Walking Together Differently: Empirical Insights into Emerging Church Communities in Hungary

Abstract

This study examines the transformation of communities within Christian churches in late-modern and postmodern social contexts. As a theoretical foundation, it presents changes in the concept of community, with a particular focus on the role of religious communities. Emphasis is placed on community as a social and spiritual resource and on the possibilities for reorganising churches. Three national case studies—an urban Reformed congregation, a small-town Catholic parish, and an ecumenical pilgrimage community—will be used to illustrate the functioning, challenges, and responses of church communities. This research uses both qualitative and quantitative methods, and the results highlight the power of community retention, the importance of personal relationships, and spiritual depth. This study also highlights the theory that the key to church renewal lies in rethinking and consciously building community forms. Digital space, personal networks, and spiritual needs are calling for new models for the church.

1. Introduction

Humans are sociable beings (Goleman 2007) who tend to live their lives in a variety of forms of relationships. Individual and relational interests converge through belonging to groups and communities. Communities are the pillars and cohesive forces of society, and the most important of the innate communities is the family (Whitbeck 1999, pp. 1025–32; Pusztai and Demeter-Kárászi 2019, p. 365). Individuals, however, are influenced by all the communities that have served as a background during their socialisation, such as school, home, and artistic or religious communities (Bialecki et al. 2008, pp. 1139–58; Gallet 2016, pp. 1–5; Lövheim 2017, pp. 151–68). From a social perspective, we can attribute two important roles to these communities: one is to help the individual function in social relationships, and the other is for the community to perform some well-defined social function. Individuals can belong to several communities simultaneously, and those may vary in size and content. Modernisation has eroded some forms and formations of community attachment (Berger 1980; Luhmann 1977, 2000; Weber 1976; Tönnies 1972), while reflective modernity and postmodernity have redefined the relationship between the individual and the community (Berger 1999; Putnam 2000). This is also true of religious communities (Dillon 2003; Haussmann et al. 2024, p. 363; Pansters 2023).1 Modernism was anti-religious, secularisation emerged, and institutional churches lost their relevance (Davie 2000; Martin 1978; Luhmann 1977). Reflective modernity induced people to turn away from institutions; spirituality, however, was valorised, and the search for community became more powerful (Dillon and Wink 2003, pp. 179–89; Neville 2002). One characteristic of postmodernism is that the religious narrative becomes fragmented; however, while interest in the sacred remains, its space takes on other forms (Davie 2000; Geffré 2001, pp. 135–56; see also Motak 2009, pp. 149–61; Nesti 2002, pp. 379–92). Gallet (2016, pp. 1–5), and Huber (1998) suggest, however, that the resources derived from community membership have the potential to strengthen churches and send them in a new direction (See also: McClure 2022, pp. 451–74; Zimmer and Sellmann 2024, pp. 81–107; Wittberg 2012).

In Hungary, the change of regime posed the greatest challenge to domestic churches and religious communities, as they struggled to find their place amid political, social, and cultural transformation. Civil society developed slowly, and cooperative communication was often replaced by secrecy and confrontation. A study by the Hungarian Catholic Bishops’ Conference (Horányi 1997) examined the extent to which the Church was able to adapt to “the signs of the times” and what room for manoeuvre it had in society. This room for manoeuvre represents both the expectations of society and the Church’s own offerings, especially in the areas of community building and strengthening social cohesion. One of the objectives of the research (on the scope for action of the Church in Hungary today) was to explore and demonstrate the extent to which the Catholic Church has succeeded in adapting to “the signs of the times” and what difficulties and conflicts it can expect in the changed political, economic, and social environment. The Aufbruch research project, which examined religiosity and the situation of Christian churches in post-socialist states (Tomka et al. 2000), also produced important results. Numerous conferences and studies have undertaken the task of assessing the situation after the change of regime. These writings not only discussed the relationship between the church and society and between the church and the media but also placed the connection between religion and communication in a broader context.

