A Mytho-Religious Reading of Kumbapattu of the Kurichiya Community of Kerala, India

Abstract

Kumbapattu is a folk song of the indigenous Kurichiya community sung during Thira, a religious festival celebrated during the month of Kumbham (February). It narrates the mythical life and actions of Malakkari, an embodiment of Lord Shiva and the chief deity of the Kurichiya. A critical study of this 1051-line folk song, its ritual performance, and its ecological fountainheads can contribute to our understanding of the cultural and ritualistic energies and functions of indigenous art forms. This paper examines the role played by religious folk songs in reiterating Kurichiya identity and community integration, and the relevance of such narratives in addressing ecological challenges while sustaining cultural heritage. The method of close textual analysis of Kumbapattu is employed to decode the religious concepts and philosophies of the community, supplemented by observations of ritual performances during fieldwork. This study draws on both primary and secondary materials for the analysis. The study employs Bronisław Malinowski’s myth–ritual theory to examine the relationship between myth and ritual and their role in shaping the Kurichiya identity. Further, William R. Bascom’s four functional categories are applied to identify the ecological functions expressed through the song, since the community is traditionally agrarian and still largely depends on forest and environment for a significant part of their community life. To provide a culturally grounded interpretation that reflects Kurichiya worldviews, the study also incorporates indigenous epistemology to make the analysis more relevant and comprehensive.

1. Introduction

During the auspicious month of Kumbham1 (February in the Roman calendar), the indigenous Kurichiya community of Wayanad prepares for their annual Thira2 festival, where they honour the god Malakkari through the Kumbapattu. The community’s rich oral tradition includes songs sung during ritualistic ceremonies, familial functions, and agricultural activities—integral to daily life and reflective of their cultural heritage and knowledge systems—with Kumbapattu sanctified as a sacred ritual performance during the Thira festival. A critical study of this 1051-line folk song and its ecological fountainheads promises to reveal the cultural and ritualistic energies and functions of such indigenous art forms. It also underscores the universal significance of indigenous art in addressing burgeoning ecological challenges (Kloetzel 2023; McHattie and Ting 2024; Mullen et al. 2023).

The Kurichiya, the second-largest Adivasi community in Kerala, India, are known for their skill in archery and their distinct system of family organisation. Their population primarily resides in northern Kerala, across Wayanad3, Kannur, Ernakulam, and Kozhikode. (Scheduled Tribes Development Department 2013). They form 23 percent (35,171) of the total tribal population (151,443) of Kerala (Census of India 2011), forming a major land-owning agrarian society. They follow the matrilineal joint family system called Tharavad4 with Karanavar5 as the head. Initially, there were around 108 Kurichiya Tharavads spread mainly in Mananthavady and Vythiri Taluk in Wayanad, but this number has now been reduced to 57 (Mukundan and Shabana 2020). Their primary belief centres on the idea that a supreme power protects and sustains humans from the corporeal and mysterious elements of nature.

A majority of the Kurichiya population is found in Wayanad, Kerala, which forms part of the Western Ghats6 and is not only rich in biodiversity but is home to eleven7 Adivasi communities in Kerala. The legend of Pazhassi Raja8, who, along with the Kurichiya community, fought against the British at the beginning of the 19th century (Johnny 2007; Logan 1887), is deeply linked with the history of Wayanad. However, an ethnographic study indicates the presence of the Kurichiya in Wayanad since the ninth century AD (Aiyappan and Mahadevan 1990). O. K. Johnny (2007) writes about the life and lore of Adivasi communities who resided in the area until migrations to Wayanad occurred at different times in the past.

Academic research on agriculture (Kumar et al. 2022; Lopus et al. 2023; Suma 2014; Sanal and Atheeque 2018), ethnomedicine (Pradheeps et al. 2015; Purushothaman and Irfana Mol 2020; Rajith and Ramachandran 2010), and forest policies and government schemes (Isac 2017; Pradheeps et al. 2018), along with prominent ethnographic studies (Aiyappan and Mahadevan 1990; Chakko Kannottumodi 1994; Suma 2019), has significantly contributed to the understanding of the life and practices of the Kurichiya community. Studies that analyse the ecocritical and structural aspects of selected songs have also been conducted (Nair 2018; Naji 2022; Ramachandran 2003, 2004). However, a multidimensional perspective in studying the religious folk song of the Kurichiya that integrates Malinowski’s myth–ritual theory, the ecological functions of the folk song, and indigenous epistemologies is absent.

This paper examines the role of the religious folk song in reiterating the Kurichiya identity, community integration, and the relevance of such narratives in addressing ecological challenges while sustaining cultural heritage. The method of close textual analysis of Kumbapattu is employed to decode the religious concepts and belief system of the community, supplemented by observation of annual ritual performances, in the years 2023 and 2024. This paper uses the documented version of the song, originally published in Malayalam, titled Kerala Bhasha Ganangal—Part 3: Vayanattile Adivasikalude Pattukal (Pankajakshan 1989), for its analysis. As part of Kerala Sahitya Akademi’s project to collect and archive folk songs for research purposes, M. R. Pankajakshan spent four years gathering songs from various indigenous communities in Wayanad. Among the 21 songs he collected from the Kurichiya community, Kumbapattu was selected for this study. The researchers observed Kumbapattu during its ritual performance and recorded it; however, interpreting its meaning proved challenging due to its use of the Kurichiya language. The presence of multiple regional variations made it difficult to establish a definitive version for analysis. Consequently, the songs collected by M. R. Pankajakshan form the basis of this study. For the purpose of analysis, the researcher translated selected portions of the song into English. The study draws on both primary and secondary materials for analysis.

