Relationship Between Secularization and the Level of Perceiving Religious Influence Among Individuals Receiving Higher Religious Education

Abstract

This study investigates the complex relationship between levels of religiosity and attitudes toward secularization among individuals receiving higher religious education in Türkiye. Secularization is defined as the diminishing influence of religion in public life and the rise of critical attitudes toward religious norms, a process that accelerated particularly during the modernization period following the establishment of the Republic. The primary aim of the research is to analyze whether there is a significant relationship between secular attitudes and the perceived influence of Islam among theology faculty students. The study employs a quantitative, descriptive survey design and includes a sample of 380 undergraduate, graduate, and doctoral students from the faculties of theology at Kocaeli, Sakarya, Marmara, and Istanbul universities. Data were collected using the “Perceived Influence of Religion Scale” and the “Secular Attitude Scale,” both of which demonstrated acceptable reliability (Cronbach’s Alpha = 0.70). Demographic variables such as age, gender, marital status, parental education level, type of education (formal or distance), and economic status were also incorporated into the analysis. The findings revealed statistically significant differences based on marital status, parental education level, type of education program, and previous educational background. For instance, single students reported perceiving a higher influence of religion compared to their married counterparts, while students with fathers who held university degrees perceived a lower influence of religion. These results offer valuable insights into how modern social transformations influence religious attitudes and practices.

1. Introduction

Religion has been a fundamental force shaping societies’ thought and behavior throughout history. Across all communities, the presence of religious beliefs is consistently observed. While these beliefs vary according to cultural, historical, and individual contexts, they have long served as a cornerstone for maintaining social cohesion. During the Middle Ages, religion functioned as a central element of societal order, and in the absence of scientific and technological advancements, many unknown phenomena were interpreted through religious frameworks. However, with the rise of the Enlightenment in the 18th century, rationalist and knowledge-based approaches gained dominance, accelerating the spread of individualism, freedom of thought, and ultimately secularization. Secularization refers to the diminishing influence of religion in the public sphere and the emergence of critical individual attitudes toward religious norms. This transformation has led individuals to question traditional doctrines and to redefine the balance between religious beliefs and modern social practices (Dhima and Golder 2021).

In Turkey, the modernization process that began with the Tanzimat reforms gained momentum following the establishment of the Republic, fundamentally altering the societal role of religion. This transformation led to notable variations in individuals’ religious lives and in the degree to which they experienced religious influence. In recent years, debates surrounding the place of religion in Turkish society have deepened, particularly after the rise to power of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) (Karakus Öztürk 2018). Government policies, the strengthening of religious institutions, and educational reforms have expanded the visibility and influence of religion across various segments of society. Yet, it remains unclear how the dynamics of secularization, religiosity, and modernization interact specifically among theology students—individuals situated at the intersection of traditional religious education and contemporary social change. Given the increasing salience of religion in public discourse, it is crucial to explore how theology students respond to and negotiate the challenges posed by secular and modernizing forces within Turkey’s complex socio-political landscape.

In this context, this study is motivated by the need to understand how theology students in Turkey experience secularization and perceive religion’s influence within a complex modern society. As religion continues to shape both individual and collective identities, it is crucial to examine how modern developments—such as globalization, technological change, and political reforms—affect the religious attitudes and behaviors of individuals studying religion. By focusing on theology students, who are expected to play a key role in shaping future religious discourse in Turkey, this study aims to fill an important gap in previous research and contribute valuable insights into the ongoing transformation of the country’s religious landscape.

Recent studies in Turkey have explored the complex relationship between religion and secularization. Mehmet Ali Sevgi (2024) critiqued Western secularization theories by emphasizing the need to consider Turkey’s unique socio-cultural and historical context. Fatih Baş (2021) examined the state’s dilemma in managing a secular social structure within a predominantly religious society, while Fatma Nur Şengül (2021) analyzed empirical studies and highlighted the diversity of secularization indicators beyond just levels of religiosity. Orhan Doğan (2024) argued that declining government performance might explain the rise of atheism in Muslim societies, challenging conventional secularization theories. Erol Erkan (2021) conducted a meta-analysis of postgraduate theses to explore Turkey’s distinctive path toward secularization.

While these studies provide valuable insights, they predominantly rely on qualitative approaches or Western theoretical frameworks. Few studies have quantitatively examined the relationship between secularization levels and the perceived influence of Islam among theology students. This study addresses this gap by statistically analyzing how secularization, religiosity, and modernization interact among theology students in Turkey’s unique socio-political context.

This study aims to examine the relationship between levels of secularization and the perceived influence of Islam among students enrolled in faculties of theology. Gaining insight into how modernization, globalization, and technological developments affect individuals who receive religious education will offer a meaningful contribution to understanding the evolving religious landscape of society. The study investigates various demographic and educational variables—including age, gender, marital status, parental education level, type of education, academic standing, and high school background—in relation to both secularization and the perceived influence of religion.

Within this framework, the central research question is as follows: Is there a significant relationship between levels of secularization and the perceived influence of Islam among theology students? The following sub-questions have also been formulated:

• Do secularization attitudes and perceived religious influence levels vary by students’ age?
• Is there a relationship between gender, secularization, and perceived religious influence levels?
• To what extent does marital status affect secularization and perceived religious influence?
• Does parental education affect secularization and perceived religious influence levels?
• Do secularization and perceived religious influence vary according to educational type?
• Is there a relationship between academic level and both perceived religious influence and secularization?
• Does income level affect secularization and perceived religious influence?
• Is there a relationship between high school type graduated from and secularization or perceived religious influence?

1.1. Research Method

This study adopts a quantitative research methodology, utilizing a descriptive survey design. The aim of descriptive survey research is to examine existing conditions as they are, facilitating the analysis of relationships among variables. For data collection, the “Perceived Influence of Religion Scale,” developed by Asım Yapıcı (Yapıcı 2006), and the “Secular Attitude Scale,” developed by Talip Demir (Demir 2021), were used. In this study, the reliability of the scales was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha, which was calculated as 0.70. This value indicates that the scales exhibit internal consistency within the commonly accepted range for social science research, thereby confirming the reliability of the measurements. The questionnaire consists of 47 items, including nine demographic questions examining variables such as age, gender, marital status, parental education, type of education, income level, class level, and type of high school graduated from.

Academic English translation support for this article was provided by ChatGPT 4.5 (OpenAI, San Francisco, CA, USA).

1.2. Research Instruments

The questionnaire utilized in this study incorporates two previously validated measurement tools: the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale developed by Asım Yapıcı and the Secular Attitude Scale designed by Talip Demir. In addition, demographic data—including participants’ gender, age, marital status, type of education, parental education levels, academic year, income level, and type of high school attended—were collected through the first nine items of the survey form.