2. Changing Approaches to Community

Modernisation has eroded traditional forms of community, questioning the issue of social cohesion and the manner in which it functions. Much has been made of its interrelationship in sociology, and various accounts of the social role of the community have emerged (Depew and Peters 2000, pp. 3–21; Durkheim 2001; Morel et al. 1997; Putnam 2000). The social role of the community is better understood if we consider the complexity of the concept and its various referents. The diversity of different approaches was illustrated by Hillary’s study (Hillary 1955, pp. 11–123), which, even at that time, put forward 94 different definitions. The social changes that have taken place since then have rendered earlier approaches inadequate, and contemporary thinking attempts to define community with ever more innovative insights. In the changed social context, community is no longer described in terms of locality but rather in terms of social networks. People are members of several, often overlapping, communities that each serve specific functions in their lives as a kind of personal network community (Wellman 1999). The creation and maintenance of communities is facilitated by communication, which is a symbolic process according to the ritual model of communication (Carey 1992), which states that the driving force of communication is not the transmission of messages in space but the temporal cohesion of society, and not the transmission of information but a representation of shared beliefs. The digital environment of the 21st century has also spawned its own forms of community, initially accompanied by much fear and misunderstanding, but is now an accepted arena for community to function in (Campbell and Tsuria 2021, pp. 1–21; George 2006; Battista 2024, pp. 21–37). A good backdrop for this could be social media, which, according to some approaches, is a platform for problem solving and cooperation (Jenkins et al. 2013, 2015; Hoover 2006; Rheingold 2005).

2.1. Church Communities: New Ways Forward for Christian Churches

Exploration of the functioning of communities is also an important issue from the pastoral point of view of Christian churches, and several theologians have argued that the way for the church to survive is through the continuation and active existence of religious and sacred communities. The issue of small communities is a frequent one in relation to the future mission of religion and the church. The renewal of the church is only possible through the renewal of communion. Huber, an evangelical, explicitly sees the church’s task as mediating between individualism and communality (Huber 1998), but many scholars argue that strong and durable communities are key components in the reinvigoration of the Christian church (Mossière 2022; Zimmer and Sellmann 2024).

Changes in the social environment and the expectations of consumer society also have an impact on church members (Twitchell 2007; Taylor et al. 2012). Strong media messages are essentially one-way messages that encourage experiential learning (Schulze 1992). Religion has become an option along the lines of personal choice, taste, and style (Hervieu-Léger 2003; Luckmann 1967; Stark and Bainbridge 1985); thus, people see themselves as being free to choose religion and denomination, and, as a consequence, affiliation with churches and religious communities has become very diverse (Berger 2007; Twitchell 2007). In the past, belonging to a community came about by birth, through marriage or through relocation; today, it is often the result of a conscious decision and the exercise of choice. In the postmodern context, several theories discussed the rise of individualism (Fowler 2001, pp. 159–72; Nesti 2002, pp. 379–92), but in a community/church context this does not mean that each person makes decisions and has only his or her own interests at heart but rather that we are confronted with another phenomenon of individualism. In a metropolitan context, it is particularly true that people are associated with a number of different groups, of which the religious/church community is just one. In times past, people who lived in the same community had parallel connections on multiple levels because they lived in a village near the church, they could meet at the shop, post office, or on the street on weekdays, their children went to the same places, and they were linked together by village and national holidays and common symbols. There have been many studies on the extent to which cognitive development, moral judgement, and the range of social relationships influence schemas of beliefs and worldviews. In one, Fowler (2001, pp. 159–72) suggests that particular communities may have preferred levels of belief that characterise (if not all, then at least the majority of) community members. Not only may there be styles of individual faith experience, but on the community level there may also be styles that a particular community has a preference for either explicitly or in an unspoken manner, and associated members may conform to this group-level pattern or become marginalised (or emigrate internally). Of course, the community’s experience of belief is not independent of the experiences of individuals; it is not only the interactions of those in the community that become determinant but also the larger system or social milieu in which the community lives (Davie 2000; Steck 2000).

It is not really possible to assess the social environment, since we live in it and there are examples that contradict every claim, but there are trends that were less characteristic of the lives of previous generations than of today’s society. After the Second World War, the sociology of religion predicted in its theory of secularisation that religiosity would be increasingly marginalised (Berger 1980; Luhmann 1977, 2000; Taylor 2007, pp. 539–42). However, we see that the role of religion has not diminished at the global level (Derrida and Vattimo 1998; Martin 1978), even if Europe has become more secularised than other continents (Berger et al. 2008; Casanova 1994; Pickel 2008, pp. 182–214). With postmodern and more recent metamodern cultural transformations, the role of religion has not diminished but is constantly being transformed. The values, the crisis of values, the evidence, and lack of evidence of the social and cultural milieu have an impact on the worldview and the values of those in the church. As believers, although the Word of God is the point of reference, the culture shapes the manner in which faith is lived out (Streib 2001, pp. 144–58; Smith 2009; Taylor et al. 2012).

