From the Periphery to the Center: Sufi Dynamics and Islamic Localization in Sudan

Abstract

This study examines the complex process of Islam’s localization in Sudan, focusing on how hospitality, Sufi dhikr, and Mawlid celebrations integrate with Islamic practices. Drawing on three years of qualitative fieldwork, it demonstrates how Sudan’s geography, ethnic diversity, and historical heritage enable the blending of core religious principles with local customs. Sufi brotherhoods—particularly Qādiriyya, Tījāniyya, Shādhiliyya, and Khatmiyya—play a pivotal role in local culture by incorporating traditional musical, choreographic, and narrative art forms into their rituals, resulting in highly dynamic worship and social interaction. In Sudan, hospitality emerges as a near-sovereign social norm, reflecting the Islamic ethics of charity and mutual assistance while remaining deeply intertwined with local traditions. Islam’s adaptability toward local customs is further illustrated by the vibrant drumming, chanting, and dancing that enhance large-scale Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations, uniting Muslims under a religious identity that goes beyond dogmatic definitions. Beyond their spiritual meanings, these Sufi practices and networks also serve as tools for social cohesion, often functioning as support systems in regions with minimal state presence. They help prevent disputes and foster unity, demonstrating the positive impact of a flexible Islam—one that draws on both scripture and local traditions—on peacebuilding in Sudan. While highlighting the country’s social realities, this study offers insights into how Islam can function as a transformative force within society.

1. Introduction

Due to its geographical position at the intersection of Africa and the Arab world, Sudan possesses a religious and social structure that diverges from the dominant Islamic perspectives prevalent in the Middle East and North Africa. The local African traditions, shaped through historical experiences of colonialism and Arabization, have merged with Islam particularly through Sufi orders such as the Qādiriyya and Tījāniyya, enabling the localization of Islam in Sudan. In the literature, this divergence—often examined within the framework of the “center–periphery” theory (used here descriptively rather than normatively)—draws attention because religion in Sudan has formed around a distinctive identity and practices, in contrast to the classical “center” of the Arab world. However, the conditions under which the social and cultural mechanisms enabling this uniqueness came into being and how they function remain insufficiently elucidated.

Although previous studies have partially addressed how local elements have been integrated with the universal values of Islam, they have not fully explained why certain social practices—such as hospitality and Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations—have become so enduring in the Sudanese context. In addition, questions remain regarding the scope of the political, economic, and social power wielded by Sufi orders and how this power is reflected among different ethnic or geographic groups. Consequently, there is a pressing need for researchers to examine the factors that have sparked and sustained the localization of Islam in Sudan within various historical and social contexts (Jaddū 2024).

In this context, the study focuses on the hypothesis that Sudan has developed a distinctive religious structure in the “periphery”, articulating an alternative to traditional center-focused narratives within the Arab-Islamic world. In line with this hypothesis, the research first questions the dynamics and processes that have guided the localization of Islam in Sudan. Second, it investigates the channels through which Sufism, dhikr, Mawlid al-Nabi ceremonies, and social norms such as hospitality influence the formation of the Islamic identity in Sudan. Finally, it explores the social, political, and cultural implications of this localized understanding of Islam.

In pursuit of answers to these questions, a qualitative research methodology was adopted, utilizing participant observation and embedded observation strategies over three years. The researchers naturally participated in the rituals of prominent Sufi orders in Sudan—such as Qādiriyya, Tījāniyya, Shādhiliyya, Khatmiyya, and Burhāniyya—as well as in familial events and religious celebrations. Rather than formal written or structured interviews, data collection relied on local social networks and daily interactions; field-notes and personal experiences served as the primary data sources. Following thematic analysis of the data, concepts such as the embodied dimension of dhikr rituals and hospitality were assessed in context, and comparisons were drawn with observational experiences in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, Germany, and the United Kingdom. Throughout the research, ethical principles were upheld; participant anonymity and cultural sensitivities were prioritized.

This study aims to offer new insights into the localization of Islam in Sudan and the social functions of Sufi practices. The findings will be evaluated within the frameworks of both center–periphery theory and the localization literature. It is hoped that this research will contribute to discussions on religious identity formation and social cohesion in the Sudanese context. This suggests that the case of Sudan can help one appreciate how Islam can manifest in diverse geographic, historical, and cultural contexts. The ethnography predates the armed conflict that escalated in April 2023; however, the findings continue to shed light on localized religious resilience amid the ongoing war.

2. Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

The literature on localization resonates with the phenomenon of Islamization explored in this study. Accordingly, using the works of Elbasani and Tošić (2017) and Keifert (1997) as a foundation, this section will first examine key concepts and constructs in this framework. Next, the focus will shift to how Sufi orders integrate local cultural practices and the sociological roles they assume in this process. Finally, referencing more recent work such as Wilkinson et al. (2022), the discussion will consider how localization can foster peace and social cohesion. The overarching goal is to illustrate how these theoretical frameworks account for the specific patterns of localization observed in Sudan.

The process of Islam’s localization arises from its universal principles and values, which interact with the distinct historical, social, and cultural contexts of each region (Elbasani and Tošić 2017). While preserving core texts and fundamental Islamic theology, this process also generates new meanings and practices on the periphery. A similar dynamic can be seen in regions beyond the Arabic MENA “center”, including Iran, Turkey, Indonesia, and parts of Africa, where Islam is refined through emerging paradigms. This process of localization is comparable to cultural translation and localization in that it involves adapting content and practices to local contexts, thus facilitating an effective transformation for the intended audience (Munday et al. 2022, p. 240). A parallel West African current is the Tijāni “ocean of oases”, where caravans moved texts, scholars, and ritual practice coast-to-coast, effectively producing multiple religious centers across the Sahara (Ogunnaike 2020, p. 57).

At the heart of localization lies the acceptance of external ideas within local norms and customs—exemplified by values such as “hospitality to guests”—and their gradual integration into local culture, ultimately contributing to the construction of a shared religious memory (Keifert 1997). Much like the strategies employed in advertising localization, this endeavor hinges on achieving cultural harmony and effectively appealing to local communities (Schäler 2011, p. 121). Concurrently, this process presents a range of challenges; when universal messages are adapted to local contexts, deviations from or misinterpretations of the original meaning may occur (Munday et al. 2022, pp. 232–34).

The interaction between Islam and local culture often yields three possible outcomes: harmony, integration, or conflict. Blending the teachings of Islam with local cultural practices can give rise to a synthesis in which both sides undergo transformation. Notably, the processes of acculturation and accommodation demonstrate Islam’s ability to integrate with local customs. In addition, the deep-rooted traditions and active movements of local cultures form one of the most important aspects and factors in the Islamization process (Hamzah 2018, pp. 1–10).

Focusing on the processes of interrelation and interaction, this notion suggests resistance to a monolithic cultural set center that enforces religious codification. Adaptation of culture on a certain spatial scale includes a shift in both language and culture, which enables members of that space to identify with the global world (Bassnett 2006, p. 313). Specifically, the imposition of Islam in different areas has changed the local community’s customs and made it possible for Islam to be taught using those customs (Hamzah 2018, pp. 14–16). This means that the interaction of Islam and culture makes it possible to utilize global values while catering to local community values.

The relations between the center and periphery provide a further framework for understanding the process of localization. Historically, the position of the “center” has been attributed to the Arabian Peninsula, where Islam originated and Arabic is dominant. In the modern era, however, this central discourse has diversified, encountering various socio-political and geographical contexts. As Ferrara (2015, p. 33) points out, the distinction between “center” and “periphery” is not merely a geographical fact but also a structure that reproduces social, economic, and political hierarchies. This distinction further enables local societies to define their positions vis-à-vis global power dynamics. The notion of Islam Nusantara that has emerged in Indonesia serves as a striking example of an Islamic identity formed by merging local languages, music, and architectural elements, thereby diverging markedly from Arab-Islamic norms (Elbasani and Tošić 2017). Roy’s (2004) concepts of “deterritorialized Islam” or “globalized Islam” underscore the expansion of Islam beyond nation-state boundaries across the globe. Nevertheless, analyses of localization emphasize that this expansion does not remain “territory-free”, but is continually reshaped through interaction with local elements in each new context.

As observed in the case of Mayotte, the integration of Islam into local contexts hinges on the performative power of texts and ritual practices. Sacred texts derive their significance not solely from their written content but also from their recitation and the ritual contexts in which they are employed. According to Ferrara, the meaning of texts and ritual practices emerges not only from individual faith-based activities but also through their relationship with social structures. Within the framework of inequalities engendered by globalization, such relationships facilitate the reinterpretation of religion (Ferrara 2015, p. 45). In this setting, local leaders (fundis) both disseminate these texts within the community and legitimize their authority by performing them. The authority of the fundis is shaped by the proper interpretation and application of these texts in ritual contexts (Lambek 1990, p. 28).

The localization process thus offers a sphere in which the meaning of religious texts is intertwined with social practices and in which authority is continually negotiated. In the Islamic communities of Mayotte, as elsewhere, both individual and collective modes of accessing and circulating religious knowledge are reconfigured. As Ferrara points out, the “periphery” is not only an instrument of marginalization, but also a powerful discourse that counters the global order from a different point of view than the center (Ferrara 2015, pp. 42–43). This shows that the core–periphery dynamic does not only depend on the flow of information; it also involves the reconceptualization of religious power in the context of the region (Lambek 1990, p. 28). The ritual performances of the fundis and their community roles form the crux of the nexus between textual authority and local praxis.