1.3. Participants

The study group consists of 380 theology faculty students enrolled during the 2024 academic year at Kocaeli, Sakarya, Marmara, and Istanbul universities. Of these, 338 students participated in regular programs, while 48 students attended the distance education program (İLİTAM). Participants included 218 undergraduate, 129 master’s, and 33 doctoral students. Regarding age distribution, 55.8% were aged 18–25, 35.8% were 26–40, 7.9% were 41–55, and 0.5% were 56–64. Gender distribution showed that 78.6% were female, and 21.4% were male.

In terms of marital status, 70.8% of participants were single, and 29.2% were married. Concerning parental education levels, 13.4% of mothers had no formal education, 55.8% completed primary education, 8.9% middle school, 9.5% high school, and 12.4% university. Fathers’ education levels were as follows: 2.1% no formal education, 39.2% primary school, 16.8% middle school, 17.9% high school, and 23.9% university.

Regarding educational programs, the majority (88.9%) attended regular education, while 11.1% were enrolled in İLİTAM. Class distribution revealed 15.3% in preparatory classes, 42.1% undergraduate (years 1–4), 33.9% master’s, and 8.7% doctoral levels.

Participants’ monthly income levels were as follows: 23.4% earned $0–254, 37.1% $255–483, 21.8% $484–724, 7.9% $725–963, and 9.7% above $964. Concerning high school background, 66.8% graduated from Imam Hatip schools, 15.8% from Anatolian/Science high schools, 7.4% regular high schools, 5.3% vocational schools, and 4.7% other types of high schools.

Ethical considerations such as voluntariness and confidentiality were strictly followed throughout the research.

2. Findings

This section presents the statistical findings obtained through the survey.

2.1. The Distribution and Analysis of Participants’ Responses to the Items of the Secular Attitude Scale

The findings of frequency analysis on responses given to items from the Secular Attitude Scale are presented in

Table 1. Distribution of Participants’ Responses to the Secular Attitude Scale.

	Strongly Disagree		Disagree		Moderately Agree		I Agree		Completely Agree
	n	%	n	%	n	%	n	%	n	%
There is no harm in shaking hands with a person of the opposite sex	211	55.5%	97	25.5%	44	11.6%	23	6.1%	5	1.3%
There is no harm in celebrating New Year’s Eve	249	65.5%	79	20.8%	35	9.2%	13	3.4%	4	1.1%
It does not matter whether a person is religious or not as long as he lives morally	151	39.7%	121	31.8%	74	19.5%	24	6.3%	10	2.6%
Religion should not interfere in every aspect of human life	218	57.4%	110	28.9%	23	6.1%	17	4.5%	12	3.2%
Cosmetic surgery can be performed even if it is not compulsory	182	47.9%	132	34.7%	42	11.1%	18	4.7%	6	1.6%
It is not necessary to wear a hijab to lead a religious life	154	40.5%	95	25.0%	79	20.8%	38	10.0%	14	3.7%
Religious groups exploit people’s beliefs and feelings	82	21.6%	71	18.7%	155	40.8%	44	11.6%	28	7.4%
A terminally ill adult patient has the right to end his or her own life	277	72.9%	90	23.7%	7	1.8%	6	1.6%	0	0.0%
Prayer has only a psychological effect in the healing of illnesses	169	44.5%	130	34.2%	36	9.5%	32	8.4%	13	3.4%
There is no difference between reading the Qur’an in Arabic and its Turkish translation	254	66.8%	107	28.2%	8	2.1%	7	1.8%	4	1.1%
Only religious knowledge that is logical and rational should be taken into account	220	57.9%	119	31.3%	18	4.7%	15	3.9%	8	2.1%
Abortion is prohibited except in cases of medical necessity	279	73.4%	76	20.0%	16	4.2%	5	1.3%	4	1.1%
It is not right to give religious education to children in the preschool period	275	72.4%	83	21.8%	15	3.9%	7	1.8%	0	0.0%
There is no harm in making statues of people	194	51.1%	99	26.1%	45	11.8%	36	9.5%	6	1.6%
Moral behaviour is more important than worship in religious life	92	24.2%	113	29.7%	95	25.0%	60	15.8%	20	5.3%
People from religions other than Islam can also enter Paradise	200	52.6%	93	24.5%	60	15.8%	21	5.5%	6	1.6%
Religion has a significant effect on the backwardness of societies	215	56.6%	93	24.5%	39	10.3%	23	6.1%	10	2.6%
Games of chance are a form of gambling	5	1.3%	8	2.1%	20	5.3%	110	28.9%	237	62.4%
Epidemics are a warning given to people by Allah	10	2.6%	39	10.3%	115	30.3%	132	34.7%	84	22.1%
I would like to go to Umrah if I could	3	0.8%	0	0.0%	4	1.1%	57	15.0%	316	83.2%
Whether a person is rich or poor is God’s will	20	5.3%	42	11.1%	147	38.7%	87	22.9%	84	22.1%

.

As shown in Table 1, the participants’ responses to the Secular Attitude Scale reflect a predominantly conservative orientation, especially regarding issues that challenge established religious norms. Items such as “There is no harm in shaking hands with a person of the opposite sex” and “There is no harm in celebrating New Year’s Eve” received the highest rates of strong disagreement—55.5% and 65.5% respectively—indicating widespread resistance to behaviors that may be perceived as culturally or religiously inappropriate. Similarly, on topics like abortion (73.4% strongly disagreed with its permissibility outside medical necessity), early religious education, and euthanasia, participants expressed strong religious adherence.

The data in Table 1 further highlight nuanced patterns of moral and social perception. For instance, while a majority rejected the idea that hijab is not essential for a religious life (40.5% strongly disagreed), a considerable portion (20.8% partially agreed) showed openness to alternative interpretations, suggesting a degree of internal plurality. On statements concerning interfaith salvation (52.6% strongly disagreed with non-Muslims entering paradise), and moral behavior being more important than ritual worship, responses were more mixed, pointing to subtle tensions between orthodoxy and ethical universalism.

Interestingly, certain items reflect greater variability in responses, such as the claim that “Religious groups exploit people’s beliefs and feelings,” with only 21.6% strongly disagreeing and a notable 40.8% moderately agreeing. This may indicate critical awareness of the institutional dimension of religion. Meanwhile, overwhelming agreement was seen in items like the desire to perform Umrah (83.2% completely agreed) and the classification of games of chance as gambling (62.4% completely agreed), underscoring strong devotional and doctrinal commitment.