What can be said with certainty is that the past decades have brought major changes in the life of the church. The unity of the church has been replaced by the diversity of many small communities and the rise of individualisation; this has required both a new way of communicating and a rethinking of the concept of unity. The discussion, debate, and thematization of the issue of community became a focus of attention within the Catholic Church as well. This was mainly due to a paradigm shift that took place at the Second Vatican Council, at which a new vision for the Catholic Church was formulated, giving rise to many misunderstandings. In 1985, the Extraordinary Synod of Bishops renegotiated it and defined the basis of the Church in the concept of koinonia/communion (Kovács 2016). The Catholic Church sees its own Church as one of communion, whose essence is communion or lived communion, that is, the communion of God and man, one which also serves as a model and basis for communication among the members of the community (Pope Francis 2019). Pope Francis’ initiative “For the Synodal Church: communion, participation and mission”, launched on 10 October 2021, also drew attention to the importance of communion. The synodal journey was an unprecedented organisational–communicational innovation in the life of the Roman Catholic Church, given its strictly hierarchical and ecclesiologically anchored self-understanding. The idea of synodality is not new in the Roman Catholic Church. The word synod itself is derived from the Greek synodos, meaning to walk together (syn), on the readings (hodos), and is a very ancient way of performing Christianity. In times of crisis, or of a need for renewal, Christians have always gathered together, with varying frequency, to take stock of their situation and reach a common decision, although the participants have played a variety of roles.2 It is also important to emphasise that the process is not about democratisation or the introduction of parliamentary forms but, as Pope Francis said at the Mass of the Annunciation, about “listening to one another and discerning together the will of God”. He continued, “God’s intention for the Church of the third millennium is synodality”. The Pope said these words back in 2015, on the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the institution of the Synod of Bishops. It was for this purpose that Pope Paul VI originally created the Synod of Bishops at the conclusion of the Second Vatican Council in 1965.3 Its explicit purpose was to serve as an advisory body to help the Pope “to recognise the signs of the times” in changing circumstances.4 The main aim of the process, announced as a synodality, was to listen carefully to the members and to discuss how to fulfil together the will of God in the new millennium.5 “There is no need to create another church, but to create a different church,” stressed the Pope, who urged the world’s more than 4,000 dioceses and 1.4 billion Catholic faithful to move in that direction. Participation was not optional but mandatory for all dioceses, and the Vatican intended it to be fitting and appropriate for all the faithful. The process consisted of three parts, with the most recent being the first, preparatory, so-called local (or diocesan) phase, led by the bishop and coordinated by a designated moderator or working group to allow a community to share and exchange experiences locally along pre-defined lines. This inclusiveness and participatory nature (i.e., inviting the average church member to participate and form opinions), is something that can be described as a significant innovation in the church’s organisational communication procedures. The official part of the synodal journey ended in October 2024, and the results have yet to be seen; one could say that the practical implementation phase at the level of the local churches is still to come, but it is worth noting that Pope Francis made public (on 11 March 2025, during his hospital stay) the declaration that he would reconvene the members of the synod in 2028 to evaluate and share the experiences of the past years. The outcome of the four-week Synod of Bishops, held in October 2024, was a 54-page document on mission, participation, and communion.6

2.2. Church Communities in Everyday Life: Through Case Studies

In our study, we present three cases of the transformation of church communities. The three case studies provide an insight into the life of three differently organised and functioning church communities in Hungary. The three communities illustrate the colourful community life within the Christian churches and the different ways in which it is organised. Individual cases are presented, which, precisely by linking to the general trends presented above in the literature review, reach beyond themselves and can contribute as good practices and models to the discourse of reorganising churches. The first case study presents the results of a questionnaire survey conducted among a Reformed congregation in the capital city as part of a comprehensive community diagnosis. The second case study shares the experience of a synodal journey in a community in a small town near the capital. The third case study gives an insight into the functioning of an ecumenical pilgrimage group, which was a temporary community for a few years and then became a permanent and well-functioning community through the experience of digital religiosity. The three authors are involved in the life of the community not only as researchers but also as operators. The research terrain is thus seen from the Geertz (1973) emic–etic perspective. Within each case study, we discuss the research questions and the details of how the research was conducted, as well as the results.

3. Behind the Numbers: Patterns of Congregational Connection

The 2023 survey of the Buda Reformed Congregation was part of a comprehensive community diagnosis.7 The congregation has undergone a change of leadership, a new presbytery has been installed, and the questionnaire was designed to inform strategic planning and to explore the participation motivations, relationship patterns, and community ties of the congregation’s membership.

The research examined two main issues:

How and with what background do people come to church?

What factors contribute to a lasting commitment to the community?