The theoretical postulates of Bronisław Malinowski’s (1948) myth–ritual theory are used to decode the relationships between myth and ritual and their effects on the making of the Kurichiya identity. Malinowski’s functionalist approach, developed through participatory research, emphasises the role of myth and ritual in fulfilling several social and individual functions. While the song aligns with several aspects of his theory, it also exceeds mere functional interpretations, revealing deeper cultural and ecological meanings. By incorporating indigenous epistemologies, the analysis foregrounds the Kurichiya community’s own modes of knowing and interpreting their values and worldviews, thereby offering a more culturally situated reading of their mythic traditions. To understand the ecological values and worldviews and how they apply to the community’s life, William R Bascom’s four functions of folklore, aesthetic, educational, cultural validation, and social order, are adopted (Bascom 1954). This paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the traditional practices of the community by placing it in its material context as a source of collective wisdom that empathises with ecological values and ensures cultural continuity.

2. Myth–Ritual Theory: Unravelling the Historical Discussions

The interdependence of myth and ritual and their effects on community, culture, society, and individual(s) have received significant attention from scholars in anthropology, folklore studies, religious studies, and other diverse academic disciplines. A pivotal point of discussion in myth–ritual theory was the primacy of myth over ritual and vice versa. Many theorists have favoured ritual on the grounds that it is ’fixed,’ ‘obligatory’ (William R. Smith 1927, p. 18), and ‘more conservative’ than myth and less likely ‘to be falsified consciously or unconsciously’ (Ackerman 1975, p. 126; Frazer 1922). Moreover, it is often argued that the heart of religion is not the belief in god but the experience in god’, which is realised through the performance of rituals (Durkheim 2001; Segal 1980, p. 177). However, Jung contradicts this view by prioritising myth, perceiving it as a means to experience god, which he considers the heart of religion (Jung 1969; Segal 1980, p. 35). This view is further supported by the idea that by re-enacting myths, a community ‘return(s) to the presence of the gods’ and ‘tends to live as much as possible in the sacred or in close proximity to consecrated’ (Eliade 1959, pp. 12 and 94).

Edward Burnett Tylor favoured myth as a means of explanation that assisted primitive man in rationalising the natural and supernatural environments (Tylor 1920). However, this view was later disowned on the ground that it is ‘based on too narrow a range of facts, and it made early man too contemplative and rational’ (Malinowski 1948, p. 2). Some theorists argue that religion loses its true significance when it is reduced to a mere explanation, instead giving equal importance to myth and ritual and considering ‘myth’ as ‘the script of ritual’ (Harrison 1912; Hooke 1935; Segal 1980, p. 175). Malinowski favoured myth, which he not only regarded as explanatory but also as justifying rituals. The relation of myth to ritual and its primacy is evident in his words:

There is no important magic, no ceremony, no ritual without belief; and the belief is spun out into accounts of concrete precedent. The union is very intimate, for myth is not only looked upon as a commentary of additional information, but it is a warrant, a charter, and often even a particular guide to the activities with which it is connected.

(Malinowski 1926, pp. 37–38)

Radcliffe-Brown emphasised the primacy of social structure and ritual’s role in maintaining societal order, whereas Malinowski focused on the individual’s psychological needs and the personal function of rituals (Homans 1941; Segal 1980). Despite their differing emphases, both theorists acknowledge that rituals play a vital role in creating social cohesion within the community.

Deliberations on myths and rituals have progressed from evolutionary theories to more recent performative and decolonial approaches (Linda T. Smith 2012; Turner 1991; Tylor 1920). Much of the foundational framework on myth and ritual has historically emerged from Western thought, and it often displays limited understanding and seldom captures the complexity of non-Western and indigenous cultures.

Though Malinowski’s approach emphasises the social function of myth and treats myth as a charter for ritual, it overlooks the Kurichiya community’s epistemologies, which are rooted in spirituality, purity, and a deep relationship with both agricultural and forested lands. By incorporating indigenous epistemological insights, along with Malinowski’s framework and the ecological functions performed by the song, this study aims to offer a more inclusive, culturally responsive, and community-rooted interpretation of myth and ritual.

3. The Deity, the Myth and the Kumbapattu

Malakkari, the incarnation of Shiva, is the chief deity worshipped by the Kurichiya community. Kumbapattu9, the religious folk narrative of the Kurichiya that deals with the life and actions of the deity, rightfully falls into the explanation of mythology of religion, as it is ‘more varied and complex as well as more creative. It usually centres round the various tenets of belief, and it develops them into cosmogonies, tales of culture-heroes, accounts of the doings of gods and demigods’ (Malinowski 1948, p. 68).

Apart from deities like Maalon, Karimbil Bhagavathi, and Athiralan, the community also worships guardian spirits called Nekal10 and Pena Muthassi11, the sanctified ancestors who led remarkable lives in the community (Mukundan and Shabana 2020). Naripattu, Maramayapattu, and Kumbapattu are the major ritualistic folk songs of the community. In addition, there are songs on daily chores, lullabies, and legends.

The birth of the warrior god Malakkari is recounted in the song as follows:

• താച്ചാല് കണ്ണന്ന് തെറിച്ചത് കേക്കി
• ബില്ലാളി ബീരൻ ജെനിച്ചോയി അന്നു
• ബില്ലാളി ബീരന്നെല്ലിയാലോ കേക്കി
• പെന്നു മലക്കാരി തൈവല്ലേ കേക്കി
• അവിടെ ജെനിച്ചുള്ള നേരത്ത് കേക്കി
• ഒന്നെരു ബിതിയോ കൊടുക്കണം പിന്നെ
• ബില്ലു ബിലുക്കാല് കൊടുക്കന്നാന്ന്
• ബില്ലു ബിലുക്കാല് പിടിച്ചല്ലോ തൈവം
• ബില്ലു ബിലുക്കാല് പിടിച്ചോണ്ട് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്നാചാരം കൊടുക്കുന്ന് കേക്കി
• താച്ചാല് തന്നെ കൊടുക്കുന്നേ കേക്കി
• താച്ചാല് ബിതിയും കൊടുത്തോണ്ടില്ലേ (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 32)
• From the god’s eye spewed out, listen
• The great warrior is born on the day.
• He is the great warrior, listen
• The dear Malakkari is god, listen
• During his birth, listen
• Need to pass on tradition,
• Giving bow and bowhead
• God holds the bow bowhead
• God holding the bow bowhead
• Giving hundred and one traditions, listen
• God itself is giving, listen
• God gives the norms too.