In sum, Table 1 provides a comprehensive snapshot of students’ attitudes toward secular issues, revealing a general pattern of resistance to secular behaviors with occasional openness to individual reasoning and ethical reinterpretation. The findings suggest that while students predominantly adhere to traditional Islamic values, there is a spectrum of responses influenced by topic sensitivity and perceived religious significance.

2.2. The Distribution and Analysis of Participants’ Responses to the Items of the Perceived Impact of Religion Scale

The distribution of responses to items on the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale was analyzed through frequency analysis, and findings are presented in

Table 2. Distribution of Participants’ Responses to the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale.

	Strongly Disagree		Disagree		Undecided		I Agree		Strongly Agree
	n	%	n	%	n	%	n	%	n	%
People should mould their daily lives according to religion	3	0.8%	6	1.6%	34	8.9%	123	32.4%	214	56.3%
It is necessary to raise religious generations.	2	0.5%	4	1.1%	23	6.1%	78	20.5%	273	71.8%
I prefer the person I marry to be religious.	3	0.8%	1	0.3%	20	5.3%	80	21.1%	276	72.6%
The handshake between men and women is objectionable in our religion	4	1.1%	18	4.7%	22	5.8%	109	28.7%	227	59.7%
I don’t drink because it’s forbidden by religion	4	1.1%	1	0.3%	4	1.1%	39	10.3%	332	87.4%
I prefer my friends to be religious	10	2.6%	15	3.9%	87	22.9%	112	29.5%	156	41.1%
I do not approach such acts because sexual experiences outside marriage are haram	3	0.8%	1	0.3%	6	1.6%	37	9.7%	333	87.6%
I like to be seen as a good Muslim by my social circle	6	1.6%	9	2.4%	56	14.7%	116	30.5%	193	50.8%
I help those who ask for help for the sake of Allah	2	0.5%	3	0.8%	27	7.1%	125	32.9%	223	58.7%
I am saddened by the plight of Muslims in the world	2	0.5%	3	0.8%	6	1.6%	76	20.0%	293	77.1%
I don’t mind using products containing lard	327	86.1%	46	12.1%	1	0.3%	3	0.8%	3	0.8%
In the relations between men and women, the measures determined by religion must be observed	3	0.8%	4	1.1%	13	3.4%	106	27.9%	254	66.8%
A person who observes the commandments and prohibitions of religion should be considered honourable	6	1.6%	17	4.5%	54	14.2%	127	33.4%	176	46.3%
I won’t allow my sister to marry a non-Muslim	7	1.8%	18	4.7%	36	9.5%	103	27.1%	216	56.8%
If I marry a non-Muslim, I want him to be a Muslim	9	2.4%	8	2.1%	13	3.4%	100	26.3%	250	65.8%
I will not eat the meat of an animal sacrificed by Christians	19	5.0%	52	13.7%	41	10.8%	87	22.9%	181	47.6%
I try to do my behaviour with the awareness that Allah sees me everywhere	2	0.5%	3	0.8%	25	6.6%	116	30.5%	234	61.6%

.

As shown in Table 2, participants exhibited a strong alignment with traditional Islamic values, as reflected in their high levels of agreement with statements from the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale. Notably, the vast majority of respondents reported behaviors and preferences guided by religious beliefs—for instance, 87.4% stated they abstain from alcohol because it is forbidden in religion, and 87.6% rejected premarital sexual relations as religiously impermissible. Additionally, a significant portion of participants expressed a desire to raise religious generations (71.8%), marry a religious spouse (72.6%), and maintain religiously appropriate gender relations, such as 59.7% agreeing that handshakes between men and women are objectionable in Islam.

The responses further reveal that religious principles heavily inform social and personal choices. For example, 66.8% strongly agreed that gender interactions should conform to religious norms, and 61.6% reported striving to behave with the awareness that Allah observes all actions. Moreover, participants showed concern for the broader Muslim community, with 77.1% expressing sadness over the suffering of Muslims worldwide. Religious identity also played a role in social relations; 41.1% preferred religious friends, and 50.8% liked being perceived as a good Muslim by their peers.

While most items indicated a high degree of religiosity, some showed greater variation. For example, regarding the consumption of products containing pork fat, 86.1% strongly disagreed with its permissibility, but a small minority expressed differing views. These nuanced patterns suggest a generally conservative yet contextually varied interpretation of Islamic practice among the participants. Overall, Table 2 demonstrates that the students’ worldview is deeply embedded in religious belief, influencing both private decisions and public interactions.

2.3. Variation in the Secular Attitude Scale by Age Groups

Mean scores of the Secular Attitude Scale according to age groups and the statistical significance of differences among these scores were analyzed.

Table 3. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Age Group.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Secular Attitude Scale	18–25	212	1.76	0.49	0.784	0.503
	26–40	136	1.84	0.68
	41–55	30	1.72	0.58
	56–64	2	1.90	0.71
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	18–25	212	4.14	0.61	1.236	0.296
	26–40	136	4.06	0.59
	41–55	30	4.27	0.46
	56–64	2	4.00	0.00
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

presents the mean scores of the Secular Attitude Scale across different age groups. As seen in Table 3, there were no statistically significant differences among the age groups (p > 0.05), suggesting that secular attitudes are relatively consistent across age categories. This implies that factors other than age, such as educational background or family influence, may play a more significant role in shaping secular views.

2.4. Variation in the Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale According to Age Groups

According to the age factor of the scale of feeling the effect of religion, the mean scores they received from the answers they gave to the scale and whether the difference between these averages was significant were analysed by one-way variance analysis.

According to

Table 4. Variation in Perceived Influence of Religion Scale Scores by Age Group.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	18–25	212	73.06	8.41	1.062	0.365
	26–40	136	71.51	8.39
	41–55	30	72.93	6.01
	56–64	2	75.00	4.24
	Total	380	72.51	8.23

, the perceived influence of religion was similar among all age groups, with no statistically significant variation (p > 0.05). Although the 56–64 age group had slightly higher mean scores, Table 4 confirms that age alone does not considerably impact how strongly religion is perceived to influence personal life.

2.5. Variation in the Secular Attitude Scale According to Gender

An independent samples t-test was conducted to determine whether the mean scores on the Secular Attitude Scale differed significantly by gender.

As displayed in

Table 5. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Gender.

Gender		n	Average	Std. Deviation	t	p
Secular Attitude Scale	Woman	286	1.81	0.59	0.765	0.445
	Male	78	1.75	0.53
Desecular Attitude Scale	Woman	286	4.08	0.57	−1.382	0.168
	Male	78	4.18	0.65

, the comparison of secular attitude scores between male and female participants did not yield a statistically significant difference (p = 0.445). This suggests that gender does not play a major role in shaping secular views among theology students, as confirmed by the results in Table 5.