In this particular case, localization serves to safeguard the teachings of Islam while allowing for local cultural expression. This perspective aligns with Ferrara’s argument that religions can serve as “tools of resistance” in the face of globalization (Ferrara 2015, p. 45). Religions can provide alternative visions of order that critique global inequalities and marginalization. The example of Mayotte’s society thus offers a significant framework for understanding how Islam is reshaped in various contexts and how it exerts influence on social structures (Lambek 1990, p. 30).

Sufism occupies a particularly salient position within the context of localization. Renowned for its mystical and ascetic practices across a broad geographical expanse—from the Middle East to Africa, and from Asia to Europe—Sufi tradition frequently facilitates the deep-rooting of Islam in diverse societies by incorporating local cultural elements. Sudan is among the most noteworthy contexts where Sufi movements, led by orders such as the Qādiriyya and the Tijāniyya, have incorporated African-specific rhythms, music, and dance into their worship and ritual practices. Beyond offering spiritual enlightenment or theological guidance, Sufi orders engage with the economic, political, and social challenges faced by local communities, thus presenting a multifaceted presence (Jaddū 2024). Localized practices of Sufism foster “rootedness” which is important for social cohesion. In this regard, group rituals like dhikr, sema, or mawlid go beyond being a source of spiritual enjoyment for the participants, but also enhance their identity as a community by blending local language, music, and narratives. In multiethnic societies, especially in Africa and South Asia, Sufi orders have an important role as mediators of social cohesion, in addition to being religious leaders of circles (Sharief 2021).

In this manner, the intersection of local culture and Sufism calls for an analysis of the localistic rituals from the Sufi perspective. On the one hand, the dhikr circles are meant to be a call for the worship of God and an act of spiritual deepening; on the other hand, they become cultural events with the addition of local instruments, dances, and songs. In Sudan, Mawlid al-Nabi ceremonies serve as examples of this; the commemorations of the Prophet’s birth, in addition to poetry and music, do at times incorporate dance, illustrating the blending of the Islamic faith with associated local ways of artistic expression. In so doing, abstract religious concepts converge with cultural symbols already embedded in daily life, rendering religion more tangible and internalized in the minds of participants (Sharief 2021).

Sufi rituals thus transcend merely providing an individual spiritual experience and instead function as practices that reinforce social bonds within communities. They establish a mechanism of mutual harmony between local culture and Islam. According to Al-Farisi and Syauqii, Sufism mediates the integration of Islam into local traditions, thereby enabling religious values to penetrate the social fabric more effectively (Al-Farisi and Syauqii 2025, p. 17). In particular, dhikr circles and other collective forms of worship provide a shared spiritual space where various ethnic and social groups can come together.

The integration of local practices and Sufism is yet another example of the policy of “mutual exchange”. Through the adoption of locally resonating elements, Sufi orders aid local populations in preserving and even revitalizing their core values. In multiethnic societies like Sudan, Sufism serves not only a religious purpose but rather a social one as it helps foster integration. The interplay of Islam and culture enables communities to adopt Islamic beliefs alongside their own and helps mitigate social conflict while enhancing collective spiritual experiences (Al-Farisi and Syauqii 2025, p. 19).

Sufism’s ability to culturally adapt also allows for the reinterpretation of religious values in relation to local customs. This reinvention of customs portrays a unique lens for understanding the differing contexts through which Islam transcends. The blend of Islam and culture enhances the social strength of the community and aids in maintaining cultural heterogeneity (Al-Farisi and Syauqii 2025, p. 18). Local symbols can now relay universal Islamic values as the music, rhythms, hymns, and prayers of dhikr circles further local people’s spiritual experiences. Alongside fortifying social unity in contexts like Sudan, dhikr and collective rituals also foster social welfare. For example, spaces utilized for ritual gatherings often function concurrently as social support centers, illustrating how these practices deepen religious devotion and promote communal solidarity.

The potential of localization to foster peace and social solidarity has increasingly attracted scholarly attention. The integration of religion into local culture and social traditions not only enables the infiltration of universal principles and values into local practices but also creates a shared sense of belonging and channels of communication in contexts marked by conflict and tension. Notably in challenging humanitarian environments such as those in Sudan, local religious leaders have been reported to establish strong ties with the community and open channels of dialog among opposing parties within peace processes (Wilkinson et al. 2022, p. 12). Ceremonies and forms of worship ingrained in the historical memory of the community can nurture mutual trust and understanding; in societies such as Sudan—where ethnic, linguistic, and regional differences abound—festivals, dhikr ceremonies, or hospitality rituals organized by Sufi orders hold the potential to alleviate social tensions.

The metaphor of “hospitality to guests” offers a guiding principle that can also be applied to peacebuilding efforts in the context of religion–culture interaction (Keifert 1997). A localized religious understanding assists diverse ethnic or faith groups in adopting a more nuanced view of the “other” and in keeping dialog channels open. When local culture is merged with universal moral principles, it yields a comprehensible and credible framework for all segments of society. It has been argued that incorporating local religious actors into the international humanitarian aid system enhances legitimacy in local contexts and fortifies social solidarity (Wilkinson et al. 2022, p. 8). Furthermore, the reliability of local leaders and the close ties they maintain with the community amplify the efficacy of humanitarian aid initiatives, enabling international organizations to better align their efforts with local needs (Wilkinson et al. 2022, p. 9). Likewise, the sustainability and impact of various projects are said to hinge on taking local religious structures into account.

Some studies that characterize the interaction of Islam with local cultures as a process of “adaptation and integration” underscore the positive influence of mutual respect and flexibility on social peace (Hamzah 2018, p. 19). The blending of local culture with Islamic values not only increases religious harmony but also bolsters social relationships within the community. Such an interaction enables local communities to maintain their cultural identities while staying committed to universal principles. Consequently, the synthesis formed between religion and culture reinforces the legitimacy of local leaders who serve as mediators in periods of conflict and crisis, in turn garnering more robust societal support for peace and reconciliation initiatives.

Social solidarity is among the most visible outcomes of the localization process. The fusion of religious practices with local customs and traditions facilitates the congregation of individuals around a shared identity. Activities such as communal meals, solidarity campaigns, or greeting rituals held during Mawlid al-Nabi or local festivals foster a horizontal sense of unity within the community (Sharief 2021). Participants in these events feel that they share not only a common faith but also similar cultural experiences. Moreover, because these ceremonies represent a tangible reflection of universal Islamic values—particularly mercy, charity, and justice—they can cultivate a shared sense of belonging beyond the Muslim community itself, extending to different faith groups as well.

As the localized form of religion becomes firmly established in the communal spaces of collective memory, avenues for peaceful coexistence diversify. Through traditional ceremonies interwoven with religious practices, people can focus on themes of unity and solidarity rather than on past conflicts or historical divisions. Especially in multiethnic or multireligious regions, populations converging on the common ground of Sufi traditions or local Islamic practices discover a spiritual and cultural platform for transcending historical animosities. As Keifert (1997) has shown, this phenomenon has a positive effect on lasting reconciliation and “social peace”. Hence, localization goes further than simply describing the relationship between religion and culture as a system of social integration and conflict resolution as well as hope for future generations.

In the Sufi parts of Takfiri Islam, there are universal principles integrated into the local historical, cultural, and social contexts traditions (Elbasani and Tošić 2017; Roy 2004). Elbasni and Tosic together opine that while new forms are created at the local level, at a more global level, religion is often treated in a manner and framework that preserves its tradition and universal principles. Most of the Islamic religious practices encapsulate various forms of local cultural codes which transform these practices into music and dance, and other forms of tangible creative art. These actively and vibrantly transform the universalized notion and belief of religion into a more culturally relatable and bearable expression. Moreover, social unity is further escalated with the primitive practice of Islam and its local intermediary custom which deeply establishes headship of peace and unity in times of hardship, violence, and conflict (Keifert 1997). Such kind of social cohesion and integration increases more than the religious abstraction and unsophisticated logic of Islam where unity intended is being mitigated as a collective cultural and historical memory. Thus, the idea of Islam’s localization not only explains and responds as an essential tool for the understanding of Islam in different forms and parts of the world, but it is also one that promotes social harmony in conflict and violence through cultural pluralism and conflict resolution.

3. Research Methodology

The methodological approach of this paper focuses on the qualitative type, primarily using an ethnographic observation approach (Denzin and Lincoln 2005, p. 3). As noted in the extensive literature spanning from Malinowski’s (1922) pioneering fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands to Geertz’s (1973) research in symbolic anthropology in Indonesia, the researcher’s long-term participation and observation facilitate an insider’s understanding of the local social fabric. In line with this approach, the participation and embedded observations conducted in Sudan over three years enabled data collection through natural interactions, without recourse to written questionnaires or structured interviews. A similar perspective can be observed in Whyte’s (1943) classic study, Street Corner Society, where the researcher immersed himself in the daily life of neighborhood residents and was thus able to examine their social networks, forms of interaction, and cultural codes in depth.