Malakkari, born from the eyes of the god (Shiva), is bestowed with a traditional bow and arrow and is entrusted with the task of transmitting tradition. The mythical life of Malakkari acts as ‘a warrant, a charter, and often even a practical guide to the activities’ the community should perform (Malinowski 1948, p. 85).

In lines 52–370 (Pankajakshan 1989, pp. 27–31), the image of Arachoodar12 joining forces with the Kali13 to attack the sun and plunge the world into darkness symbolically evokes a state of imbalance, where darkness represents fear, despair, ignorance, and selfishness. Malakkari resolves it by blinding the entire clan of Kali and shoving the Arachoodar back to Pathaala Kotta, the underworld. This marked the beginning of the mythical journey of Malakkari, during which he prevented the sacrifice of 108 young girls to appease the ghouls, banished the wicked Banasuras, and travelled across Wayanad, expelling evil from the land. The narrative also portrays Kurichiya deities such as Puliyaran, Bhagavati, and Athiralan, making the storyline profoundly divine for the community.

The oral narrative traces various places in Wayanad, such as the Banasura Hills, which are closely connected to the geography and history of the place. This adds to Malinowski’s conception of myth as ‘charter’ or ‘warrant’ by connecting to the landscape and lifestyle of the people; the mythical song acts as a living system of knowledge that not only transmits belief systems but also conveys the knowledge of the community’s evolution, culture, and relationship with place.

In lines 889–983 (Pankajakshan 1989, pp. 59–62), the clash between King Puliyaran (along with his 70 stewards) and Malakkari acts as a comic interlude, where Puliyaran demands the meat of the wild boar that was killed by Malakkari. Despite his dissatisfaction with the king’s demand, Malakkari assures the king that he will share the meat once they reach the hilltop, where upon arrival Malakkari cuts it into pieces using the sheer strength of his hands. Later, 69 stewards of the king arrive at the hilltop demanding the king’s share and are captured and bound by Malakkari, who denies them the share. These stewards experience a change of heart towards Malakkari and begin following Malakkari as his Purankalans.14

This aligns with Malinowski’s perception, as it warrants the deity who is presented as a hero who excels in hunting, a skill that is traditionally and historically significant for the community. Moreover, the incident also provides the rationale for the practice of offering hunted meat to Kurichiya deities, especially Malakkari. Beyond the ritualistic function expressed in the song, it also reveals aesthetic and comic functions. It reflects the use of humour in sharing knowledge within the community. Historically, hunted meat or bush meat was a major source of food for the community; however, changes in forest laws have placed restrictions on such practices.

• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് ചാല് പൊയില് പൊന്തിച്ച് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് പുള്ളിപ്പട്ട് പൊന്തിച്ച് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് പുള്ളിക്കലശം പൊന്തിച്ച് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് കാട് കണ്ടം പൊന്തിച്ച് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് കാവ് കായം പൊന്തിച്ച് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് കാവ് കായം പൊന്തിച്ചിറ്റല്ലേ
• കള്ളും കളിയാട്ടോം പൊന്തിച്ച് തൈവം
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് കാത്തല നേത്തിയില്ലേ കേക്കി
• പിന്നെ തിരിച്ചത് കേട്ടോളിങ്ങള്
• കീഴയിലം ബാവും ചെറുമനിച്ചന്
• ജാതിക്ക് ഒത്ത കരുമ്മല്ലേ കേക്കി
• കരുമത്തി നൊത്തുള്ള ജാതിയല്ലേ കേക്കി
• പതിനെട്ടു മെയ്യും തിരിച്ചെച്ചില്ലേ
• ജാതിക്കരുമ്മ കുറിച്ചെച്ചില്ലേ (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 51)
• A hundred and one furrowed lands, created by god
• A hundred and one special silks, created by god
• A hundred and one divine vessels, created by god
• A hundred and one forest farming lands, created by god
• A hundred and one Kavukayas15, created by god.
• After creating a hundred and one Kavukayas,
• God created palm wine and rituals.
• A hundred and one sacred spots, created by god
• What he classified next, you listen:
• Small men dwell upon the earth.
• Each jathi16 has its karma, listen
• Each karma has a jathi, listen
• Eighteen clans distinguished
• Jathikarma17 marked.

Here, Malakkari established the norms and practices of the Kurichiya community by differentiating agricultural land from forest land for a better sustenance of the community. He designated sacred places where he would be present and outlined the rituals to be performed using special vessels and silk clothes. Through ritual sacrifices and palm wine offerings, he wards off the evil spirits. Once he stipulates the physical and religious aspects, he goes on to describe the classification of people based on caste and the necessity of maintaining the system. Thus, the narrative acts as ‘a statement of a primeval, greater, and more relevant reality, by which the present life, fates, and activities of mankind are determined, the knowledge of which supplies man with the motive for ritual and moral actions, as well as with indications as to how to perform them’ (Malinowski 1948, p. 86).

The mythical narrative of Malakkari aptly performs the functions of myth. The song ‘expresses, enhances, and codifies beliefs’ in a ceremonial order that controls and protects the community. By reaffirming the norms of the community, the myth ‘safeguards and enforces morality’ for its listeners and believers. It also details the step-by-step process of conducting various rituals, which ‘vouches for the efficiency of ritual’ performances along with ‘practical rules for the guidance of man’ (Malinowski 1948, p. 79).

The mythical life and teachings of Malakkari expressed in Kumbapattu validate the Kurichiya culture and act as a ‘pragmatic charter of primitive faith and moral wisdom’ for the community (Malinowski 1948, p. 79). However, they fail to acknowledge the evolving nature of indigenous oral traditions, which are dynamic and responsive to changing circumstances. These narratives not only preserve the ancestral traditions of the community but also embody a history of resistance, adaptation, and survival. Moreover, they serve as repositories of indigenous knowledge; conveying ecological wisdom, agricultural practices, cosmological beliefs, rites, and social norms that shape communal life.