All of this was examined in the context of an urban Reformed congregation where the composition of the community, the diversity of forms of ministry, and the coexistence of generations present a complex picture.

There are 496 church founders in the congregation, and 700 people are regularly active in the church. In terms of church structure, it is important to note that there are about thirty house groups in the community. The research methodology was based on a custom-developed LimeSurvey questionnaire completed online during November and December 2023, with 321 respondents. The questions were related to a previously conducted questionnaire survey (Siba and Hámori 2018, pp. 73–85) and also took into account the methodology of natural church development (NCD) (Schwarz and Logan 1996, pp. 539–42). The questionnaire used in this research was created in collaboration with the presbytery (the 16-member governing body of the congregation), the pastoral staff (7 pastors), and active members of the congregation. The aim was to ensure that the questions touched on relevant aspects of the life of the congregation. The secondary analysis also examined the correlations between responses, with particular attention to demographic differences, patterns of community involvement, and motivational factors. The database also provided an opportunity to examine generational differences and patterns of participation in service areas. There was a predominance of women among respondents, which is consistent with general trends in congregational activity. The majority of respondents were in the 30–60 age range, but there was also a significant proportion of respondents over 60. The 18–30 age group was also represented but in smaller numbers; however, the proportion of small-group attendance was prominent in this group.

There are many ways in which church members are connected to the church. Confirmation, marriage, baptism of children, and even calling personal friends, or simply the community of residence, are all represented. Reasons for involvement include confirmation (21), marriage (19%), baptism of a child (17%), personal invitation from friends/family (15–17%), and conscious choice (19%). The questionnaire found that the baptism of a child was the truly important link for those under 30 and those aged 57–70. Adult baptism was also present, with women and older middle-aged people in particular taking part in preparation for adult baptism and baptism.

Among the motivating factors of belonging to the church, the highest ratings were given to the glorification of God, listening to the sermons, progress in the knowledge of God, the family atmosphere, and the inspiring teaching. Of particular importance to those under 30 years of age were the themes of seeking advice, personal spiritual direction, and seeking to know God. For men, ministry opportunities were the main motivators. For women, on the other hand, the most common emotional reasons were personal contact with pastors and understanding and experiencing community support. Community members belong to the congregation primarily for spiritual/intellectual needs rather than for social, cultural, or service activities. The central role of worship in the customs of spiritual life is clearly evident; 54% of respondents pray daily, and 54% read the Bible at least once a week. However, the proportion of daily Bible readers was only 25%. More than half of the members attend church groups (56%), and the percentage of those attending weekly worship was less than 50% (41%).

In the church, there is what is called parochial law, which means that the congregation has its own territory in which to carry out its ministries. However, it is evident that in recent decades this parochial system has been less effective in cities, and even if there were a congregation closer to their place of residence, 67% of respondents indicated that they would attend this particular congregation even if there was another Reformed community closer. This proportion of those coming from farther away is most typical of the 30–45 age group, where around 78–80% of respondents travel more; 19% of respondents had already attended other congregations, and there was a sense of awareness that they had chosen this congregation.

The responses indicated that there are several factors explaining why people travel from further afield—the quality of the preaching, the personal nature of the pastoral ministry, along with the family-like nature of the community, and the openness of the local culture being principle among them. There is a trend of people previously having lived closer to the congregation, but having gotten married, having had a child, and then perhaps having moved to the suburbs, returning to this community from further afield because of their personal connections. People under 30 years old travel the most to attend church, up to 30–45 min, which is a long way by Hungarian standards. In contrast, the elderly, aged 55–70, travel the least, undertaking journeys of less than 15 min to arrive at the church. Responses suggest that members are willing to invest the time, energy, and organisation to participate in a community where their faith and their entire lives can find a home.

The role of personal friends, a network of contacts, as the main driver for becoming involved in the church was most prevalent among women and, in particular, among those under 30 and those aged 45–55, while family ties were the main means of connecting men and younger children to the community. It was evident from the questionnaire that the number and depth of relationships and personal connections in the congregation had been strengthened most by home group participation, and those who were most integrated into small groups were also most likely to be involved in ministry. Those between 45 and 50 years old were the most likely to mention that they felt important in the community and to be the most active in service with the most extensive network of relationships. The average for the congregation as a whole was 10–12 friends and personal contacts.8 The 45–50 age group, however, had an average of 30 church members in contact with them, and those over 70 also demonstrated a high level of this kind of relational embeddedness. Being a congregant is not a negligible aspect in the fact that personal relationships are stronger and more numerous than the average for Hungarian society today. The questionnaire research confirms that the Reformed community in the metropolis can be retentive and attractive if it has both spiritual depth and relational openness. In personal bonding, the figure of the pastor and the house group system are of particular importance.