At the core of the fieldwork was participation in the flow of everyday life. As Hammersley and Atkinson (2007) note, ethnography is predominantly carried out by means of “participant observation”, whereby the researcher collects information by taking part in the routine activities of a particular community. Accordingly, the researcher engaged naturally in local neighborhoods in Sudan, Sufi dhikr ceremonies, family gatherings, and Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations. Over time, friendships were established with members of the Sufi orders, and daily conversations were held with merchants, students, and religious figures (imams and shaykhs). During all these interactions, the researcher’s identity was not concealed; likewise, no structured interview format was employed. As a result, verbal interactions emerged spontaneously, in a genuine conversational atmosphere that formed part of the participants’ everyday routines. As pioneering anthropologists such as Malinowski (1922) and Levi-Strauss (1963) have emphasized, unstructured interviews yield “raw” and “contextual” information, allowing participants to present their own agendas freely.

Data collection spanned a total of three years. During this period, the researcher attended a variety of rituals of Sufi orders such as the Qādiriyya and Tījāniyya, participated in communal dhikr gatherings, observed mawlid celebrations, and took part in family events such as weddings and funerals. In parallel, the researcher was involved in everyday interactions at the neighborhood level. Drawing inspiration from the tradition of historical ethnography (cf. Geertz 1973), data gathered were recorded as daily notes and personal reflections through “participant observation” and “embedded observation” techniques. Each evening, the researcher documented details of the ceremonies attended, key themes emerging from conversations, noticeable patterns, and any unusual practices. While brief notes were sometimes taken on a phone, the primary medium was handwritten notes. This approach aligns with the distinction made by Emerson et al. (2011) between “field-notes” and “personal reflections”. Additionally, out of respect for cultural sensitivities, photographs and video recordings were made only when permission was granted and participants consented; otherwise, the researcher’s use of visual records was limited.

Participants were drawn from a diverse range of backgrounds, including members of Sufi orders, local religious scholars, merchants, teachers, students, and family members. As there was no statistical sampling or survey application, data collection resembled a “snowball” approach. A friendship with one individual opened the door to meeting others, thereby enabling engagement with multiple social strata. This methodology closely parallels the “natural social network” data-collection strategies described by Spradley (1979). Moreover, additional comparative insights were made possible by the researcher’s prior experience of living in other Muslim contexts—four years in Egypt, Tunisia, and Jordan, and eight years among Muslim diaspora communities in Germany and the United Kingdom. This facilitated comparing local Sufi practices in Sudan with traditional observances in the Middle East, rituals of Muslim migrants in Europe, and activities of Sufi orders in North Africa, allowing the researcher to record both similarities and divergences. In a similar vein, the studies of Silverstein (2011) on the modernization of Sufi orders in Turkey, Sunier’s (2023) observations of Muslim communities in Western Europe, and Roy’s (2004) scholarship on globalized Islam provided a broader backdrop against which Sudan’s localization patterns could be interpreted.

For data analysis, a thematic analysis method was employed (Braun and Clarke 2006, p. 78). First, the recorded data were transferred to an electronic format, after which frequently appearing concepts were identified. Keywords such as “dhikr”, “hospitality”, “Sufi order leader”, “festival”, and “music” were then utilized to re-examine each observation with regard to the setting, participants, and circumstances. Subsequently, related themes—for example, the role of bodily movement in dhikr, the influence of musical accompaniment on collective enthusiasm during prayers, and examples of hospitality offered to strangers—were clustered together. Through the constant comparison method proposed by Glaser and Strauss (1967), the researcher enumerated the similarities and differences observed among dhikr ceremonies in various locations and at different times. The same method was used to investigate in depth the resemblances and distinctions between the practices in the Middle East or Europe and those documented in Sudan.

The findings of this study have been related to the theoretical viewpoints presented in works such as Elbasani and Tošić (2017) and Keifert (1997). In particular, it examines the reflections of the “hospitality” metaphor in everyday life in Sudan, how the center–periphery paradigm accounts for localization in this context, and how processes of “adaptation and integration”, as framed by Hamzah (2018), can be interpreted. Roy’s (2004) approach to “globalized Islam” is also taken into consideration, thereby initiating a discussion on the extent to which universal and local components are blended within the Sudanese setting. In keeping with Patton’s (2002, p. 44) recommendation to integrate data into “a broader framework”, comparisons were made using experiences and observations gained from various regions, including Tunisia and Germany.

The methodological strength of the research stems from combining three years of participant and embedded observation, carried out as part of the community’s natural flow, with the researcher’s previous experiences in other Muslim environments. The absence of structured questionnaires or surveys transformed the systematization of the data into a more labor-intensive process but also provided opportunities to capture unique details from ritual and conversation sessions. Moreover, the comparison of the observations from Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, Germany, and the United Kingdom with those from Sudan contributed significantly to assessing the extent to which the practices observed are “local” and “universal”.

4. Ethical Considerations

Adherence to ethical principles was a primary concern throughout the entire process. Photographs or video recordings were never taken without explicit consent from participants, and any encroachment on privacy or personal space was avoided. The hospitable nature of Sudanese society—both culturally and religiously—facilitated the establishment of trust in each setting, exceeding any official approval processes. In religious spaces, especially during dhikr, participant observation and embedded observation strategies were employed from within the congregation. In some instances, rather than remaining a silent observer on the sidelines, the researcher joined the dhikr circle or conversation groups, creating opportunities for individual discussions once the ceremonies concluded. As Agar (1996, p. 92) points out, such cultural and emotional engagement affords qualitative research a noteworthy depth.

Guided by the steps of thematic analysis by Braun and Clarke (2006), the data—repeatedly read and coded—revealed recurring motifs. The study investigated how the concept of “hospitality” acquired new dimensions in various contexts, such as home gatherings, funerals, mawlid ceremonies, and post-worship gatherings. Likewise, the “embodied dimension of dhikr rituals” was found to vary in intensity between impoverished neighborhoods and ceremonies attended by more affluent segments of society. Consequently, the research provides insight into the non-uniform nature of localization, showing that factors such as social class, socio-economic status, and regional differences also shape this process.

Combining the three-year fieldwork in Sudan with a total of twelve years of observational experience in other regions offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the localization of Islam in Sudan and the social functions of Sufi rituals. These results add value to the existing discussions on the center–periphery theory, localization, and absorptive Sufism cultural interaction. In the subsequent stage, they will be meticulously consolidated under the title “Findings and Discussion” so as to further assess the phenomena, dimensions, and possible variations in the processes of localization within Sudan and Sufi practices alongside their concrete meaning suffices.

Before presenting the empirical findings, I offer a brief field-note vignette that conveys the atmosphere of a typical Friday dhikr in Omdurman:

Late Friday afternoon light drapes over Ḥāmid al-Nīl Square, gilding the top of every roof. Muezzin’s hands drop to their sides, and a near-silence edges in. Drummers, a half-ring of leather and wood, hammer out a rhythm that echoes the heart’s murmur. Two teenagers squeeze between them carrying tambourines so worn their jingles have grown muffled. Men in white, women wrapped in stripes of red or blue, shuffle closer without asking permission. A boy on the roadside waves a ragged green Qādiriyya banner while chanting “Allāh Ḥayy!”, a toddler launches after its hem, and the sudden ordinary comedy draws brief grins from even the sternest spectators. Elders settle back on borrowed stools and fingers pinch prayer beads in a piston-steady tic that almost matches the percussion. Shouts of Allāh Ḥayy! spiral louder, stretch thinner, redraft into one huge breathing thing you could lean against. For the next twenty minutes inheritance, salaries, and grudges slip free; sandalwood smoke hangs just high enough to spare your throat. The wall of sound pops apart and, blinking, everyone reaches for whatever clear water is at hand, then drifts off. The city straightens its spine and resumes its rhythm.

5. Findings

5.1. Integration of Sudanese Traditions

The amalgamation of Islamic adoration and celebration with Sudanese culture is believed to be a major marker of localization in the region. This includes the employment of local languages and music, as well as the use of traditional drums during religious ceremonies such as dhikr and mawlid, and the use of folkloric motifs in Islamic celebrations. These practices manifest the successful integration of Sudanese cultural codes and universal religious principles and values (Geertz 1973). Field research suggests that these practices help re-conceptualize center–periphery relations in the country and demonstrate the flexibility of Islam to local social structures (Elbasani and Tošić 2017).

Marġīt (2016, p. 105) stresses that the integration of Sudanese music and dance into religious and celebratory practices plays a pivotal role in allowing the religion to permeate the local culture and social fabric. The employment of drums, the oud, or region-specific percussion instruments in dhikr ceremonies in Sudan not only cultivates communal fervor but also consolidates Sudanese Muslim identity (Roy 2004). These musical and dance elements enrich religious practices with heightened spirituality while also enhancing social cohesion. As noted in Malinowski’s (1922) seminal studies on local rituals in various geographic contexts, the convergence of traditional beliefs and values with Islam facilitates a greater sense of unity among communities, both in terms of faith and cultural identity.