4. Kumbapattu: A Ritual Performance

There is a close relationship between ‘the word, the mythos, the sacred tales’ of the community and ‘their ritual acts’ (Malinowski 1948, p. 74). The sacred tale of Malakkari is performed as ‘pattu’ (song) in front of Kumbam18, hence the name ‘Kumbapattu.’ During Malakkari Thira, the performer, dressed as the deity, appears with elaborate headgear and ornaments with face and body painting, embodies the god, meets devotees, listens to their despair and desires, accepts their offerings, and blesses them. The Kurichiya believe that conducting the annual Malakkari Thira will alleviate their desolation and protect them from evil. Thira performers do not belong to the Kurichiya community but are professionals from the Malayan19 community, who are traditionally entrusted with the right to perform Thira, an integral part of their customary practice.

Malinowski’s functionalist perspective seldom accounts for the embodied performances of oracles, Thira performers, or Purankalans. These moments serve as vital sites of communal convergence, where beliefs are revived and religious knowledge is transmitted. Regardless of age, every Kurichiya member actively participates in these ritualistic activities, which reconnect them to their traditional roots and revive cultural memory. Thus, ritual acts as a means ‘to reflect on human nature, sociality, and culture’ (Stephenson 2015, p. 1).

The responsibility of organising the Malakkari Thira and arranging Kumbam before the performance of the song is entrusted to the associated Tharavad. The annual religious festival, often carried out in the month of Kumbham (February), is conducted either solely by a Tharavad or jointly by two or three nearby Tharavads.

Beyond the myth of Malakkari, the social context in which it is performed imparts meaning to the Kumbapattu. The Kumbam, freshly cut bamboo filled with palm wine, is the major offering of the god. Tall bamboos with their crowns are chosen for making Kumbam (Figure 1). A transverse cut is made below the nodes to fill the seventh internode of the bamboo with toddy (Figure 2); thereafter, the hole is closed with leaves and securely tied with cane (Figure 3). Kumbam is placed on designated ground, a space temporarily consecrated for the festival, near the Tharavad, and it will be carried to Kavukaya just before the commencement of Malakkari Thira. As soon as Kumbam is ready, Kumbapattu is performed in front of it (Figure 4). The rhythmic movement of the Kumbam carriers seems to symbolise hunting grounds: they move sleekly, slide back, and stride. Amidst the performance of Thira, Malakkari touches each Kumbam showering rice (Figure 5). There are two prominent interpretations of the ritual: the first symbolises the mythical narrative where Malakkari ended human and animal sacrifices and replaced them with Kumbam; the other is that the ritualistic act is a reminder of how Malakkari defeated Arachoodar and shoved them into the ocean that the Kumbam filled with toddy represents (Pankajakshan 1989).

Singers, a group of three middle-aged and elder men, consider it a blessing to sing the song during the festival. They perform the song with the assistance of a percussion instrument, the Chenda, while moving rhythmically in a circle. The song is performed continuously for 24 h, or for the duration of a single rotation of Earth. Singers often take shifts, with one leading while the other two repeat as a chorus. The singers begin the song, soliciting permission from everyone and seeking God’s blessing to complete it without any hindrance. The song begins as follows:

• ലോലോ ലോ ലോ ലോ പൂവേ
• ലോലോ ലോ ലോ പൂവേ
• ഞാനെരു പുത്തിയില്ലാ പൈതല് കേക്കി
• ഞാനെരു അറിയാം കവി ചെയ്യണുണ്ട്
• എടകോം വലകോം നിക്കും ചങ്ങാതിമാരെ
• പാട്ടു പുഴപ്പിഴ ബന്നാല് കേക്കി
• നിങ്ങള് ചിറിക്കറ് ചങ്ങാതിയേളോട്
• ലോ ലോ ലോ ലോ ലോ പൂവേ (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 19)
• Lolo lo lo lo poove
• Lolo lo lo lo poove
• I am a naïve child, listen
• I will sing the song as I know it.
• Friends, to my left and right
• If I sing wrong,
• Friends, you shouldn’t laugh.
• Lolo lo lo lo poove

The repetition of words (like poove20) and sentences, along with the elision of syllables, is employed throughout the song. Moreover, an unceasing hum continues from beginning to end of the performance that blends beautifully with the beat of the Chenda, thus elevating the overall musical experience of the song. The rhythmic music and humming of the performance generate an indescribable awe in listeners.

Beyond the ritual act, the rendering of the song, along with its literary aspects of repetition, tone, and intonation, enhances its musical quality and aesthetic appeal. Rather than limiting the ritual enactment to mere acts, the presence of singers, musical instruments, oracles, symbolic elements like Kumbam, and more, transports the beholder to a distant space and time where sacredness combines with sensory elements. Thus, musical rituals often become ‘the most fundamental practice for devotional worship and to facilitate transformation, as sacred sound permeates the inner world and connects the practitioner and all those listening to the experiential embodiment of divinity through sound (Heimarck 2022, p. 55).’

The Kurichiya worship their ancestral deities and seek their approval for every action in their lives. Taking agricultural activity as an example, the Kurichiya perform a series of rituals prior to sowing and harvesting. This also acts as a meeting point for sharing agricultural knowledge with the next generation, as labour-intensive agricultural activities are performed by the community as a whole. Many times, the presence of an ancestral deity is summoned to bless the harvest, making it not an exclusive event happening during an annual religious celebration. Thus, the traditional performance of rites and rituals of the community cannot be distinguished by functions such as magic, science, and religion, as stated by Malinowski, but rather by a complex blend that is neither non-serious nor unaesthetic. However, all ritual acts bring members together and promote solidarity in the community.