One important feature of the congregation is its house group system, which comprises about 30 active groups, with 8 to 30 people per group. These groups are mostly organised by age and life situation, and 56% of respondents reported regular attendance, with this proportion being particularly important for those under 30. Home groups are also present in the lives of church members as a peer support group, not only for spiritual deepening but also in relational integration. The small-group system helps integration, supports spiritual development, and provides a forum for personal reflection and sharing. This is particularly valuable in an individualised society for city dwellers, and indeed for church members. Those who participate in small-group sessions more often pray alone, read the Bible more often (70% weekly), and typically show stronger ties to the community. A number of text responses also suggest that the personal relationships experienced in home groups, prayer communities, and shared ministries, alongside responsibility for one another, strengthen church identity and retention. In particular, these things can offer support for those who are undergoing a life crisis or who have no previously established connection to the Reformed Church. The development of personal connections correlates most strongly with small-group participation and service opportunities. Those who serve (e.g., children’s activities, music ministry, and prayer groups) experience more friendships and stronger congregational bonds. However, a lack of connection is reflected in several responses, especially from those who mainly follow sessions online or who are unable to engage in small-group formats.

This research highlights some of the intergenerational differences; for those under 30, the presence of online programmes is more pronounced, and they are more active in small-group sessions and participation; those aged 30–45 appear to have the most stable prayer life, but they are less likely to attend church than the older generation; those aged 45–55 are the most committed, both in terms of worship attendance and service, as well as in the strength of their network of relationships; and those 70 and above are more likely to attend Sunday morning services than evening light music services, and they are also the most engaged in terms of prayer life and Bible reading. Generational differences show that older worshippers were more likely to value the deepening of faith, quality of preaching, and congregational stability, while younger worshippers tended to value interactivity, musical diversity, opportunities to volunteer, and an accepting atmosphere.

This presentation of the Buda Reformed Congregation shows that spiritual deepening, direct human relationships, and quality preaching can make a congregational community both attractive and sustainable. The house group system and the consciously designed forms of worship, as well as the authenticity of the pastoral ministry, are particularly powerful factors in maintaining community identity, even for people living far from home (West 2000).

4. The Synodal Journey: Through the Example of a Specific Parish

The Holy Trinity Parish in Gödöllő, one of the most active communities in the Diocese of Vác, participated in the synodal process launched by Pope Francis in 2021. During this research, we used participatory observation, monitoring the activities of 28 small-parish groups, including Bible study groups, prayer groups, youth groups, and charitable communities.9 The topics of the meetings were determined by the guidelines of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and the synodal questions of the diocese. The group leaders prepared written reports after each meeting. These were evaluated jointly by the parish priest and the leaders every two weeks. At the end of the process, interviews were conducted with the leaders and participants, which were also summarised and forwarded to the diocesan pastoral office. A special feature of the local implementation was that all baptised members, both active and marginal, were involved in the opinion-forming process.

The participation structure was based on the following elements:

• Spiritual preparation—common prayer and reflection;
• In-depth study of topics—based on biblical and diocesan materials;
• Decision-making—setting goals that can be achieved in small steps;
• Communication—informing group leaders and parishioners;
• Reflection—evaluating and further considering the results.

The topics examined included community search, listening, courageous speech, liturgical participation, mission, dialogue, ecumenism, decision-making, the exercise of authority, and shared responsibility. The questions focused on various social and pastoral situations, experiences, and lessons learned.

The most profound experience for community members was being listened to. For many participants, this was an emotional turning point, as it had been the first time they felt that the church had been genuinely interested in their opinions. During the discussions, participants often shared personal experiences of faith, which strengthened the dignity of church membership and community identity. What made the process unique was that it was not merely a theological or church–political dialogue but a genuine community-building exercise. Different viewpoints could be expressed without causing conflict, thus creating a genuine experience of consensus. In the decision-making process, both hierarchical and lay actors felt represented. Particular emphasis was placed on participation in the liturgy, reaching out to women and young people, and transparency in the exercise of ecclesiastical power. The practice of discernment—that is, seeking what the Spirit wants from the community—was at the heart of the process.