2.6. Variation in the Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale According to Gender

The scale score averages of the scale of feeling the effect of religion according to gender and whether the difference between these averages was significant or not was analysed by independent samples t-test.

The results in

Table 6. Variation in Perceived Influence of Religion Scale Scores by Gender.

Gender		n	Average	Std. Deviation	t	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	Woman	286	72.22	8.23	−0.746	0.456
	Male	78	73.01	8.76

indicate no significant difference between males and females in their perception of religion’s impact (p = 0.456). This reinforces the finding that religious perception levels are relatively stable across gender lines within this group.

2.7. Variation in the Secular Attitude Scale According to Marital Status

The mean scores of the secular attitude scale according to marital status and whether the difference between these averages was significant or not were analysed by independent samples t-test.

Table 7. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Marital Status.

Marital Status		n	Average	Std. Deviation	t	p
Secular Attitude Scale	Single	269	1.76	0.51	−1.645	0.101
	Married	111	1.86	0.69
Desecular Attitude Scale	Single	269	4.13	0.56	0.579	0.563
	Married	111	4.09	0.65

reveals that while secular attitude scores were slightly higher among married participants, the difference was not statistically significant (p > 0.05). Thus, as shown in Table 7, marital status appears to have a minimal effect on secular thinking in this sample.

2.8. Variation in the Scale of Feeling the Impact of Religion According to Marital Status

The mean scores of the scale of feeling the influence of religion according to the marital status and whether the difference between these averages is significant or not were analysed by t-test in independent groups.

Unlike previous comparisons,

Table 8. Variation in Perceived Influence of Religion Scale Scores by Marital Status.

Marital Status		n	Average	Std. Deviation	t	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	Single	269	73.29	7.37	2.907	0.004 *
	Married	111	70.61	9.81

* p < 0.05.

shows a statistically significant difference (p < 0.05) in religious perception between married and single participants. Notably, single students reported higher levels of perceived religious influence, indicating that marital status may play a role in shaping religious sensitivity.

2.9. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale According to Mother’s Education Level

The mean scores of the secular attitude scale according to the mother’s education level and whether the difference between these averages was significant were analysed by one-way analysis of variance.

As presented in

Table 9. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Mother’s Education Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Secular Attitude Scale	No Education	51	1.76	0.62	1.009	0.403
	Primary education	212	1.76	0.58
	Middle School	34	1.96	0.56
	High School	36	1.80	0.61
	University	47	1.81	0.46
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	No Education	51	4.13	0.55	0.701	0.592
	Primary education	212	4.15	0.55
	Middle School	34	4.01	0.58
	High School	36	4.05	0.74
	University	47	4.06	0.71
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

, no statistically significant differences were found in secular attitude scores based on the mother’s education level (p > 0.05). Regardless of whether participants’ mothers had no formal education or a university degree, secular attitudes remained relatively stable, suggesting that maternal education does not significantly influence students’ secular views.

2.10. Variation in the Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale According to Mother’s Education Level

The mean scores of the scale measuring the perceived influence of religion, based on the mother’s education level, were analyzed using one-way analysis of variance to determine whether the differences between these averages were statistically significant.

In contrast,

Table 10. Variation in Perceived Influence of Religion Scale Scores by Mother’s Education Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	No Education	51	73.57	6.50	2.289	0.049 *
	Primary education	212	73.24	7.10
	Middle School	34	70.76	8.58
	High School	36	69.69	11.77
	University	47	71.45	10.47
	Total	380	72.51	8.23

* p < 0.05.

indicates a statistically significant difference in the perceived influence of religion depending on the mother’s education level (p < 0.05). Specifically, students whose mothers had no education or only primary school education reported significantly higher levels of religious influence compared to those whose mothers had completed secondary or high school. These findings, shown in Table 10, highlight the role of maternal educational background in shaping students’ religious sensitivity.

According to the results of the TUKEY test conducted to identify the source of the significant difference, the perceived influence of religion was statistically significantly higher among those whose mothers had no formal education and who had graduated from primary school, compared to those whose mothers graduated from secondary school and high school.

2.11. Variation in the Secular Attitude Scale According to Father’s Educational Level

The variation in Secular Attitude Scale scores according to the father’s educational level was analyzed using one-way ANOVA to determine whether the differences between group means were statistically significant. Post-hoc analyses were conducted using the Tukey test.

According to

Table 11. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Father’s Education Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Secular Attitude Scale	No Education	8	1.93	0.84	2.823	0.025 *
	Primary education	149	1.70	0.55
	Middle School	64	1.78	0.58
	High School	68	1.74	0.49
	University	91	1.95	0.62
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	No Education	8	3.86	0.45	2.251	0.043 *
	Primary education	149	4.22	0.54
	Middle School	64	4.05	0.66
	High School	68	4.09	0.58
	University	91	4.03	0.62
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

* p < 0.05.

, the father’s education level significantly affects secular attitudes (p < 0.05). The data show that participants whose fathers had either no education or a university degree scored higher on the secular attitude scale compared to those whose fathers had only a primary, middle, or high school education. This suggests a non-linear relationship between paternal education and secular thinking, as shown in Table 11.

Examination of secular and non-secular attitude sub-dimensions by father’s educational level revealed statistically significant differences. According to the results of the Tukey test, secular attitudes were significantly higher among participants whose fathers had either no formal education or university-level education compared to participants whose fathers had other educational backgrounds. For the desecularization sub-dimension, participants whose fathers had completed primary education showed significantly higher scores compared to those whose fathers had other educational levels.

2.12. Variation in the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale According to Father’s Educational Level

Mean scores of responses to the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale according to father’s educational level were analyzed through one-way ANOVA.

Table 12. Variation in Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale Scores by Father’s Education Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	No Education	8	73.75	7.91	2.696	0.031 *
	Primary education	149	73.66	6.54
	Middle School	64	72.19	10.29
	High School	68	73.18	6.13
	University	91	70.23	10.02
	Total	380	72.51	8.23

* p < 0.05.

demonstrates that students whose fathers held a university degree reported significantly lower levels of religious influence compared to others (p < 0.05). This implies that higher paternal education may correlate with increased secularization in their children’s religious experience, reinforcing the patterns observed in Table 11.

When the change in the scale of feeling the effect of religion according to the father’s education level was analysed, it was seen that there was a significant difference (p < 0.05). According to the results of the TUKEY test conducted to determine from which group the difference originated; the level of feeling the effect of religion of those whose fathers are university graduates is significantly lower than those whose fathers have other education levels.