Historically, trade and cultural exchanges in Sudan have accelerated the acceptance of Islam among local communities. The incorporation of expressive forms such as poetry, music, dance, and hymns in local languages into worship and celebratory rituals has provided elements that render the more abstract dimensions of Islam more comprehensible (Malinowski 1922). Marġīt (2016, p. 108) likewise notes that processes of adaptation in Sudan have contributed to the adoption of Islam by the people both as a religious and a cultural identity. In this context, a broad spectrum of musical and ritual elements unique to Sudan can be observed, ranging from dhikr ceremonies to the observance of religious festivals. These elements not only facilitate the dynamic integration of Islam into social life but also unify different ethnic groups and local communities around a sense of collective identity (Marġīt 2016, p. 110; Ḥasan and Mahdī 2002).

This integration enables Sudanese people to internalize Islam not merely as a matter of belief but also as a way of life. Elbasani and Tošić (2017) and Keifert (1997) point out that the participation of local music and dance in religious rituals fosters a powerful atmosphere of collective enthusiasm and solidarity within congregations. It has been observed that this, in turn, facilitates the dissemination of religious messages and strengthens social cohesion (Marġīt 2016, p. 113). Within the theoretical framework of localization, the synthesis of Sudanese musical and folkloric elements with Islamic teachings allows local communities to feel affinities not only with religious texts but also with their own cultural identities (Braun and Clarke 2006). Consequently, dhikr rites accompanied by local-language hymns or traditional instruments allow believers to align their acts of worship with feelings of excitement and belonging. Tijāni manuals describe dhikr as a graded journey of tongue → heart → spirit; Sudan’s bodily intensive style thus adds a visible “fourth layer” that completes the triad (Ogunnaike 2020, p. 145).

Hamzah (2018) argues that this process serves as a bridge between the universality of Islam and the distinctiveness of Sudanese society. In Sudan, known for its multiethnic composition, Islam’s unifying role largely depends on the continued vitality of such musical, dance, and folkloric motifs in everyday practice (Marġīt 2016, p. 115). Practices such as welcoming guests, the use of local words during prayer, and the wearing of regional ceremonial attire all contribute to the perception that Islam belongs to the local community itself (ʻAbd al-Shāfī et al. 2024, p. 200). As Patton (2002) points out, the adaptation of local elements within religious practices not only imbues religious life with dynamism but also makes visible the cultural origins of individuals in that society. Accordingly, the incorporation of Sudanese musical and ritual elements into Islamic celebrations may be regarded as a tangible and effective manifestation of localization. By merging the universal aspects of Islam with the local culture, these practices significantly bolster social solidarity and cultural continuity.

5.2. Sufism in Sudan: Localization and Distinctiveness

In the context of the localization of Islam in Sudan, Sufism has assumed a salient role—one that is noteworthy both historically and in current dynamics. The influence wielded by deeply rooted orders such as the Qādiriyya, Tījāniyya, Shādhiliyya, Idrīziyya, and Khatmiyya in the religious and social domains is seen as a major factor shaping local Muslim identity (Ḥasan and Mahdī 2002, p. 62; ʿAbdin 1959). This strong representation of the Sufi tradition supports not only spiritual practices but also the preservation of local values such as social solidarity, neighborly relations, and “hospitality to strangers” (Elbasani and Tošić 2017). Under the guidance of tarīqa leaders, dhikr ceremonies are organized not merely as spiritual rituals but also as platforms for education and cultural exchange; thus, a spiritual and social model particular to Sudanese culture has been developed (ʿAbdin 1959, p. 56). This approach offers a model of guidance in contemporary society that brings together individual quests for spirituality with modern requirements (Abu Rumman 2020, p. 11). The transformation of dhikr practices into instruments of social solidarity—particularly by major orders such as the Qādiriyya and Tījāniyya—clearly illustrates how Sufism has merged with the social fabric of Sudan (Maruyama 2015, p. 46). Recent ethnography traces the same Tijāniyya corridor eastward, as Shaykh Ibrāhīm Niasse’s Fayḍa branch now maintains zawiyas from Dakar to Port Sudan, binding Sudanese Sufism to a trans-Saharan network (Ogunnaike 2020, pp. 212–14).

Historically noted for strong ascetic currents, Sudanese Sufism has, in modern times, expanded its social functions. This development aligns with instances in which Sufism has been employed as a mechanism for securing justice and resolving conflicts—examples that have left enduring marks on modern politics and social relations (Leonardi and Jalil 2011, p. 185). Certain Salafist movements hold a critical stance toward Sufi traditions, viewing them as “innovations” (bidʿa) (Maruyama 2015, p. 48), a position that can challenge Sufism’s compatibility with local identities (Poussier 2024, p. 18). Nevertheless, the flexible structures of orders such as the Shādhiliyya and Khatmiyya, which address the individual spiritual needs of modern youth, may circumscribe the social impact of such critiques (Abduh 2020, p. 40).

Compared to Sufi organizations in other regions such as Tunisia and Turkey, the Sufi orders in Sudan appear to be more strongly engaged with tribal networks. In addition, the performance of dhikr ceremonies in open spaces and the more prominent role of rhythmic elements suggest that Sufism in Sudan fulfills a socially cohesive function. These factors also facilitate the emergence of traditional music and dance motifs as more dominant features within the orders’ rituals (Kennedy and Fahim 1974). In West African Tijānī thought, spiritual excellence revolves around shukr (gratitude) rather than ascetic withdrawal; this gratitude ethic dovetails with Sudan’s hospitality norm, reframing it as an everyday spiritual act (Ogunnaike 2020, p. 303).

From a historical perspective, the Mahdiya Movement provides a notable example of Sufism’s potential to become a political force and to serve both social reform and the struggle for independence. This movement demonstrated that not only Sudanese but also regional Sufi organizations could function as models of political resistance (ʿAbdin 1959, p. 55). Poussier (2024, p. 112) points out that, in its early stages, the Mahdiya Movement was regarded not only as religious but also as an instrument of social and political reform; it fused popular resistance against central authority with religious faith and thereby deepened the notion of “brotherhood”. Hence, Sufism was shown to serve social and political solidarity as well as spiritual guidance (Al-Hayik 2020, p. 60).

In the contemporary period, the reconciliation initiative undertaken in September 2022 by Shaykh Tayyib al-Jadd is perceived as another instance of Sufism’s contemporary engagement with politics. Al-Jadd’s efforts to bring diverse political groups together for the purpose of national reconciliation triggered tensions among some tarīqas and provoked criticism, especially from the Arkiyya branch of the Qādiriyya. While this initiative reflects the potential of Sufi orders to contribute to social harmony, it also demonstrates that interactions with modern politics do not always proceed smoothly (Maruyama 2015, p. 50; ʿAbdin 1959, p. 120). It has been suggested that such initiatives in Sudan interact not only with local elements but also with regional and global political dynamics (Ryle and Willis 2011, p. 164). In this regard, it may be argued that the interplay between Sufism and politics has entered a new phase, in which local spiritual practices are becoming increasingly woven into the political sphere.

5.3. Mawlid Al-Nabi Celebrations in Sudan

Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations in Sudan are regarded as one of the most striking examples of how Islam has become localized in this region and of how social bonds are reinforced (Ḥasan and Mahdī 2002, p. 81; Winters 1977, pp. 510–11). These celebrations in Sudan highlight the unifying aspect of religious rituals while simultaneously allowing for the re-creation of local social identity (Makris 1994, p. 117). Starting with the beginning of the month of Rabīʿ al-Awwal, the entire country is gripped by collective enthusiasm; public squares, mosques, and streets are filled with events that fuse cultural and religious values in a single setting. Through the blending of Islam’s universal message with Sudan’s distinct social and cultural dynamics, a key local identity-building process unfolds within the framework of the center–periphery paradigm (Elbasani and Tošić 2017).

One of the most notable features of these celebrations is the way they bolster social solidarity and a sense of collective belonging. The active participation of Sufi orders—such as the Qādiriyya and Tījāniyya—brings not only spiritual depth but also a social dimension to these festivities, characterized by broad public involvement (Ḥasan and Mahdī 2002). Processions accompanied by large drums (nūba) and other percussion instruments distinctive to Sudan not only enhance the artistic and musical components of the celebrations but also heighten the sense of unity among participants (Maruyama 2015, p. 52). These ceremonies also reinforce the tradition of hospitality and neighborly solidarity previously observed in the society.

During Mawlid al-Nabi in Sudan, recited qasīdas not only express love for the Prophet but also incorporate rich themes referencing the country’s history and social harmony (Salomon 2013, p. 825; Benhamāda 2015, p. 127). By intertwining these qasīdas with local language and symbols, the community memory is kept alive and the sense of spiritual unity is reinforced. The use of incense and symbolic elements fortifies the profound spiritual dimension of these rituals and simultaneously establishes a shared cultural code that fosters social cohesion (Makris 1994, p. 119). The sharing of local dishes during Mawlid al-Nabi represents another key element that fortifies social solidarity—one that has been underscored in earlier observations as well (Benhamāda 2015, p. 129). This practice, fused with Sudan’s unique culture of hospitality, contributes to the formation of warm and sincere relationships among participants.