The practice of synodality was not just a project-based event but holds the potential for long-term change in the pastoral approach. The experiences in Gödöllő indicate that this open structure, based on listening and joint reflection, is indeed capable of bringing community members closer together and rebuilding trust in church institutions. At the same time, the process also highlighted that expanding opportunities for participation is not enough in itself. In order for marginalised or alienated believers to enter into this dialogue, concrete, sensitive, and consistent approaches are needed over the long term. The greatest challenge lies in ensuring continuity and consistency, ensuring that the synodal approach does not remain a temporary initiative but becomes part of the everyday functioning of the church.

Reiterating the uniqueness of the Synodal Assembly, we must recognise that this assembly (held from 2021 to 2024) is the first in the history of the church to involve millions of people across the entire planet and can therefore be described as an experiment in participation, perhaps the largest ever attempted on a global scale. This initiative required the development of tools to listen to people in the different local contexts where the church is present. The church had to gradually learn and experiment with ideas on how to listen, how to discern, and how to set goals for the 21st century in the spirit of discernment and dialogue.

Using the stories of the Resurrection as a model, as suggested by the closing document of the 2024 Synod,10 and following a comprehensive survey conducted in the parish at the end of the process, we can outline the following results, which are considered to be the jointly accepted and celebrated results of the local community of the Holy Trinity Parish in Gödöllő (Diocese of Vác). The survey identified three important areas as the results of the synodal process: the importance of participation, communities, and mission.

Participation: At the local level, the synodal method, after personal reflection and prayer, gave participants the opportunity to share their views on the theme of the meeting with each other. Everyone was invited to listen and express themselves individually. This was a new experience that deeply touched people, awakening enthusiasm and energy (sometimes even tears) in them, because they felt that they were being listened to for the first time in the Church. The deepest meaning of participation does not lie in the exercise of power but in the recognition of the dignity of the community, which is the basis of everyone’s equality.

Community: The goal was practical—to define a direction in which to move forward together and to give concrete form to what had been jointly understood. The method was intended to create consensus and balance, allowing all participants to feel represented by the joint conclusions. Conflicts were not hidden behind a facade of unanimity, but neither did they flare up, and the articulation of positions made it possible to continue on the common path in the spirit of mutual recognition. Unity in diversity (community) was experienced, lived, and celebrated during this time. Genuine listening to each other’s stories of faith and experiences created a common ground for participation in the same spirit.

Mission: In the process of synodality, it is crucial to bear witness to what has happened to people during the synodal journey (the common journey to Emmaus).11 Those involved in the process must live this missionary spirit and pass it on at all levels of society, wherever their vocation calls them. The spirit of listening to one another and of shared responsibility in transparency makes them authentic members of Christ’s mission on earth. In a world full of political and economic pretence and manipulation, where trust is eroding and people’s dignity is often denied, the disappointment of those who have invested in participation and feel ignored calls us to action. Promoting participation and distinction in the spirit of synodality is the new mission of the church in this new millennium, since the fundamental values of the Gospel are based on trust and hope, which means that all people are invited to the Lord’s banquet in the common community.

Overall, we can conclude that the participants experienced genuine listening within the church. The shared reflection strengthened their identity in faith and community. Diversity became unity through dialogue. Decision-making was guided by listening to the Holy Spirit. The path of synodality gave the community a renewed mission.

5. Let Them All Be One! The Ecumenical Pilgrimage Group as a Permanent Community

The case study below describes the past 8 years of an ecumenical community. Participant observation (Geertz 1973) was used to research and describe the community. As organisers of the annual pilgrimages, we have insight into them. In addition, we used the pilgrimage booklets12 and the pilgrimage website as spiritual guides for the annual pilgrimages.13 The case study is based on previous research findings. Interviews with pilgrims and clergy were conducted to describe the offline activities of the community, while its online activities were examined using qualitative content analysis. The online activities of the community have already been presented in another study (Korpics et al. 2023). To investigate the online presence of the community, we analysed the communication on the community’s closed Facebook group, during 2021–2023, using qualitative content analysis. Different themes were identified in the online communication, and the content of the posts was analysed in relation to these themes.

The start of the ecumenical pilgrimage can be linked to the Benedictine Order, as the seeds of the community were sown on an evening of the St Martin’s pilgrimage organised by the Benedictine Order in 2016. The link to the Benedictine Order also gives the community much to connect with the religious life of the church. The pilgrimage group is linked to the Monastery of St Mauricius in Bakonybél.14 The story of the pilgrim community began like this: One of the leaders of the St. Martin’s pilgrimage, a Benedictine monk father, invited Reformed and Lutheran pastors to lead the prayer meeting. The following year, the two Reformed pastors who had led the prayer meeting in 2016 were among the organisers of the first ecumenical pilgrimage. Since then, the organising community has changed in terms of personnel but remains denominationally mixed, which is a guarantee that the pilgrimages are truly ecumenical. As one of the organisers put it:

On the one hand, the participants gain direct knowledge of the specificities of each other’s denominations through the daily experience of the journey (discussions, group work, devotions, interactive programmes on denominational awareness). At the same time, the most profound spiritual experiences, such as the liturgy of baptismal recollection or the agape (steps towards the realisation of a common communion) will touch them and make them sensitive to the search for common points of contact. I find that the majority of those who come on pilgrimage are already defined by this interest and/or commitment to ecumenism.15

The pilgrim community was initially a transitional one (Turner 1974), but thanks to its increasing activity, it has now become a permanent, albeit ever-changing, community built around a week-long walking pilgrimage each year. The stability is provided by the 1–2-day meetings in the spring and autumn in Bakonybél and the online community organised on Facebook. The route of the pilgrimage walk changes every year; the community is not stable, but there is a group of 20–25 people who return year after year because they value the community itself and the experience of their ecumenical religiousness. So there are elements that change, but one of the most important things, the motto of the pilgrimage and the mission statement of the community, has not changed—“Let us all be one.” (John, 17:21).

The “Ecumenical Pilgrimage Group” was created on Facebook on 11 December 2019, initially called “Ecumenical Pilgrimage” 2020”. In 2020, the name of the group was changed and the year removed because its activities were no longer limited to a specific date and pilgrimage but had become much more diverse. Research on the activities of the Facebook group led to the conclusion that, as a platform for an active community, it also greatly helped to maintain the pilgrim community and its internal cohesion. At the time of writing, membership stands at 79, of which 2 are administrators. The group is closed, so membership is by invitation or admission only. This is important for the functioning of the virtual community because it is important that those who are not familiar with the contact community and do not identify with its values and goals are not allowed to join. Staying within the positive interpretative framework of social media, it can be argued that the group uses the platform very well for online interaction, collaboration, and communication (Jenkins et al. 2013, 2015; Rheingold 2005).

We examined the content in the group between 2023 and 2021 using qualitative content analysis. We looked at all the posts, grouped them into themes, and analysed their content (Korpics et al. 2023). The results of the research revealed the frequent occurrence of four major thematic groups: interactivity (dialogue), participation (i.e., active involvement in the life of the church), spirituality, and community. Within the four major themes, subcategories could be identified that clearly delineated the themes that triggered the interest and online activity of community members. For the theme of interactivity, the themes of building relationships and various encounters (annual pilgrimage organisation information, reminiscences, and self-connection) were dominant. For participation in the life of the church, two major themes were identified: one was the church year and its events, and the other was the events taking place in the Benedictine monastery in Bakonybél, which is closely linked to the pilgrimage group. Within the category of spirituality, the most important theme was the relationship with God and experiences of God, expressed as individual experiences but with a strong link to the different places of worship. The sharing of different reading experiences, which also helped members to connect, also came under this theme. The theme of community was divided into two sub-themes. One was the recollection of the community experience on the pilgrimage, and the other reflected on the ongoing community experience provided by the online platform, the main element of which was the experience of prayer community.

In conclusion, the ecumenical pilgrimage has brought benefits from both a community and pastoral point of view. Based on interviews with pastors, representatives of different denominations expressed openness, acceptance, and a desire for ecumenical dialogue. At the same time, they also pointed to the importance they attach to unity and communion, and to the role of the pilgrim’s religious practice in creating this. They also stressed the importance of the experiential nature of the pilgrimage, of the physical and tangible experience, which has the potential to build ecumenism. The study of the online community highlighted the specificities and intrinsic values of the offline community. The possibility of online connection through the sharing of faith experiences (by linking to different celebrations) helped to build relationships and encounters. Participation in the life of the church was achieved through active participation throughout the church year, but also through a strong connection with the Benedictine community hosting the pilgrimage. Spirituality is a strong feature of both the real and the online operations, and the formation of the community is supported and sustained by the online presence. In Hungary, this ecumenical pilgrimage, which has been kept alive since 2017 by an enthusiastic group of organisers, is a good example of the pursuit of ecumenical unity. The group’s members include Benedictine monks, Reformed and Lutheran pastors, Benedictine oblates, and Catholic civilians. The organisers are committed to ecumenism. The pilgrimage is a millenarian Christian tradition that has been enjoying a renaissance in recent decades in various forms of organisation. As a public religious practice, it is a good imprint of the religiosity of a particular era (Gomes et al. 2019, pp. 30–40; Pace 1999, pp. 229–44; Voyé 1992). The functioning of the pilgrimage community can be embedded in the ecumenical model of action, but it is also a missionary–pastoral tool that, through its enculturation efforts, is able to communicate the Gospel in a manner that respects the cultural differences in the pilgrimage participants (Patsch 2014; Tomka 2006).