2.13. Variation in the Secular Attitude Scale According to Type of Education

The variation in mean scores obtained from the Secular Attitude Scale according to the type of education (regular vs. İLİTAM) was analyzed using an independent samples t-test to determine if differences were statistically significant.

As shown in

Table 13. Variation in Secular and Desecular Attitude Scale Scores by Type of Education.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	t	p
Secular Attitude Scale	Formal	338	1.81	0.58	6.258	0.013 *
	Ilitam	42	1.58	0.46
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	Formal	338	4.10	0.58	1.418	0.234
	ILITAM	42	4.22	0.70
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

* p < 0.05.

, participants enrolled in formal (on-campus) programs exhibited significantly higher secular attitudes than those in the distance education program (İLİTAM), with a statistically significant difference (p < 0.05). These results suggest that in-person academic environments may expose students to more secular influences or critical thinking frameworks.

2.14. Variation in the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale According to Type of Education

The variation in mean scores obtained from responses to the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale according to education type (regular vs. İLİTAM) was examined using an independent samples t-test to determine whether the differences were statistically significant.

In contrast,

Table 14. Variation in Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale Scores by Type of Education.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	t	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	Formal	338	72.70	7.77	1.788	0.182
	ILITAM	42	70.90	11.29
	Total	380	72.51	8.23

reveals no statistically significant difference between regular and İLİTAM students in terms of their perceived influence of religion (p > 0.05). Despite differing educational settings, students’ sense of religious impact on their lives remained relatively consistent.

2.15. Variation in the Secular Attitude Scale According to Class Level

The variation in mean scores on the Secular Attitude Scale across students’ class levels was analyzed using one-way ANOVA to determine whether the differences between the means were statistically significant.

The variation in secular attitudes by academic class level is clearly shown in

Table 15. Variation in Secular and Desecular Attitude Scale Scores by Class Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Secular Attitude Scale	Preparation	58	1.76	0.43	2.269	0.037 *
	1	15	1.44	0.48
	2	25	1.62	0.43
	3	39	1.85	0.50
	4	81	1.73	0.57
	Master’s Degree	129	1.84	0.64
	PhD	33	1.96	0.67
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	Preparation	58	4.14	0.60	2.580	0.018 *
	1	15	4.56	0.49
	2	25	4.20	0.80
	3	39	4.10	0.54
	4	81	4.19	0.52
	Master’s Degree	129	4.04	0.60
	PhD	33	3.94	0.53
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

* p < 0.05.

. According to the analysis, significant differences exist (p < 0.05), with doctoral and master’s students displaying higher secular attitudes than undergraduate students, especially those in the first and second years. This trend may reflect increased exposure to diverse perspectives and critical thinking over time.

According to the results of the Tukey test for the secularization sub-dimension, third-year students showed significantly higher secular attitudes than first-year students. Additionally, master’s students exhibited significantly higher secular attitudes compared to first-year students, while doctoral students demonstrated significantly higher secular attitudes than both first- and second-year students.

For the de-secularization sub-dimension, first-year students demonstrated significantly higher de-secularization attitudes compared to third-year, fourth-year, master’s, and doctoral students.

2.16. Variation in the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale According to Class Level

Mean scores obtained from responses to the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale according to participants’ class levels were analyzed using one-way ANOVA to determine if the differences among these scores were statistically significant.

While

Table 16. Variation in Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale Scores by Class Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	Preparation	58	72.86	9.28	1.828	0.093
	1	15	76.73	4.74
	2	25	73.60	13.23
	3	39	72.69	6.32
	4	81	73.73	6.46
	Master’s Degree	129	71.30	8.07
	PhD	33	70.61	8.55
	Total	380	72.51	8.23

shows slight variations across class levels, the difference was not statistically significant (p > 0.05). Thus, perceived religious influence appears to remain stable throughout the academic journey, despite growing secular attitudes at advanced educational levels.

2.17. Variation in the Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale According to Income Level

A one-way analysis of variance was used to examine whether the mean scores on the scale measuring the perceived influence of religion differed significantly across income levels.

As shown in

Table 17. Variation in Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale Scores by Income Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale	0–4200	89	72.96	10.64	1.141	0.337
	4200–8000 TL	141	73.25	7.41
	8000–12,000 TL	83	71.70	7.09
	12,000–16,000 TL	30	72.47	7.23
	16,000 and above	37	70.43	7.62
	Total	380	72.51	8.23

, participants’ income levels did not significantly affect their perception of religion’s influence (p > 0.05). This suggests that financial background is not a determining factor in shaping how students perceive the role of religion in their daily lives. In other words, the perceived influence of religion is similar across individuals with different income levels.

2.18. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale According to the Type of High School Graduated from

The mean scores of the secular attitude scale according to the type of high school graduated from and whether the difference between these averages was significant or not were analysed by one-way analysis of variance.

As shown in

Table 18. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Type of High School Graduated.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Secular Attitude Scale	Plain High School	28	1.75	0.70	1.341	0.254
	Vocational High School	20	1.98	0.79
	Imam Hatip High School	254	1.76	0.55
	Anatolian-Science High School	60	1.88	0.54
	Other	18	1.67	0.52
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	Plain High School	28	4.21	0.56	1.493	0.204
	Vocational High School	20	3.85	0.97
	Imam Hatip High School	254	4.14	0.57
	Anatolian-Science High School	60	4.06	0.49
	Other	18	4.08	0.61
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

, the type of high school from which students graduated did not result in statistically significant differences in their secular attitude scores (p = 0.254). While students from vocational high schools exhibited slightly higher secular attitude scores (mean = 1.98) and those from other types of schools had slightly lower scores (mean = 1.67), these differences were not statistically significant and did not suggest a consistent pattern. Similarly, in the desecular attitude sub-dimension, no statistically meaningful differences were observed (p = 0.204). These results indicate that high school background alone may not be a decisive factor influencing secular or religious orientations among theology students.

2.19. Variation in the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale According to High School Type

Mean scores on the Perceived Influence of Religion Scale were analyzed using one-way ANOVA to determine whether there were statistically significant differences based on the type of high school from which participants graduated.

As demonstrated in

Table 19. Variation in Perceived Influence of Religion Scale Scores by Type of High School Graduated.

	n	Average	Std. Deviation			F	p
Feeling the Impact of Religion Scale		Plain High School	28	70.68	7.37	2.707	0.030 *
		Vocational High School	20	67.55	14.63
		Imam Hatip High School	254	72.95	7.93
		Anatolian-Science High School	60	73.50	6.22
		Other	18	71.28	8.57
		Total	380	72.51	8.23

* p < 0.05.

