solomon is appreciated for its spiritual presence and potential but lacks the visible, relational infrastructure that allows community members to feel personally connected or served. Its challenge is to move from passive presence to active participation, a shift many of its neighbors hope to see.

This research makes two key contributions. First, it outlines what resilience looks like across divergent theological models. Churches that are outward-facing thrive, not because they have abundant resources or large memberships, but because they interpret their very existence as a mission to serve, grounded in a tradition of collective care and prophetic engagement. Their survival is rooted in relevance. By contrast, churches that operate according to an inward-focused, Weberian logic, prioritizing order, doctrine, and spiritual maintenance, often struggle in underserved Black communities. While such a model may function well in suburban, middle-class, or white congregational contexts, it is misaligned with the needs and social realities of neighborhoods experiencing disinvestment, health disparities, and systemic neglect.