Sufi orders occupy a focal position in these celebrations. Alongside organizing religious ceremonies, orders such as the Qādiriyya, Tījāniyya, Shādhiliyya, Khatmiyya, and Burhāniyya also initiate public interest campaigns, thus sustaining social solidarity (Winters 1977, pp. 508–9). As previously recorded in ethnographic observations, the music, dance, and prayers associated with dhikr circles offer a profound spiritual experience for participants while simultaneously reinforcing social cohesion (Makris 1994, p. 116). The tents (i.e., tekke or zāwiya) established by the orders function not only as places of worship but also as public arenas where social issues are discussed. In cities like al-Dāmir, such spaces have shaped the spiritual character of the city and have played a prominent role in the socialization process of the local populace.

The social dimension of Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations becomes even more pronounced through the active participation of a broad spectrum of individuals—from the youth to the elderly and from diverse ethnic backgrounds. The energetic, collective events carried out on the streets and in public venues exemplify the local expression of Islam within Sudanese society (Winters 1977, p. 513). This phenomenon aligns with the experiences of “embedded observation” and “participant observation” mentioned in earlier sections, confirming that Mawlid al-Nabi functions not merely as a religious event but also as a social movement. Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations in Sudan are thus considered among the most concrete examples of how Islam has been localized and how it influences social bonds. Through Sufi practices and mechanisms of social solidarity, these festivities acquire a popular character that reflects the distinctive nature of Islam in Sudan (Makris 1994, p. 147; Winters 1977, p. 520). Consequently, bringing together various segments of society, Mawlid al-Nabi continues to play a central role in the “localization” process of Islam in Sudan (Benhamāda 2015, p. 130).

5.4. Social Practices and Religious Rituals

Throughout its history, Islam in Sudan has merged with local cultural elements and social structures, thereby enriching its religious rituals. In particular, zikir (dhikr) assemblies emerge as venues in which rhythm, music, and collective enthusiasm amplify the religious experience. Observations of zikir ceremonies organized around the tomb of Shaykh Hamed al-Nil indicate that participants experience both individual and communal states of trance (vecd) facilitated by collective movement, music, and dance (Eltahir 2003, p. 4; Osman 1990, p. 23). The local instruments employed in these ceremonies—such as drums and the ud—and the accompanying hymns render zikir not only a spiritual but also a social phenomenon. For instance, communities that gather around Shaykh Ismail and the instrument called rababa believe that this music exerts an influence on both people and even animals. Such narratives underscore the deep-rooted connection between music and zikir in Sudanese Islam (Osman 1990).

Congregational prayers likewise serve as focal points for social interaction within Sudanese society. Conversations held before and after prayer foster social solidarity, turning mosques into not merely places of worship but also hubs for community engagement (Abduh 2020, p. 41; Elbasani and Tošić 2017). Additionally, a distinctive Sudanese practice involves people spontaneously gathering for obligatory prayers in public spaces—on streets, in marketplaces, or in open areas. In Turkey, Tunisia, and other Muslim countries, congregational prayer is typically conducted in mosques or other enclosed spaces. In Sudan, however, the emergence of spontaneous congregations in public reflects a more “participatory” approach, suggesting that “worship can happen at any time”. This phenomenon has been linked to geographical factors, the proximity of the Sufi tradition to the public, and broader social acceptance. Particularly in rural regions, group prayers strengthen ties among families and tribes, uniting communities.

Sudanese Islam has been shaped profoundly by the influence of Sufism, widely regarded as a principal vehicle for the religion’s localization in the country. The mystical narratives of shaykhs and the public’s belief in spiritual intermediaries have further magnified the impact of Sufism in Sudan. For instance, stories about Shaykh Ismail’s rababa, said to play spontaneously and impart spiritual calm to its listeners, reveal the depth of this belief (Osman 1990). It is also reported that women assume significant roles in zikir and Sufi contexts in Sudan, being granted rights akin to those of men in matters of worship, hymn recitation, and spiritual leadership. This perspective reveals how Sufi practices can promote a vision of gender equality (Eltahir 2003).

Compared to Turkey, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan, Sudanese Islam exhibits a more rhythmic, participatory, and locally grounded character. In Turkey, zikir practices generally take place in private settings and often at an individual level, whereas in Sudan they are performed in public spaces and draw large crowds. In Egypt—particularly around Cairo’s ʿImām Ḥusayn Mosque—public Sufi zikr circles are widespread and highly participatory, echoing the Sudanese model in scale and visibility (Hoffman 1995; Eltahir 2003, p. 21; Osman 1990, p. 14).

Moreover, the impact of Islam in Sudan extends beyond worship alone, also influencing political movements and social change. During the 2019 Sudanese Revolution, Sufi orders were reported to have offered spiritual support to young people and the broader public, making key contributions to the revolutionary movement. It is suggested that Sufi leaders shared their zikir circles with revolutionaries, thereby providing a spiritual background that underpinned social solidarity and collective resistance (Eltahir 2003).

In summary, in Sudan, Islam has achieved localization through social rituals and Sufi practices. Religious observances such as zikir assemblies and congregational prayers serve not only individual spirituality but also social cohesion and cultural continuity. Compared to other Muslim regions, Sudanese Islam provides a distinctive model in terms of enriching rituals with rhythmic and musical elements (Elbasani and Tošić 2017; Osman 1990). In particular, the practice of spontaneously forming congregations in public spaces appears to be associated with the close alignment of the Sufi tradition with the general populace and with a culture of social harmony. This example stands as compelling evidence of Islam’s capacity to assume a flexible and integrative form in local contexts.

5.5. Adaptation to Social and Political Realities

Sudan, with its vast territory and hundreds of ethnic communities that have coexisted throughout history, constitutes one of the rare cases in which Islam spread peacefully and gradually. Unlike many other Muslim regions where the religion expanded through conquests, Islam in Sudan was introduced via merchants and mystics (Sufi dervishes and shaykhs) (Elbasani and Tošić 2017; Seesemann 2005, p. 92). Historical sources indicate that the revival of trade routes and the accommodation of local cultural practices by Sufi orders—rather than rejecting them—accelerated the voluntary acceptance of Islam among the Sudanese people. In this context, the religion’s “voluntary appeal” also entailed the intersection of local beliefs and Sufi mysticism. The “peaceful” and “bottom-up” nature of Islam’s spread in Sudan is closely tied to the principles of social solidarity and inclusivity emphasized by Sufism.

Yet the period of Ottoman–Egyptian rule, followed by Anglo-Egyptian colonial administration and, finally, the post-independence nation-state, introduced a more constricted view of religious pluralism. The state, striving to manage different ethnic groups and Sufi orders living across an expansive territory, adopted a “formal” discourse grounded in an Arab-Islamic identity. Hence, Islam became a means for acquiring political power and molding society into a homogenous framework. Communities in the southern regions of the country and certain other local groups found themselves outside this state-imposed identity, felt “otherized”, and became fertile ground for internal conflicts (Yongo-Bure 1994, p. 209). The issue in question, however, was not Islam itself but rather the instrumentalization of the religion by the state and its disregard for the indigenous Sufi character that had sustained local cultural values.

In contexts such as Tunisia and Turkey, the state generally circumscribes religion through secularist principles or nationalist reforms, thereby curtailing religion’s public role and largely confining religious adherence to the private sphere. In Egypt, the state has taken a dual approach of control and co-optation. In Europe, religion generally functions within protected spheres, unencumbered by direct governmental oppression or religious domination over politics. Consequently, there is no overarching authority over religion or religious communities, which tend to be autonomous within their own domains. In contrast, Sudan’s trajectory is nearly the opposite: the state reinforced an Arab-Islamic identity in an effort to assimilate diverse ethnic communities within a vast territory into a uniform national identity, but this approach frequently devolved into an instrument of oppression. Against this backdrop, the historical efforts of Sudanese Sufis to disseminate Islam peacefully and integrate it with local cultural practices from the bottom-up have been overshadowed by the transformative and exclusionary policies of state governance, causing the voluntary and pluralistic aspects of Islam to recede from view.

Sudan is a context-specific articulation of Islam, and thus simultaneously encompasses the harmonious safeguarding of local values and rituals through Sufi traditions and the transformation of religion into an instrument of political domination by the nation-state. This duality has undermined both the country’s ethnic and cultural diversity and attempts to preserve Islam’s peaceful essence, thereby fueling episodes of crisis. Nonetheless, the capacity of various Sufi orders and local leaders to act as conduits of communication between ethnically distinct communities has repeatedly prevented Sudan from descending into deeper internal conflict (Ḥasan and Mahdī 2002). Sudan’s experience, thus, offers a compelling case: on the one hand, it demonstrates how Islam can be spread “bottom-up” and peacefully in a large, diverse population; on the other hand, it underscores the tensions that can arise when the state seeks to govern religion “from the top-down”.

5.6. Hospitality: A Value Both Religious and Cultural

In Sudan, hospitality is regarded as more than a gesture of goodwill; it is viewed as an entity reflecting a distinctive blend of social and religious practices. Investigations and interactions with local communities indicate that the Islamic principle of “cooperating in goodness” (Qur’an 5:2) intersects with Sudan’s ancient customs and traditions, thereby giving rise to a deeply rooted culture of hospitality. An exceptional example of this can be seen in the month of Ramadan: when the iftar meals are set up on the streets, it is almost obligatory for pedestrians to partake in them. From Sufi lodges, and badawī (Bedouin) tents, to the houses’ dīwān section or the maddaf, and even modern hotels, there exists a widespread belief that “to take care of the guest is to take God’s trust”. This angle demonstrates the loving, tolerant, and social Islamic comprehension in Sudan.