, the perceived influence of religion varied significantly across high school types (p < 0.05). According to the results of the Tukey post-hoc test, students who graduated from Imam Hatip High Schools (mean = 72.95) and Anatolian-Science High Schools (mean = 73.50) reported significantly higher levels of perceived religious influence compared to those from vocational high schools (mean = 67.55). These findings suggest that certain educational environments, particularly those with stronger academic or religious orientations, may foster a deeper internalization of religious influence among students.

2.20. The Change in Secular Attitude Scale According to Income Level

The mean scores of the secular attitude scale according to the income level and whether the difference between these averages was significant were analysed by one-way analysis of variance.

As shown in

Table 20. Variation in Secular Attitude Scale Scores by Income Level.

		n	Average	Std. Deviation	F	p
Secular Attitude Scale	0–4200	89	1.70	0.51	0.977	0.420
	4200–8000 TL	141	1.78	0.58
	8000–12,000 TL	83	1.83	0.60
	12,000–16,000 TL	30	1.81	0.56
	16,000 and above	37	1.90	0.63
	Total	380	1.79	0.57
Desecular Attitude Scale	0–4200	89	4.12	0.71	1.203	0.309
	4200–8000 TL	141	4.18	0.59
	8000–12,000 TL	83	4.10	0.48
	12,000–16,000 TL	30	4.03	0.54
	16,000 and above	37	3.96	0.56
	Total	380	4.12	0.59

, there were no statistically significant differences in secular attitude scores across income levels (p = 0.420). Although participants with higher income (16,000 TL and above) exhibited slightly higher secular attitude scores (mean = 1.90) compared to those with lower income (0–4200 TL; mean = 1.70), these variations were not statistically meaningful. Similarly, the de-secular attitude scores showed no significant differences among income groups (p = 0.309). Therefore, Table 20 suggests that income level does not substantially influence the secular or religious tendencies of theology students.

3. Discussion

The findings obtained in this study provide important insights when evaluated within the framework of the relevant literature. In line with the main objective of the research, the relationships between participants’ demographic characteristics, education levels, and socioeconomic status and specific variables were analyzed. The data were compared with previous studies, highlighting both similarities and differences, and potential reasons for these were discussed. Additionally, the study offers both theoretical and practical evaluations of the findings, along with a discussion of its limitations and suggestions for future research.

The findings of this study reveal both parallels and noteworthy differences when systematically compared with the existing literature. For instance, in the study conducted by Coşkun and Çalışkan (2018) on students at Marmara University Faculty of Theology, the majority were found to maintain a high level of religious sensitivity in belief and practice, integrating religious values into daily life and not adopting a secular outlook. Similarly, the present study determined that most students continued to perform basic religious practices and showed strong adherence to religious values. For example, the finding that 97.7% of the students stated they refrain from alcohol consumption due to religious prohibitions illustrates the persistence of religious sensitivity.

However, in contrast to earlier studies, the present research observed a degree of flexibility in students’ religious attitudes, likely influenced by the process of modernization. Notably, 13.7% of the students expressed a tendency to normalize participation in New Year’s celebrations, suggesting an emerging influence of secularization on their social behavior. While Coşkun and Çalışkan (2018) reported that 93.9% of students rejected a secular perspective, this study indicates that modernization has introduced a degree of adaptability in how students engage with social life.

Additionally, while 42.5% of the students identified themselves as conservative in Coşkun and Çalışkan’s (2018) study, it was observed in this study that students’ interactions with different faith groups and social circles during their formal education process led to a certain flexibility in the rigidity of their beliefs. This finding also aligns with the result of this study that formal theology students exhibit higher tendencies toward secularization compared to ILITAM students.

Another prominent aspect of this study is that its findings correspond with those of Mevlüt Uğurlu’s (2023) research conducted with students at METU. In Uğurlu’s study, it was highlighted that religious students developed strategies—Central, Semi-Peripheral, and Peripheral areas—to manage the tensions they experience in secular public spaces. In this study as well, it was observed that students developed various strategies to protect or transform their religious identities and displayed flexible attitudes in different social environments.

Moreover, Yavuz and Çavuş’s (2024) study on university students identified a positive relationship between secular mindset and Machiavellian behavior. This finding parallels the observation in our study that tendencies toward secularization in some students also increased their inclination toward individualism and rationality-based thinking. However, while Yavuz and Çavuş’s study directly examined the relationship between secular attitudes and behavioral tendencies, our study analyzed the multidimensional effects of theological education and the social environment on students’ perceptions of religion.

In conclusion, the findings of this study were systematically compared with the previous literature, revealing both similarities and differences, and the contribution of these findings to the literature was discussed. The study offers new theoretical and empirical contributions to the literature by explaining how modernization and social interactions transform students’ religious attitudes and tendencies toward secularization.

It was observed that the rate of students who answered ‘completely agree’ to the item ‘There is no harm in celebrating New Year’s Eve’ was 4.5%, while the rate of those who answered ‘moderately agree’ was 9.2%. These data indicate the existence of a secularisation tendency among the individuals participating in the research. According to Islam, there is a widespread opinion that the food and entertainment organised on New Year’s Eve are similar to Christian customs and therefore are not considered appropriate (Işık 1997, p. 464).

In this context, in the religious evaluation of New Year’s celebrations, individuals with religious education are expected to show a more sensitive and conservative attitude towards these activities. However, with the approach of the new year, preparations for this situation begin in social life. Pine trees are decorated in the community, gift draws are held, cafes, restaurants and shopping centres are decorated with lights and New Year’s themed decorations. The normalisation of similar preparations for New Year’s Eve and the acceptance of these elements by the society over time, starting with exposure to these elements in social life areas such as streets and squares, suggests that New Year’s Eve celebrations have become widespread. It has been observed that some individuals who believe that New Year’s celebrations are religiously wrong think that there is no problem in the adoption of such visual ritual elements in society. It can be thought that these individuals approach their religious beliefs from a more modern and flexible perspective, unlike those who are firmly committed to traditional religious practices.

It was observed that 71.5% of the participants disagreed with the statement, “It is not important whether a person is religious or not, as long as he/she lives morally.” Furthermore, 8.9% of the participants stated that they believe there is no relationship between moral life and religiosity—that is, they think being religious does not depend on living a moral life. The high rate of those who believe that moral life and religiosity are interrelated reflects the notion that Islam is based on good morals (Çetin 2021b, p. 103). Therefore, a parallel relationship between religion and morality can be observed, with both elements developing through mutual influence. There are also hadiths of the Prophet emphasizing that Islam attaches great importance to moral excellence (Ü. Kılıç 2009, pp. 79–97).