The narration of the myth, along with its ritual performance, simultaneously entertains and educates community members. It performs the function of cultural validation and acts as a carrier of cultural and social norms (Bascom 1954). Therefore, the Kurichiya’s cultural sustainability hinges on the continuous execution of their rites and rituals, which are frequently recounted in the community’s lores. As Malinowski pointed out, ‘any laxity in this weakens the cohesion of the group and imperils its cultural outfit to the point of threatening its very existence’ (Malinowski 1948, p. 22).

The annual ritualistic performance of the song ‘carries the word of the ancestors across time, transmitting key knowledge’ (Lepofsky et al. 2020) that reminds the Kurichiya about their past tradition, and it acts as a means of intergenerational knowledge transfer within the community. The ritual clearly portrays their devotion to community gods, trust in ancestral deities, and belief in ritualistic practices. It also brings the community closer to their roots, a means of remembering the Kurichiya worldview that is dependent on land, cohabitating all living forms, and belief in the commune form of living. Thus, the narrative educates the community, especially youngsters, through yearly exposure to the myth and various step-by-step acts of the ritual, the significance of the rituals, and also the past traditions. Hence, the myth of Malakkari and its ritualistic performance brings the community together, helps in the transfer of traditional knowledge, and promotes social life, which in turn reasserts the role played by this religious folk song in reinforcing the Kurichiya identity and community integration.

5. Indigenous Worldviews and Environmental Knowledge in Kumbapattu

The study reveals comprehensive ecological knowledge embedded in Kumbapattu based on four functions: aesthetic, educational, cultural validation, and preserving social order (Bascom 1954). Singing or listening to Kumbapattu fosters an involuntary understanding of its ecological functions, thereby enhancing the bond between humans and nature. The interplay of human, nature, and religion has been part of academic discussions, and it is said that ‘to analyse religion as a separate system of beliefs and ritual practices apart from subsistence, kinship, language, governance, and landscape is to misunderstand Indigenous religion’ (Grim n.d.).

Kumbapattu is a combination of visual and auditory elements that immerse the audience in the mythical religious world of Malakkari. The song beautifully blends the geographic features of the area with the Kurichiya worldview. The text depicts two significant geographic terrains: water and hills, which are representative of their homeland, Wayanad. Being part of the Western Ghats and at an altitude of 700–2100 m above sea level, Wayanad has a lush green hilly terrain that is abundant in water bodies such as lakes, ponds, and rivers.

• ചൂരിയനെ തന്നെ ബെടി വെയ്ക്കും ഓല്
• ചൂരിയനെ തന്നെ ബെടിവെച്ച് ഓല്
• കണ്ണില്ലാ ബെടിയല്ലേ ബെക്കുന്നോല്
• ചൂരിയനുതിക്കുമ്പം ബെച്ച ബെടി
• ചുരിയൻ കുളിക്കുവോളം വെയ്ക്കലോല്
• ചുരിയൻ കുളിച്ചുള്ള നേരത്തില് കേക്കി
• പടിഞ്ഞാറെ കടലന്ന് കേട്ടോളി നെങ്ങള്
• ചെങ്കാറ് തന്നല്ലേ പൊന്തുന്നത്
• അതുതാനോ അതുതാനോ കണ്ട് കലിയേള്
• എന്നാല് കേക്കണം ചങ്ങാതിമാരെ
• ചൂരിയൻ ബെടികൊണ്ട് ബീണോയി കേക്കി
• ഉതിരം പതച്ച് മറെയുന്നു കണ്ടോ (Pankajakshan 1989, pp. 28–29)
• They started firing the sun itself
• They shot the sun.
• Countless shots are taken.
• The firing began with sunrise
• Continued till he took bath.
• Listen, the moment Sun took bath
• Listen, on the western shore
• Isn’t crimson clouds spreading over?
• seeing that, seeing that Kalis,
• Then, listen friends:
• Listen, the sun fell from gunshot;
• See the boiling blood gushing.

The excerpt is a symbolic representation of the closure of a day, and it elegantly illustrates the aesthetic qualities of ecology. The Sun is personified as an injured human who bleeds in water under the attack of Kali; the crimson evening hue is represented here as blood spattered out of the wounds of the sun. The image of the sun emerging from a pond rather than the ocean resonates with the Kurichiya lores that narrate the absence of ocean in Wayanad, and it might be suggestive of a waterbody where they take baths. The captivating narrative not only enhances aesthetics but also fosters a deeper connection with the geographical realities of the Kurichiya. Understanding land serves an important function for the people of the community, which is why going to any other place and settling there forms a disconnect.

As oral narratives have a living quality, they evolve and accommodate elements of contemporary societies along with the past; they act as embodiments of the past in the present (Vansina 1985). The use of guns and related imagery was not part of the historic origin of the song, but possibly a later addition to the song to emphasise the historical resistance of the Kurichiya against British colonial rule over their land; however, it is a part of the unrecorded history of the indigenous community (Menon 2022).

• ചീവോതി കോട്ടയ്ക്കു എങ്ങനെ പോവും
• ഞാളുഗു എങ്ങനെ എത്തുമവിടെ
• നീലിന്തേരു കൊടുത്തല്ലോല്
• നീലിന്തേരു പിടിച്ചോയി ഓല്
• മാകയിലം കോട്ടയ്ക്കു പൊന്ന്വല്ലോല് (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 23)
• How do we get to Cheevothy21 Kotta22?
• How will we reach there?
• They gave Neelitheru
• They took Neelitheru
• They went to Maakayilam Kotta.

This is another symbolic representation of clouds as a chariot and an example that depicts the aesthetic dimension of nature and the community’s perception of it. The Karanavar gives Arachoodar Neelitheru, a cloud chariot, to go to Makayilam23 Kotta to meet Narayanan24.

Kumbapattu is not limited to narrating the mythical, sacred tale of Malakkari; it also incorporates poetic devices, symbolisms, and imagery that inadvertently enhance the beauty of nature. The song portrays the beauty of the sky and its varying hues during sunrise and sunset. This serves as a reminder to the Kurichiya of nature’s ability to impart awareness and knowledge while ensuring gratification of the five senses, providing clear evidence of the aesthetic function performed by song.