Reports from various parts of Sudan mention the remarkable phenomenon that the guest is received “as if they are one of the family members”. For example, in Nile-side settlements, it is said that in areas adjoining religious institutions such as ḫalwa or masīd, or in the “maddaf” sections of homes, travelers can rest and receive nourishment without any need for official procedures. Along the darb al-arbaʿīn (Forty Days Road) in western Sudan, where truck stopovers are located, the lodging and dining needs of outsiders are regularly met. Such practices profoundly nurture the spirit of solidarity and the sense of “us” within Sudanese society.

The distinctiveness of Sudan’s approach becomes more evident when compared to other Islamic geographies. While the hospitality tradition in Turkey intertwines with the “rights of neighbors” and a solidarity culture specific to Anatolia, in Sudan the guest nearly acquires the status of a “sacred” visitor within the socio-religious structure. In Tunisia, for instance, local cuisine and neighborhood solidarity enrich hospitality in Mediterranean Islamic communities; however, in Sudan the interwoven nature of Sufi practices and badawī customs transforms welcoming a stranger into an experience approaching the level of worship. In Egypt’s traditional coffeehouses or in Europe’s relatively secular spatial arrangements, aiding a stranger may be considered a voluntary mark of respect, whereas in Sudan it is emphasized that such help is deemed a collective responsibility. Hence, the contextual subtleties of Sudanese hospitality are closely tied to the openness, inclusivity, and charitable character of the local Islamic ethos.

Although the first modern hotels built around the capital city of Khartoum during the British colonial era added a new dimension to hospitality in Sudan, it is reported that the traditional practice of “opening one’s door to the traveler” has persisted despite modernization. Family-owned guesthouses or “lūkundah”-type accommodations have become prominent in people’s cultural and economic preferences. Even though factors such as high taxes, limited tourism promotion, and a shortage of infrastructure constrain the hospitality sector, the custom of hosting guests remains a robust practice beyond the official tourism network.

All these ethnographic data and comparative observations reveal that hospitality in Sudan has developed a unique character, deepened by Islamic references. When the Sufi principle of “embracing everyone” converges with the badawī notion of “God’s guest”, hospitality in Sudan manifests as a phenomenon with both religious and cultural depth. Therefore, Sudanese hospitality should be recognized as a key indicator for understanding the country’s Islamic identity and the ways it differs from other regions. Examined through regional, historical, and cultural comparisons, it emerges as one of the most tangible examples of Sudan’s distinctive socio-religious synthesis.

5.7. Integration of Sufi Orders with Local Economy and Social Life

Although many researchers have often perceived Sudan, often portrayed as peripheral in Arab-centric scholarship, the country has developed a unique model of religious, social, and economic organization via its Sufi orders (Elbasani and Tošić 2017). Historically, rather than spreading through conquest or political coercion—frequent methods in the Arabian Peninsula or the broader MENA region—Islam in Sudan expanded along commercial routes and through Sufi proselytizing activities, thus through “peaceful” and “voluntary” means. This pattern differs from Roy’s notion of “deterritorialized Islam” by demonstrating that in Sudan, Islam is profoundly anchored in the land and in local cultural values.

As the government’s administrative capacities proved insufficient to fully manage the country’s vast geography, Sufi orders took on both religious and social functions (Seesemann 2005, p. 94). The needs of rural populations are met through the local solidarity networks of these orders, under whose umbrella economic and social projects are likewise organized. This framework has enabled Sudan to follow a distinctive developmental trajectory different from those observed in other Muslim regions. Even international humanitarian aid, facilitated by trade and diaspora connections, is channeled through Sufi networks, allowing effective outreach to remote rural areas (Triaud and Villalón 2009; Fūnās and Rājī 2024).

By contrast, in countries such as Turkey, Tunisia, or Egypt, the state either exerts centralized oversight of religion or imposes secular/national projects that limit the religious realm. In Sudan, however, because of the weaker state capacity, the initiatives of Sufi orders have become more visible. Consequently, these orders have evolved into influential actors not merely in meeting the spiritual needs of local communities but also in fostering social solidarity, economic development, and even coordinating foreign aid (Elbasani and Tošić 2017). This dynamic illustrates that despite the state’s political instrumentalization of religion, Sudanese Islam maintains both a tradition of peaceful localization and global connections, serving a function that undergirds social cohesion (Ferrara 2015, p. 33).

Even though Sufi orders in Sudan occupy a position considered “secondary” within global power relations, they successfully organize economic, social, and religious activities through their internal dynamics. In contrast to governmental efforts to utilize an Arab-Islamic identity for political ends, the local initiatives and diaspora support of these orders help to unite various ethnic and cultural communities (Seesemann 2005, p. 94). Thus, even while distant from what is traditionally considered the Islamic center, Sudan exemplifies an original experience of localization, strongly rooted in local culture yet open to international connections.

5.8. Resistance to Homogenization

Sudan stands out from other Muslim-majority nations due to its peaceful internalization of Islam and its integration with local cultural practices (Elbasani and Tošić 2017; Seesemann 2005, p. 92). This distinctiveness becomes evident in maintaining local identity—rather than accepting “generalized Arab-Islamic templates”—and preserving a pluralistic religious ethos. Ethnic and cultural diversity, shaped both by historical processes and geographical conditions, has alternately sustained this pluralistic structure or triggered tensions. Because of its location, Sudan is viewed as a microcosm of both Africa and the Arab world; the opportunities and conflicts born of diversity have intertwined with a peaceful Sufi understanding (Voll 1973, p. 63; Ali 2012, p. 1).

Although the historically framed north–south divide does not fully capture the country’s complex demographic composition, groups in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, and the Beja region—who maintain their own languages and traditions alongside the predominantly Arab-Islamic culture in the north—demonstrate the tangible multicultural character of Sudan (Voll 1973, pp. 63–64; Ali 2012, p. 7). This diversity has allowed Sufism, disseminated through peaceful means, to remain distant from a monolithic model of Islam, thereby preserving a system in which local practices flourish. Nonetheless, the policies centered around Arab-Islamic identity—adopted during the periods of Ottoman–Egyptian rule, Anglo-Egyptian colonial administration, and ultimately after independence—emerged as a contributing factor in heightening internal tensions in the long run.

Because Turkey implements a secular framework in matters of state–religion relations, religious practices and mosque discourses are largely under government supervision. In Sudan, by contrast, Sufi traditions and orders are more autonomous. For example, while Friday sermons (khuṭbas) in Turkey are predetermined by the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), the Sudanese government exercises limited oversight over sermons, making it easier for diverse religious voices and local interpretations to emerge. Although debates regarding the relationship between Islam and the state increased in Tunisia after the revolution—and religiously based parties like Ennahda adopted a more pluralistic outlook—Sudan’s Islamic administrations are reported to have pursued policies that reduced diversity (Ali 2012, p. 10). Egypt, despite sharing a somewhat parallel historical and cultural background, maintains tighter control over the religious sphere via institutions such as al-Azhar, which collaborates with the state. In Sudan, by contrast, Sufism and local religious communities enjoy greater autonomy owing to a weaker central authority (Ali 2012, p. 9; Bennett 2015, p. 5).

According to Haydar Ibrahim Ali, the governance of diversity in Sudan has, since independence, heavily relied on centralization and tended to overlook local identities. The secession of South Sudan in 2011 encouraged an elite who believed they had attained “ethnic and religious purity”, leading them to pay insufficient attention to the varied groups remaining within the country (Ali 2012, pp. 4–5). This development heightened the risk of conflict among ethnic groups and curtailed the capacity of Sufi-oriented solidarity networks to reinforce social cohesion. Even though the Mahdist Movement demonstrated Sufism’s potential as an anticolonial mode of resistance (Bennett 2015, p. 5; Ali 2012, p. 9), in the modern era Sufism’s inclination to avoid politics is seen as a factor limiting its role in effecting social change.

Nonetheless, in Sudan, the fusion of Sufi and local religious practices constitutes a major force resisting a “one-size-fits-all” conception of Islam. The spiritual motivation afforded by the Mahdist Movement in resisting colonial powers and the solidarity that united distinct regions played a pivotal role in preserving local identities, despite exclusionary policies at the national level. Although state-driven Arab-Islamic measures have at times fomented conflict and discord, civil and Sufi-centered initiatives have partially succeeded in bridging different ethnic and cultural communities on a shared platform.

Sudan’s religious and cultural diversity offers both opportunities and challenges. Occasionally, the homogenizing policies employed by the state exert pressure on its pluralistic social fabric and open the door to domestic friction. Nevertheless, the peaceful diffusion of Sufism and religious practices aimed at sustaining local identity enabled Sudan to project a religious milieu distinct from “generalized Arab-Islamic” paradigms. Comparisons with countries such as Turkey, Tunisia, and Egypt suggest that limited state control in Sudan has enhanced Sufism’s autonomy, thereby bolstering resistance to homogenization. Consequently, Sufism emerges not only as a spiritual framework but also as a cornerstone preserving social and cultural pluralism (Voll 1973, p. 67; Alkhair 2021, p. 16; Bennett 2015, p. 6; Ali 2012, p. 19).