When the responses to the statement “Religion should not interfere in every aspect of human life” were analyzed, it was found that 7.7% of the participants agreed and 6.1% moderately agreed. The commands and prohibitions set forth by religion significantly affect and shape the lives of individual believers. These beliefs contribute to societal unity and solidarity. Since the beginning of human history, people have tended to live communally, starting from the smallest social units, benefiting from the shared values offered by religion (Güneş 2016, p. 162).

The commandments and prohibitions in Islam encompass a wide scope of human life. Young people who identify as religious and conservative are also expected to follow these rules. In this context, it can be said that it is difficult to maintain a lifestyle where religion does not influence daily life. However, the majority of young people tend to act in the present moment and focus on instant gratification, often disregarding religious guidance in situations they face. This may suggest a tendency among young people to prefer a life centered around entertainment and freedom from responsibility rather than one rooted in religious discipline.

When the responses to the statement “It is not necessary to wear a hijab in order to lead a religious life” were analyzed, it was found that the majority—86.3%—strongly disagreed. On the other hand, 13.7% agreed, stating that they believe hijab is not obligatory to live a religious life. According to the traditional understanding of Islam, hijab is considered obligatory for Muslim women and is explained in detail in the Holy Qur’an (Çetin 2021a, pp. 117–20). However, the findings suggest that 13.7% of theology faculty students do not perceive religiosity as strictly formal. In the study “Perception of Religiosity in Turkey” conducted by Ete and Yargı, 43% of participants stated that they disagreed with the statement that Muslim women must cover their heads, whereas 42% agreed (Ete and Yargı 2023, p. 76). This finding closely aligns with the results of the present study.

When the responses to the statement “It is only necessary to consider religious knowledge that is logical or rational” were analyzed, it was observed that 89.2% of the participants disagreed with this view, while 10.7% moderately agreed. According to the findings, students tend to prioritize transmitted religious knowledge (naql) over rational inquiry. This may indicate that the theology curriculum does not sufficiently encourage critical thinking. Although religious beliefs may sometimes align with the experiences of the geographical and cultural context in which they originated—or in some cases diverge from them—unquestioning belief remains a significant factor in determining the depth and strength of one’s faith. Evaluating every religious command based solely on its rational acceptability is not considered an appropriate approach (Oral 2022, pp. 286–88).

When analyzing the students’ responses to the statement “Being moral in religious life is more important than worship,” it was found that 21.1% agreed while 53.9% disagreed. These findings indicate that students generally regard worship as a fundamental aspect of moral behavior. Recognizing worship as a practice that elevates one’s moral standing, religious belief can motivate individuals to avoid harmful behaviors. For example, those who intend to perform prayer may consciously abstain from alcohol and other detrimental influences, contributing to both their mental and physical well-being (Asar 2020, p. 298). Islamic teachings define what is right, good, lawful (halal), and unlawful (haram) through divine commands and prohibitions. Individuals who integrate worship into their daily lives and internalize it as a lifestyle are believed to cultivate virtue and morality through their actions. Worship also serves as an external manifestation of one’s devotion to the Creator, helping maintain a balance between right and wrong via ongoing self-discipline (Asar 2020, p. 312). Traditionally, Islam views morality and worship as deeply interconnected. However, modernization has led to the neglect of concepts such as self-discipline and inner purification, once considered spiritually essential. Consequently, some individuals may perceive certain acts of worship as less significant or choose not to perform them altogether.

The findings indicate that a significant majority of students reject the notion that individuals belonging to religions other than Islam can enter paradise, suggesting a prevalent exclusivist attitude among the participants. This perspective aligns with ongoing scholarly debates in Turkish Islamic thought, as reflected in the discourse between Talat Koçyiğit’s article “Paradise is the Monopoly of the Believers” (Koçyiğit 1989) and Süleyman Ateş’s “Heaven is Not a Monopoly of Anyone” (Atmaca 2013). Such views highlight the complex and nuanced understandings of salvation and religious identity within the student community.

The analysis of students’ responses regarding the perceived influence of religion reveals a strong preference for religious compatibility in marriage decisions. Despite an overall trend toward secularization indicated in the study, the majority of students receiving religious higher education continue to prioritize religiosity when choosing a spouse. This preference is consistent with findings from previous research, which emphasize that shared religious beliefs and values contribute significantly to marital harmony and longevity (Kirman and Apaydın 2004; Yapıcı 2018). Marital conflicts tend to be less frequent and more easily resolved when spouses share similar levels of religiosity, as common ground fosters better mutual understanding. Divergences in religious commitment or practice, conversely, may lead to tensions within the marriage. These insights highlight the continued importance of religious principles among theology students in shaping personal and familial decisions. Similar patterns have been observed in other studies, such as Teke’s (2017), reinforcing the role of religiosity as a critical factor in spouse selection.

The analysis highlights that students pursuing religious higher education generally exhibit strong adherence to religious norms and are significantly influenced by their faith in daily life. This observation is consistent with Yapıcı’s (2006) study, which found that theology students demonstrate heightened sensitivity to religious influence compared to their peers (Yapıcı 2006, pp. 65–115). Such findings underscore the enduring role of religion in shaping the values and behaviors of students engaged in formal religious education.

The analysis reveals that students place significant importance on religious compatibility when considering marriage, emphasizing not only shared religiosity but also a common Muslim identity. This preference reflects broader societal attitudes that associate shared religious beliefs with marital harmony and longevity, as highlighted in the literature (Kurt 2009). These findings suggest that the students in this study prioritize both religious commitment and Muslim identity in their partner selection, underscoring the enduring role of religion and cultural identity in personal relationships.

The findings suggest that some students receiving religious higher education may have limited understanding of specific jurisprudential matters, such as the permissibility of consuming meat sacrificed by People of the Book, which is clearly addressed in the Qur’an (al-Ma’idah, 5:5). This highlights a potential gap in theological education and underscores the importance of enhancing awareness and instruction regarding such religious issues among theology students (Genç 2019).

According to our research, while the “secular attitude levels” of married and single participants were similar, the “level of feeling the influence of religion” was significantly higher among single participants. These findings suggest that single individuals are statistically more religious than married ones. One possible explanation is that the duties and responsibilities imposed by marriage may reduce the time and energy available for worship and religious reflection. In addition, variations in religiosity between spouses may also contribute to this difference (Arvas and Hökelekli 2017, pp. 129–60). After marriage, tasks such as household chores and the increased need to care for children may take time away from the religious practices that individuals maintained when single. Thus, religiosity may vary depending on one’s life circumstances and the time period in question. It is possible that the perceived influence of religion increases when an individual performs acts of worship regularly (Kaya and Küçük 2017, pp. 17–43).