Through the symbolic journey of Arachoodar in the first part of the song, the narrative educates the community about the significance of living in harmony with nature. They meet the Nayattukootam (hunting group), Meebidikootam (fishing group), Kuttyole Kalikootam (Children playing in a group), Karano Sava (council of elders), Cheevothiamma (Bhagavati, the deity of the Kurichiya), Mamuniachan (the ancestral deity Muni, referred to as ‘Achan’ or father), Ummiurumbu (ants), and Kali. The Kurichiya primarily relied on hunting and fishing for their livelihood, aside from agriculture (Aiyappan and Mahadevan 1990; Chakko Kannottumodi 1994). Both fishing and hunting signify the community’s dependence on nature, for which their traditional knowledge of water bodies and forests is essential. Adivasi communities are often considered stewards of forest and often have great knowledge about fauna and flora. Karanavar is the headman of each household, which comprises multiple families, and serves as the decision-maker and custodian of community resources. The children playing on the riverside symbolise the embodied interaction with nature, which helps them gather knowledge about the ecological surroundings. Whether the children playing on the riverside or the men fishing in the lakes appear in groups (Kootam), this is representative of the community life of the Kurichiya. Bhagavati and Muni25 are part of their religious beliefs, whereas Kali and Arachoodar symbolise Kurichiya’s moral concept of evil, for whose destruction Malakkari takes birth. Muni, the ancestral deity, is also representative of inherited wisdom. Thus, everything depicted in the first part of the journey is, in one way or another, connected to the social, cultural, and religious beliefs of the community, underscoring its dependence on the environment, rooted in indigenous epistemologies. It clearly signifies the relational worldview of the Kurichiya community, where land is a living entity, and human, non-human beings and spiritual forces cohabit. Thus, ‘through respect the place of everyone and everything in the universe is kept in balance and harmony’(Linda T. Smith 2012, p. 120).

• പനബിത്ത് ചൂരബിത്ത് ബാരിയെടുത്തിന്
• നാലല്ലേ നാട്ടുക്കെറിണില്ലേ ബിത്ത്
• നാലല്ലോ നാട്ടില് മുളച്ചോയി ബിത്ത്
• കരിമ്പന തന്നല്ലേ പൊന്തുന്ന് കേക്കി
• ബെള്ളപ്പട ചീരക്കൈയല്ലേ (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 42)
• Gathered a handful of palmyra and rattan palm seeds
• Threw them to four quarters
• Seeds sprouted in all four quarters
• Listen, the mounting palmyra palms
• Flourished in all four quarters.

The above excerpt educates the community about the fertility of soil and its ability to sustain both humans and non-human beings. Malakkari, through the symbolic act of sowing, encourages the community to cultivate two unique tree species on hills. Palmyra palm is famous for its therapeutic, cultural, religious, and nutritional value, and all the parts of the tree, including the leaves, fruit, sap, and wood, are beneficial in manifold ways (Basava Prasad et al. 2022; De and De 2024; Jana and Jana 2017). Conversely, agroforestry and other commercial purposes utilise rattan palms (Afentina et al. 2020; Senthikumar et al. 2014). These two plants are considered sacred by the community and are often used in ritualistic ceremonies. These plants are also used to make items, such as cradles, reflecting how the community relies on natural resources for everyday necessities in an eco-friendly manner. Through the medium of Malakkari, the song educates the community about the sacredness and importance of land, water, and trees, which support their sustenance.

• കരിങ്കപ്പടിവൊത്ക്കേ ചെന്നല്ലോ ഓല്
• കരിങ്കപ്പടി ബാത്‌ക്കേ ചെന്നെത്തിയോല് (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 23)
• They’re arriving at the black stone doorway
• They arrived at the black stone doorway
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് കചണേണി കെട്ട്വല്ലോല്
• നൂറ്റൊന്ന് ഏണി ഏച്ചെട്ടിയോല് (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 25)
• They’ll fasten hundred and one broken rungs
• They’ve fastened hundred and one rungs.

The above four lines describes two instances in the song: one where Arachoodar stands on the black stone step of Cheevothy Kotta, and another where they are required to rejoin the hundred and one broken pieces of the bamboo ladder to meet Muniachan on the seventh floor. Both instances demonstrate the indigenous skill of the Kurichiya in making products with endemic elements, such as bamboo and black stone (Pankajakshan 1989). The song illustrates and educates how natural elements that cause minimal ecological disruption are skilfully used to create valuable objects for everyday use. This also points out how the traditional craftsmanship of the community is linked to ecological elements, and how it sustains the environment and cultural identity.

There are also instances in the song where Arachoodar emerges from water, which connects the Kurichiya belief to the universal knowledge that life originated in water. At the same time, the Kurichiya believe that the ebbing of waves is a means through which evil tries to enter the Earth; this resonates with the Abrahamic religious belief that the end of humankind is a universal flood. To prevent evil from entering land, Malakkari built an ocean wall, this image emphasises the need to defend their land from external threats. The dual nature of water is presented here as the life giver and destroyer.

The above discussion clearly portrays the geographic knowledge of the community and the skills they acquire to live in resilience with the environment. The citing of activities such as hunting, fishing, and sowing of seeds or the manner in which Kali cooks gruel in large vessels educates the community about the traditional way of living depending on forests, fields, and water bodies, and the practice of community dining and the method of cultivation and preparation of food also inform the community about their way of living. The song clearly provides insights into the intertwined relationship between ecology and the traditional cultural life of the community.

The next two excerpts explore the cultural validity function, in which ecological knowledge is shared and sustained through the continuous performance of tradition and oral narratives. The Kurichiya gives greater significance to oral narratives in pursuance of the cultural and ecological knowledge of the community. The mythical narrative of Malakkari displays how much they are in sync with a god who embodies their beliefs and practices, coexisting alongside non-human life forms. It is clear from the oral folk song of Kumbapattu that ecological knowledge is embedded in the Kurichiya belief system, making ecology an integral part of their cultural and spiritual life.