5.9. Polygyny in Sudan

Sudan has carved out a unique position in the Islamic world through its practice of polygyny, which—while inspired by the overarching principles of Islam—has been shaped by local culture and state policies. Although Islamic teachings permit polygyny, they emphasize justice; in Sudan, these teachings converge with local traditions and societal imperatives, producing a distinctive model. Far from merely a religious norm, polygyny has become woven into Sudanese social structures through governmental support and the encouraging narratives of leading religious figures, thus once again unveiling the characteristic nature of Islam in Sudan.

Historically, polygynous marriage practices in Sudan emerged from a confluence of African local traditions (House 1988) and modern Islamic discourse. Even under Ottoman–Egyptian and later Anglo-Egyptian colonial rule, polygyny persisted in rural areas as a marker of economic status and power. In the period following independence, policies founded upon an Arab-Islamic identity further endorsed these local customs, and prominent figures such as former President Omar al-Bashir and the religious leader Muhammad Uthman Salih have promoted polygyny as a “social remedy”, thereby adding to its legitimacy. In certain cases, polygyny in Sudan functions as a norm bridging religious legitimacy and cultural prestige.

This approach diverges from that of other Islamic countries. Tunisia and Turkey have completely banned polygyny with reference to women’s rights (DIFI 2019). In places like Egypt and Jordan, modernization and evolving social norms have significantly constrained the proliferation of polygyny. Within Europe’s Muslim diaspora, polygyny is legally prohibited yet continues among some communities by way of religious marriages (Fenske 2012). In Sudan, the pattern is nearly the reverse: governmental authorities and religious leaders, through supportive statements, have effectively turned Islam’s allowance for polygyny into a quasi-official policy by intertwining it with local cultural and societal demands.

In Sudan, the relative ease of both marriage and divorce increases the number of divorced women, motivating religious leaders to promote polygyny more intensively. Put differently, the rise in divorce rates, coupled with a desire to preserve social order, has fostered a cycle that facilitates the expansion of polygyny. Although the Qur’anic ideal of justice and the concept that “goodness is indivisible” (i.e., it cannot be partitioned among groups) are underscored, the reality that polygyny is regarded as an indicator of economic standing and social prestige differentiates Sudanese Islam from more mainstream interpretations. In rural areas, having multiple wives can simultaneously enhance interfamily alliances—signifying wealth—and worsen social inequalities.

Thus, Sudan’s polygyny practices underscore the distinctive balance between local culture and religious norms, encompassing everything from the peaceful spread of Sufi traditions to state-sponsored Islamic policies. Here, one again observes how Sudanese Islam resists homogenization by embracing local practices. On the one hand, the dimension of Islam that permits polygyny aligns with Africa’s traditional social structures, elevating polygyny to a symbol of status; on the other, the increasing normalization of polygyny can lead to socio-economic and emotional repercussions that strain the broader social system.

Sudan’s polygyny highlights the intersection of religion and culture, illustrating how the country’s interpretation of Islam diverges from popular discourses. Contrary to the global trend of limiting polygyny due to modern socio-economic contexts and calls for social justice, Sudan implements official policies and religious advocacy that support it. This makes polygyny another domain in which Islam in Sudan exemplifies the dynamics of people’s movement, Sufi influence, and the government’s unique fusion with local traditions once more.

6. Discussion

6.1. Comparing Findings with the Literature

This study illustrates the example of the “localization” approach by Elbasani and Tošić (2017) in the context of Sudan. The literature refers to the “center” as the classical definition of Islam in the Arab world, and the “so-called” periphery as all non-Arab regions. Even though Sudan is often regarded as a “peripheral” geography, it is endowed with self-sustaining dynamics that can position it as a “center”. The findings reveal that Sufi orders, through their interaction with local culture, reform Islam’s scriptures and practices. Elbasani and Tošić (2017) suggest that religious rituals, when combined with local culture, have a multidirectional force; indeed, in this context, the zikir (dhikr) and the Mawlid al-Nabi were celebrated in Sudan in a way that strongly supports this notion. Furthermore, worship incorporating songs, dancing, and local musical instruments aligns closely with the concept of “localization” found in the literature, demonstrating the impact of global values on local cultures. Thus, this study confirms the claim that Islam is practiced differently worldwide due to local factors that enrich the religion and give rise to varied identities (Kennedy and Fahim 1974).

In terms of homogeneity and cohesion among local cultures, Keifert (1997) highlights the importance of interweaving religious messages and local cultural codes. This research notes that the principle of hospitality in Sudan is practiced in daily life—for example, at iftar gatherings during Ramadan and when celebrating Mawlid al-Nabi—not only in contexts where the actual host is treated as a “sacred” host. This is irrefutable evidence supporting Keifert’s position on the effect of localizing religious principles: when culture is integrated into the guiding religious framework, local traditions are embraced, fostering immeasurable solidarity and harmony.

Religious practices at the local level play a key role in fostering social peace and reconciliation, particularly in multiethnic or conflict-prone societies, where religion can provide stability and unity. In Sudan, Sufi orders and local rituals enable society—despite sporadic tensions—to avoid deep fissures, at least on the surface. From rituals that welcome people of various ethnic backgrounds to the vibrancy of zikir ceremonies and the widespread celebration of Mawlid al-Nabi, religion serves as a “spiritual bridge” among Sudan’s diverse social groups, facilitating peace. Given the country’s recognized multiethnic composition, the integration of Sufism with local cultural norms encourages a welcoming attitude toward the “other”.

6.2. Theoretical Contribution

This study challenges the notion that Islam must be confined to the Arabian Peninsula canon, arguing instead that it can be interpreted in infinitely flexible ways across the globe. Egypt, Hamzah (2018), and Roy (2004) have, for example, noted how the processes of globalization and localization demonstrate that Islam can take many forms. The Sudanese case stands apart from prevailing discourse by incorporating elements such as open-air zikir ceremonies featuring music and dancing, thus forming an alternative religious tradition. This phenomenon underscores that Islam cannot be confined to a single framework, but can be adapted to local cultures and historical contexts. The fusion of local music, dancing, and hospitality with religious worship not only strengthens the spiritual identity of Sudanese believers but also showcases the diversity of Islam on the world’s stage.

Ferrara (2015) posits that the concepts of “center” and “periphery” are not static; rather, they are continually reshaped within social and political milieus. Although Sudan is often geographically viewed as peripheral within the Islamic world, the findings of this study indicate that through its internal dynamics, it can establish its own “center”. Orders such as the Qādiriyya and Tijāniyya, which command large followings through their spiritual and social networks, wield significant influence in Sudan. These networks can build a religious authority and a broad array of ritual practices independent of what is labeled the Arab world’s “center”. In doing so, the research adds another example to critiques of center–periphery theory (Elbasani and Tošić 2017): despite its nominally “peripheral” status, Sudan—through its unique practices—fashions a potent religious center, demonstrating that localization is not simply about “accepting what flows from the center” but also about the capacity of local communities for active production and transformation.

6.3. Limitations and Future Research

Although the extensive use of qualitative methods and three years of participant observation provided access to rich, in-depth data, the study remains confined by limits of time and place. Sudan is geographically vast and ethnically diverse; the Nile Valley, Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, and the eastern regions each have distinct dynamics. Consequently, while fieldwork yielded a wealth of observational material, it may fall short of representing all of Sudan in one overarching analysis. Time constraints also hindered the ability to explore certain seasonal or periodic rituals. For example, a more comprehensive study of unique religious practices observed during Ramadan or periods of drought would require field research under different calendar conditions.

Sudan boasts a wide spectrum of Sufi orders (Qādiriyya, Tijāniyya, Shādhiliyya, Khatmiyya, Burhāniyya, etc.) and ethnic groups (Arab, Nubian, Fur, and Beja), yet this research focused more on the rituals of specific orders in certain regions, limiting the comprehensive representation of all groups. An examination of order-related treatises, historical sources, and oral tradition indicates that each order has its own distinct history of dissemination, system of religious practices, and political relations. Future studies might conduct comparative analyses of these orders and explore how different ethnic communities (e.g., Fur, Nuba, and Beja) amalgamate Islam with their respective cultures. Such an approach would more clearly illustrate the multilayered nature and diversity of the “localization” phenomenon even within Sudan itself.

In this study, methods such as participant observation and embedded observation were prioritized, while structured interviews or surveys were not employed. Although this choice facilitated capturing the natural essence of rituals, it led to a relatively limited use of written sources—such as order treatises, works of jurisprudence (fiqh), or accounts from historical travelers. Yet many of Sudan’s major Sufi orders have their own literary tradition, including the writings of founding shaykhs and texts in Arabic or regional languages. A systematic analysis of these written materials could be highly beneficial for future research, providing insight into the historical development and the theological foundations of each order. A textual analysis could also more directly reveal how local practices find their religious justification, clarifying which dogmatic flexibilities or hermeneutical variations enable “localization”.