In cases where general trends were similar, it was observed that participants whose mothers had lower levels of education tended to feel the influence of religion more strongly than those whose mothers had completed secondary or high school education. Consistent with the literature, increasing levels of education are associated with stronger tendencies toward secularization. In this context, our findings suggest that as mothers’ education levels increase, their tendency toward secular attitudes also rises. These results highlight the significant role of the family in shaping and guiding an individual’s religious tendencies. Islam also emphasizes that parents are primarily responsible for the religious education of their children (Gümrükçüoğlu 2017, pp. 39–60). Furthermore, working mothers may not be able to allocate sufficient time for their children’s religious development (A. İ. Kılıç 2022, pp. 483–511). In such cases, children often receive religious education from caregivers or elder family members, whose own knowledge and practices may vary in accuracy. Therefore, children may grow up with a form of religious education shaped by subjective interpretations rather than formal instruction. In this context, the limited time available to working mothers can influence both the religious education and the overall religiosity of their children. It is also likely that children of mothers with a secular worldview will adopt similar perspectives.

It was observed that there was a significant difference between the ‘secularism tendencies’ of individuals whose were university graduates and those whose fathers were not. This situation reflects the changes in family structure, religious perceptions and parents’ attitudes towards their children due to the influence of the modernisation process. The development of science and technology shapes the values and priorities of society, which in turn affects the priorities of religious education. University-educated fathers are often thought to have the goal of providing a better education for their children and leading a financially well-off lifefathers. Societal expectations lead families to focus on their children’s academic achievements, which often causes religious education to be put on the back burner or less emphasised. In addition, as we mentioned before, it has been observed that as the level of education increases, the tendency towards secularisation also increases. The relationship between the father’s level of education and the secularisation tendency of the child suggests that modernisation and social change processes change family dynamics by affecting religious priorities.

When the change of the secular attitude scale ‘according to the type of education’ was analysed, the secularism tendency of those who received formal education was found to be significantly higher than those who received ILITAM education. Students who are completing their religious higher education at the Faculty of Theology in formal education are usually together with individuals from different cultures and disciplines in the university environments where they receive education. In such social environments, a wide diversity of beliefs is observed in the dormitories or houses where students live. This situation may cause mutual interaction among students by bringing together those with different beliefs. As a result of this interaction, changes can be observed in individuals who have doubts about their beliefs. Even unaffected individuals may think more deeply about their own beliefs in the face of this diversity in social environments and may lead to a change in the level of religious feeling (Gökçe and Tekin 2021, pp. 182–205).

Students may face certain challenges in sustaining the practice of a religious life. In particular, fulfilling time-bound religious duties such as daily prayers may require them to leave their immediate environment. Furthermore, participation in activities shaped by popular culture—such as visiting venues or engaging in entertainment practices that do not align with Islamic norms—may lead students into tension with their religious values. These challenges experienced by formally educated students can contribute to the perception that religious life has become “outdated” in contemporary times.

Another contributing factor is the structure of formal theological education itself. Students enrolled in theology faculties are required to attend more academic courses, and the critical, questioning, and sceptical orientation of formal education encourages them to examine knowledge in greater depth. This educational approach equips students with the ability to critically assess and interrogate the knowledge they acquire, rather than accepting it passively. However, this orientation may also lead them to engage with religious knowledge solely through the lens of critique—focusing on evaluating its correctness rather than internalizing and applying it in daily practice.

With regard to the secularity tendency sub-dimension, it was found that third-year undergraduate students exhibited significantly higher levels of secularity than first-year students. Similarly, master’s students demonstrated higher levels of secularisation compared to first-year students, and doctoral students had significantly higher levels than both first- and second-year students. These findings indicate a positive correlation between increasing educational attainment and rising secularisation. Our research findings align with the results reported by Apaydın and Kirman (Kirman and Apaydın 2004, p. 106). Additionally, Yapıcı (2012, pp. 1–40) found that university students aged 25 and older reported a lower level of perceived religious influence. As the level of formal religious education increases, so does the individual’s theoretical knowledge.

In this case, it becomes possible for an individual receiving religious education to question every information he/she learnt and to have problems in the dimension of belief. As the level of education increases, the age of the individual also increases and the individual tends to be more free and clear about living his/her belief. An analysis of the scale measuring the perceived influence of religion, based on the type of high school graduated from, reveals that graduates of Imam Hatip High Schools (IHL) and Anatolian/Science High Schools report significantly higher levels of religious influence compared to their counterparts from vocational high schools. This distinction may be attributed to the educational orientation of these institutions: IHL students often make a deliberate choice to pursue religious education and tend to view the Faculty of Theology as a conscious academic and professional path. The curriculum in these schools places strong emphasis on cultivating individuals who are not only knowledgeable in religious sciences but also committed to moral and spiritual development. Likewise, students from Anatolian and Science High Schools, despite receiving an education centered on scientific inquiry and academic excellence, may experience a comparable degree of religious influence, possibly due to the integration of ethical and belief-based frameworks alongside secular instruction. In contrast, vocational high schools typically prioritize technical and occupational skills, offering limited engagement with religious subjects, which may account for the relatively lower sense of religious influence reported by their graduates. These findings suggest that the type of secondary education students receive plays a formative role in shaping the extent to which they feel the presence and relevance of religion in their lives.

4. Conclusions

This study examined the relationship between secularization attitudes and the perceived influence of religion among theology students in Turkey. The findings demonstrate that while variables such as age, gender, and income level do not significantly impact either secular attitudes or religious perception, other factors—such as marital status, parents’ educational background, type of education, and high school type—can affect students’ religious sensitivity or secular orientation in different ways. Notably, students in formal education programs and those at higher academic levels exhibited stronger tendencies toward secularization, whereas graduates of Imam Hatip High Schools and students whose parents had lower education levels reported a stronger perceived influence of religion.

These results suggest that theological education interacts with both sociocultural background and academic context, shaping the balance between traditional religiosity and modern secular attitudes. The findings contribute to a better understanding of how religious and secular values coexist and evolve among students of Islamic theology in contemporary Turkey.

Nevertheless, the findings should be interpreted within the scope of this study’s limitations, including its reliance on self-reported data and its focus on theology students from selected universities. Future research could expand on these findings by incorporating comparative studies across different faculties or by employing longitudinal methods to trace changes over time.

Based on the research findings, the following recommendations can be made:

• The curricula of Faculties of Theology and Islamic Sciences can be revised to incorporate more topics related to current religious issues and social life.
• Courses aimed at developing critical thinking and analytical reasoning can be added to the Theology/Islamic Sciences curriculum.
• Training for young people can be expanded to promote the ethical and informed use of technology, social media, and modern communication tools.
• Content providing accurate religious knowledge can be produced for social media platforms where young people spend a significant amount of time.