The Kurichiya believe in the purifying nature of water. Being a community that had actively practiced pollution26 in the past, they strongly insisted on taking a bath in the pond before entering the Tharavad, a method they believed to cleanse their body and mind. A similar idea regarding the sacred nature of water is reflected in the following lines:

• കനകച്ചെറയില് താണോയിറ്റ് കേക്കി
• ഏലക്കൊടി ബീരം പടമഞ്ഞളല്ലോ
• ഉള്ളോണ്ട് പുള്ളും തരിമരുന്നല്ലേ
• ഏലക്കൊടി ബീരം പറച്ചല്ലേ തൈവം (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 44)
• Listen, God sank into Kanakachira,
• It’s sacred turmeric; only the Warrior can hold
• Hold the powerful medicine; no harm ensues.
• God took the powerful medicine.

The ethnomedicinal knowledge and practices of the community are quite popular, and numerous researchers have attempted to document them for future reference (Pradheeps et al. 2015; Purushothaman and Irfana Mol 2020; Rajith and Ramachandran 2010). According to lore, Malakkari fell into Kanakachira27(the sacred pond) and emerged carrying the medicinal plant. The song highlights the divine nature of medicine, stating that whoever possesses it will not sustain a bruise on their body. This reverberates the Kurichiya belief that knowledge of medicine is a divine gift. The Kurichiya have in-depth knowledge of medicinal plants, and they are effective in using such knowledge to cure people. Here, medicinal turmeric is seen in the sacred pond; connecting sacredness to the plant and the pond, both water and flora are preserved from extortion, a method of sustainable practice to conserve nature.

• ഏകര മാളിയമ്മേ കണ്ണാടിച്ചില്ല്
• കണ്ണാടിച്ചില്ലൂടെ കണ്ടോയി ഓല്
• മാമുനി കോട്ടേലെ മാമുനിയച്ചൻ
• വേരും പിടിച്ച് കെടക്ക്വലോ കേപ്പി
• വേരും പിടിച്ചങ്ങിരിക്കുന്നങ്ങച്ചൻ
• കൊല്ലത്തൊറങ്ങുന്നോ ഒറക്കാണ് കേക്കി
• ഇക്കൊല്ലോ മേടകോ ഒന്നിന് കേക്കി
• അച്ചന്റെ ഒറക്കു ഒറങ്ങിയാല് കേക്കി
• പിറ്റത്തെ മേടകോ ഒന്നിന് അല്ലേ
• കണ്ണ് തൊറന്നൊന്ന് നോക്ക്വല്ലോ അച്ചൻ (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 25)
• Mirror on the seventh floor
• Through the mirror, they saw,
• Mamuniachan of Mamuni Kotta.
• Listen, he lies rooted
• He sits rooted
• Listen, sleeping for a year.
• Listen, if in first of Medam
• Listen, Achan starts his sleep
• Only on the first day of next Medam
• Achan opens his eyes and looks.

Cheevothiamma sends Arachoodar to Mamuni Kotta to meet God Vishnu. ‘Muni’ is another name for Nekal, the ancestral god of the Kurichiya. Mamuniachan is depicted as being asleep for a year, starting from the first of Medam28, during which time he has grown deep roots. For the ancestral deity, roots may be symbolic of the traditional roots of the Kurichiya. Arachoodar set fire to his long, deep beard to awaken him; this ignited a wildfire that seemed to consume a whole forest. The Kurichiya follow ritualistic practices to talk to their ancestral deities, who often appear in the body of an oracle. Setting fire might be reminiscent of one such ritual practice.

The sleep of the Muniachan symbolises the renewal of yearly cultural or religious practices, which, despite their dormancy, resurface at specific intervals. The roots of Muniachan symbolise his deep connection to the Kurichiya tradition and beliefs, including ties to ancestors, community ideology, cultural heritage, and the land. Muniachan is also representative of the entire Kurichiya community, and his rootedness represents their strong bond to the land that gives life and sustenance to the community.

A historical interpretation of these lines might be about the migration of people from South Kerala to North Malabar29, especially to Wayanad. Similarly, Kappithan Kotta referred to British colonisers. The Kurichiya considered migration and colonial rule unfavourably, since both disrupted the peaceful life of the community and disrupted the natural ecosystem of the place. The historical reference, along with the indigenous perspective depicted in the song, indicates the affinity of the group to both biotic and abiotic environments and proclaims a continued affinity towards ecology and the necessity to preserve it for sustaining balance in the world.

The following section focuses on the theme of restoring order through the mythical birth of Malakkari, not just the human realm, but the natural world too. Malakkari not only liberates humans from Arachoodar and Kali but also helps in the restoration of the sun’s movement in the mythical world. The incessant firing by Kali resulted in the formation of dark clouds that blocked the movement of the sun’s mythical chariot.

• കീഴയിലം നേരം ബെളുക്കൂല്ലാന്ന്
• കീഴയിലം ജെനങ്ങള് കേട്ടോളിന്
• ഒറങ്ങിയൊറങ്ങി മടുത്തോയോല്
• മേയും പയ്ക്കള് തളന്നോയി
• അന്ന് പച്ചി പറാണിയള് പറക്കില്ലാ കേക്കി
• ഒയഞ്ചും മുട്ടിയില്ലേ തൈവങ്ങളാന്ന് (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 31)
• Sun won’t shine in Keezhilam.30
• Listen, the People of Keezhilam,
• They slept and slept and were worn out.
• Grazing cattle got weary
• That day, no insect or bird flew in the sky.
• Gods have no choices

The song portrays the obstruction of the Sun not only affects humans but also results in cosmic disruption, reflected in divine activities and the natural world alike. The inactivity of humans, fatigue of cattle, absence of birds in the sky, and helplessness of gods show the collapse of ecology. Thus, by restoring the sun’s movement, Malakkari not only restores ecological balance but also establishes social and divine order. The narrative also points to the relational worldview of the Kurichiya community that an imbalance in ecological order reverberates across the world and points to the significance of preserving nature.