Broader ethnographic research that incorporates different regions like the Nuba Mountains, Darfur, the Nile Valley, and Eastern Sudan, each with its own Sufi and ethnic characteristics, would help us understand localization’s various aspects (Qahhām 2016). This would emphasize the regional and cultural differences under the umbrella of “Sudanese Islam”, clarifying the particularistic ethnographic features and dynamics, as well as ritual activities, of each region. Such an explanation might help make clear that the localization processes in Sudan are not monolithic but rather differ between regions and ethnic groups. Through the combination of Sufi order treatises, historical writings, and oral narratives, an integrated account of the diffusion and change in Islam in Sudan could be formulated within the Sufi branch, a constituent structure of this history made up of time and content. With this approach, it would be possible to trace more systematically the historical relationships of the current rituals as well as analyze more deeply the religious motives of the orders. Therefore, incorporating various forms of data—beyond fieldwork—could improve knowledge of the Sudanese religious phenomenon.

Further study could benefit from exploring not only the different ethnocultural groups within Sudan, but also comparing Sufi orders to the Murid in Senegal, Qadiri in Nigeria, or Nahdlatul Ulama movements in Indonesia, thereby localizing the issue within a larger frame. These perspectives could shed light on the unifying or differing characteristics of “localization” in and out of Africa, which would increase the understanding of the interplay between religion and culture in different societies. This study brought to light one of the major features of the Sufi denominations in Sudan, namely their political and socio-economic power. Inquiries could further focus on the socio-economic funding sources, welfare networks, or diaspora links of the orders so as to show more clearly the economic side of the process of localization. Likewise, studying the orders’ relations with political parties and state structures, and their participation in the ongoing peacebuilding activities, could enhance knowledge of Sudanese politics as well as the processes of social integration in the country.

What may also prove helpful in localization studies is the examination of women’s contributions to zikir circles, as well as their roles in spiritual and religious leadership and education in various Sufi orders in Sudan. Engaging in gender studies, instead of only cultural ones, may shed light on how Islam is adopted by various identity groups and how it affects social change in the region much more deeply. Consequently, the study of women’s roles in Sudanese religious and cultural pluralism, and the integration of such roles with the localization of religion, could be conducted with greater emphasis.

7. Conclusions

The focus of Islam’s localization in Sudan was hospitality, Sufi zikir (dhikr), Mawlid, and how they are integrated with Islam. Scholars definitely had discussions and revealed that the Sudanese case has elaborate ways in which Islam can take shape in diverse cultures. In the conclusions, three main sections are identified: (1) distinctiveness and adaptability, (2) social solidarity and peace, and (3) future perspectives. These conclusions help us understand not only Sudanese Islam but also interpret Islam in wider geographic frameworks.

What stands out most in the Sudanese context is Islam’s uniqueness and flexibility. Its geo-political location, ethnic diversity, and historical evolution have made it possible to integrate universal concepts based on core religious texts and local cultures. Sufi orders have, in particular, facilitated an astounding realization of this integration. Prominent orders like the Qādiriyya, Tījāniyya, Shādhiliyya, and Khatmiyya have collaborated with Sudanese local music, rhythms, and folkloric motifs in their cherished mystical practices, such as zikir. This leads to a vigorous and active performance of zikir. This suggests that Islam is practiced differently in other places, and in some areas, it tends to emerge as a living phenomenon intertwined with many cultural elements rather than a rigid model.

“Hospitality”, which is regarded as the most important virtue within the Sudanese community, emerges against a backdrop where cultural and religious motivations are intricately interwoven. Keeping one’s doors open to strangers, making iftar gatherings available to nearly everyone, and even inviting unfamiliar passersby into family homes or Sufi centers for a meal demonstrates how Sudanese people consider hospitality to be a form of worship. Such examples emphasize the way basic Islamic values—like help, charity, and brotherhood—are assimilated into local customs.

In the same way, “Mawlid celebrations” reveal such a pattern of regional peculiarities. During the month of Rabīʿ al-Awwal, Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations in Sudan incorporate music, hymns, panegyric poetry (qasīdas), and dancing. Love for the Prophet is not limited to a private or solitary memorial; on the contrary, it transforms into massive celebrations that crowd public squares, mosques, and streets. In doing so, a distinctly universal religious and cultural theme (the birth of the Prophet) is fused with local cultural symbols like drums, tambourines, and local beats. People often put on colorful clothing and participate in singing and dancing, performing what some call samāʿ, although it has been Sudanese-folklorized, illustrating the localizing ritualistic dimension. By engaging in these practices, one can witness that an understanding of Islam beyond an Arabian Peninsula- or Middle East-centric approach is deeply felt among the people.

When looked at through the lens of social cohesion and tranquility, the Sudanese case provides an interesting example. Localized Islam has the potential to integrate various cultural and ethnic groups. Even though Sudan’s multiethnic society has, at times, been more conflictual than cooperative—the country has experienced civil wars, internal disputes, and politically motivated violence over time—the sociable character of Sufi orders has significantly contributed to the restoration and maintenance of social peace and harmony. People come to a central place or to zikir practices where they collectively leave behind their ethnic and tribal identities on the basis of a common spiritual identity. The music, movement, and joint dancing that often accompany zikir support and highlight togetherness, not separation. In this context, social or cultural divisions, to all intents and purposes, no longer apply through taking part in the united prayer and all the spiritual joy and excitement that comes with it.

Likewise, the custom of hospitality provides a wide avenue of acceptance to people from different ethnic groups or even different religious faiths. Such acceptance is of great importance in a multicultural society that seeks to reduce tensions and bring people together to live as a community. In addition, Sudan’s local practices of Islam provide an important context for international humanitarian aid or peacemaking efforts. Sufi orders have long been instrumental in fostering local support-based networks, particularly in the more remote areas of the country where the state is less visible. These orders have resources for economic development, social services, and communal hospitality. Therefore, humanitarian organizations and peacebuilding projects that involve local religious leaders are more likely to be accepted and trusted by these communities. This not only makes it easier to distribute material aid, but also fosters long-lasting peace and development because it respects the local culture and religion.

There is no denying that Sudan’s case can be beneficial to other sub-Saharan countries as well as global Muslim communities. In many Sufi orders across Sub-Saharan Africa, local music and dance are incorporated into rituals aimed at fostering unity among people. For instance, in Senegal, the Muridiyya is more than just a religious order, and the Nebe Qadiri in Nigeria has a similar influence. Religion is not just an issue of belief for these orders; it serves as a means of socio-cultural integration. A similar phenomenon can be observed in Middle Eastern or Asian countries, where large movements such as Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia draw upon Sufi traditions, illustrating the inclusiveness of Islam on a localized scope. Thus, other regions of the world could incorporate caring insights from Sudan or any other country that shares Sudan’s example.

Moreover, the possibility that localization can bring about religious pluralism and peaceful coexistence is exemplified concretely in Sudan’s case. The existence of several Sufi orders, each with distinctive musical and ritual forms, helps consolidate their respective social bases of power while also supporting social plurality. In spite of the political conflict at the central level, a large proportion of the population has been able to enjoy a culture of peaceful coexistence in their day-to-day life. This success is largely due to how Sufi orders incorporate notions of fellowship, sharing, and love into the wider society. Although Sudan has daunting political and economic problems, the Sufi heritage, together with local Islam, provides hope for peace and reconciliation in the long term.

The above example underscores how this Islamized practice highlights the need for flexibility and inclusivity. Migration and globalization indeed enable the movement of people, and Muslim populations are no exception in formulating strategies of collective identity. Fusion is possible—religious or cultural—whether among diaspora Muslim communities in Europe or in multicultural Indonesia. Acts of hospitality in Sudan as a quasi-religious practice, shared social bonding through enthusiasm for zikir, and grand celebration of Mawlid are all good illustrations of “fusion” and “innovation”. Where religion is combined with local symbols and rituals, it makes a deeper impact because people engage with a form of religion that aligns with their lifestyle and cultural identity.

Lastly, it should be stressed that it is not just the cultural aspect but also the socio-political and economic factors of Sudan’s localization processes that matter. Women’s contributions in zikir circles, as well as the spiritual and social duties they assume in Sufi Maqams, are often given only minor emphasis. Also, the entrepreneurial and political activities of the Sufi orders provide indices of how Sudanese Islam is positioned to deal with local and even global Islamo-sociological networks. For the same reason, it has to be re-emphasized that inter-religious and intra-religious fundamental conflicts and cooperation can be shaped by more flexible religious interpretations and policy approaches. Certainly, the level of state participation or sponsorship in these endeavors is questionable, but there is some, albeit limited, evidence of active, yet restricted Sufi networking in integrating the fragmented society.

When taken together, the Sudanese example serves as a bona fide “laboratory” for illustrating Islam’s flexibility in different regions. The “distinctiveness” and “harmonization of universal values” observed here are useful in other African societies and Muslim communities elsewhere. Hospitality, Sufi zikir, Mawlid, and other local culture and religious rituals have the potential to enhance social cohesion and peace. Nevertheless, how far the process of localization can entrench religious pluralism and peaceful coexistence remains a question for the future. Despite Sudan finding itself in dire straits because of its internal and external political dynamics, economic challenges, and periodic ethnic strife, its localized Islamic approach can be a strong social glue that helps mend fractures in society during calamitous times. Thus, the Sudanese experience is among the cases that show how Islam can promote peace and harmony in many regions of Africa and worldwide.