6. Discussion

The ecclesial communities presented in this study differ greatly from one another. One is a Reformed congregation with its own particular characteristics. The second is a traditional parish that has joined the synodal call of Pope Francis (2019). The third is a pilgrimage group that was founded as a transitional community (Turner 1974; Turner and Turner 1978) but has become a permanent one over the 9 years of its operation and a constant witness to the importance of ecumenism. The functioning of all three communities fits well in the model of ritual communication (Carey 1992), as they foster a sense of belonging in their members and provide support for a shared understanding of the meanings in the world. The presentation of the three church communities highlighted the potential of communities as a resource to strengthen churches and set new directions (Gallet 2016, pp. 1–5, 451–74; Zimmer and Sellmann 2024, pp. 81–107). All three cases are good examples of how to mediate between individual and communal existence (Huber 1998). Based on their functioning, it can be confidently argued that it is through these types of strong and sustaining communities that Christian churches will be able to reinvigorate themselves (Mossière 2022; Wittberg 2012).

The case studies reporting on community life in three different denominations fit very well into the discourse on community renewal in Christian churches. Although they present small communities, they can serve as good examples of change and renewal. In all three communities, small groups, group discussions, listening to teachings, and the way in which dialogues within the communities strengthen social relationships played an important role (Goleman 2007). The functioning communities presented different ways of living out their faith (Streib 2001, pp. 144–58; Smith 2009), but similarities also emerged behind the differences—group life as a sustaining force, the importance of community events, the importance of participation, which connects individual existence with community life, and the commitment to shared values.

The four-week Synod of Bishops highlighted three important messages:16 mission, participation, and communion. In the Catholic parish, the opinions evaluated showed that all three important messages were present. Based on the research conducted in the Reformed congregation, it can be said that spiritual deepening, direct human relationships, and high-quality sermons can combine to make a congregation attractive and retaining. Consciously shaped functioning has a strong impact on the maintenance of community identity. Ecumenical pilgrimage pastors cite openness, acceptance, and a desire for dialogue as important parts of ecumenical community identity. Pilgrimage can build bridges between Christian churches based on the postmodern human’s search for experience (Pace 1999, pp. 229–44; Schulze 1992; Voyé 1992) and their desire for community.

In the research necessary for preparing the case studies, the results of this research were measurable in terms of their usefulness for the Reformed congregation (Siba and Hámori 2018). The research on the Gödöllő community followed the local synodal process and measured its communicative success. A subsequent study could ask questions about how fruitful and effective this was in the life of the local community. In the case of the ecumenical pilgrimage, the results show that the pilgrimage is organised every year and that a well-functioning virtual community has been built on top of the physical community (Korpics et al. 2023).

The past decades have brought major changes in the life of the churches. Christianity, although it has lost some of its social influence in Europe (Berger et al. 2008; Casanova 1994; Pickel 2008, pp. 182–214), has been able to renew itself in many parts of the world (Derrida and Vattimo 1998; Dillon 2003; Neville 2002). We have presented in our study such forms of renewal in a highly secularised society in Eastern Europe. It is precisely for this reason that they may give reason for hope that there are still functioning communities of ecclesial religiosity—which revived after the socialist era before declining sharply over the last decade—that may be of interest both domestically and internationally (especially in Europe).

7. Summary

This study describes the functioning of three different church communities, each of which has developed in a different social and organisational context. The common denominator in all three cases is the search for new forms of community building and engagement. This research shows that the attraction of the communities is spiritual deepening, personal relationships, and authentic ministry. Small-group activities in the Reformed congregation, synodal journeys in the Catholic community, and ecumenical engagement in the pilgrimage group strengthen identity. Digital presence opens up new horizons for interaction and spiritual experience. The analysis shows that ecclesial communities are able to adapt to social change, to renew themselves, and to offer a relevant alternative for people today. Based on the presentation of the three case studies, we can conclude that the strengthening of these communities was facilitated by sincere dialogue, authentic pastoral presence, and genuine listening. Synodality, house group activities, and ecumenical experiences all promoted commitment to faith and community. The sense of unity among participants from diverse backgrounds demonstrates the power of openness and acceptance. Joint decision-making and spiritual deepening laid the foundation for future cooperation. All this gave the church communities a new mission, direction, and identity for the 21st century.