• പെന്നു മലക്കാരി തൈവല്ലേ കേക്കി
• അതല്ലേ ആതല്ലേ നമ്മളെ തൈവം
• പിന്നെ കയിച്ചപ്പ് കേട്ടോളിങ്ങള്
• നാലു പറുവത ഒറപ്പിച്ചിറ്റല്ലേ
• തിരിഞ്ഞ് മറഞ്ഞല്ലേ നോക്കുന്നു ബില്ലെ (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 42)
• Listen, dear Malakkari is God
• That’s it, that’s it our God.
• Listen, what he’s done
• After securing four mountains,
• The warrior is looking back and forth,

This is another instance of restoring natural order by Malakkari, who restores the mountains destroyed by Arachoodar and drives them back to the underworld. The lines evoke the idea that humans who disrupt nature face repercussions, and nature will eventually be restored, whether through divine intervention or otherwise. This is a natural rule that the Kurichiya share in their song: nature has its own methods of recovery that may impact those who have wronged it.

• മലയിക്കു ചെന്നോക്കുമ്പം
• ഉമ്മി മലയ്ക്കങ്ങോ തീ പിടിച്ചിത്
• ഏകുമല തന്നെ കത്തിന് കേക്കി
• കണ്ണില്ലാ ഇറുമ്പേള ഒടുങ്ങിനാടെ
• ഓലുക്കു കടക്കാ ബൈയില്ലകേക്കി
• ഇരുവത്തിനാല് മുണ്ടു എടുക്കുന്നോല്
• ഉമ്മിമലയ്ക്കല്ലേ പാഞ്ഞേറിയോല്
• തോരിത്തു മുണ്ടിട്ട് തീത്താച്ചിയോല്
• ഉമ്മിമലയിലെ തീ കെടുത്തിയില്ലേ
• അതുതാനെ കാണുന്നു ഉമ്മിറുമ്പേള്
• ബന്നപ്പ ബന്നപ്പ അരചൂതരോട്
• ഞാളിങ്ക ബന്നല്ലേ ഇറുമ്പേളേ കേക്കി
• എന്നാല് ഇങ്ങള് ബന്നതെന്ത് (Pankajakshan 1989, p. 27)
• When we reached the hills,
• Ummi hill was on fire.
• Seven hills burned
• Numerous ants died there.
• There is no way out for them.
• They took twenty-four towels
• They mounted Ummi hills
• With bathing towels, they smothered the flames
• They smothered the flames on Ummi hills
• Seeing this, Ummi ants
• To Arachoodar, “why did you come?”
• Listen, we have come here ants.
• But, why did you come?

The above excerpt portrays the ability of nature to reciprocate: Arachoodar rescued ants at Ummirumbum Kotta as a retaliation for their actions in Muniyachan Kotta, where they set fire to his beard. Here, Arachoodar saves the ants from fire, suggesting that no being is entirely good or evil. Animistic beliefs seldom perceive the world in binaries; instead, they emphasise interdependence.

The anthropomorphic ants living in the burning anthill serve a spiritual and ecological significance. Certain religious sects perceive the soil of anthills as having ritual and therapeutic qualities. Ants are called ecosystem engineers because of their ability to improve soil fertility and shelter other vegetation (Jones et al. 1994; Sanders 2023). Moreover, ants are historically known for their organised lives and clear role divisions, symbolically reflecting the communal life of the Kurichiya.

Religion, as a key social institution, plays a crucial role in maintaining the social order within communities. Through the religious song of Kumbapattu, the narrative addresses the importance of preserving ecological order and portrays how an imbalance will affect the world fatally.

In sum, the four functions (Bascom 1954), aesthetic, educational, cultural validation, and social order, analysed in the section indicate that Kumbapattu is not a mere religious folk song that narrates the divine endeavours of Malakkari, but it also acts as a medium for comprehending the various ecological functions performed by the song. The song emphasises various ecological challenges, portraying the aesthetic beauty of the natural world while underscoring the importance of preserving it. The image of darkness blocking the sun and the fire on the hills that burn rich flora and fauna imply increasing air pollution and deforestation, signalling the destruction of life-sustaining elements.

The song also reminds us of the richness of natural resources and the ethical need to use them sustainably. Activities such as hunting, agriculture, fishing, and worshipping ancestors are closely connected to nature, indicating how the culture and spiritual life of the community are sustained through ecological harmony. Kumbapattu teaches the community to live in interconnectedness with nature, like ants who ‘under-stand their interconnections; they understand that the life of one is dependent on the life of all (Kimmerer 2013, p. 332).’

Through the myth, the divine power not only restores balance in nature but also the social and cultural life of the community. This highlights the interdependence between the Kurichiya people and their land, animals, water, and forests, which sustain them physically, spiritually, and emotionally. It provides a clear picture of how close the community is to nature, and the ecological knowledge inherent in the song not only educates the Kurichiya but also enables all listeners to better understand the ecology. Ultimately, the song reinforces the community’s cultural identity and spiritual beliefs, fostering a respectful and sustainable relationship with the environment.

6. Conclusions

The study of Kumbapattu explicates the role of religious folk song in shaping the Kurichiya social life, cultural identity, and approach to ecology. Through myth–ritual theory the song stresses the primacy of myth in understanding ritual practices and also comprehends the everyday life and practices of the community. The ritual performance, along with its mythical narration, perpetuates the collective and shared identity of the community. It not only endorses social cohesion, as stated by Malinowski, but also entertains and educates people, validates their cultural practices, and highlights the necessity to preserve social order. Thus, the religious folk song reflects, reaffirms, and revitalises the traditional beliefs and practices of the community.

Kumbapattu not only acts as a divine interference to restore the lost social and ecological balance in society but also reflects prejudices and hardcore caste beliefs practiced by the community. This paper does not endorse any notions of caste pollution or ostracisation.

The paper also points out the interplay between religion, culture, and nature, a beautiful amalgamation that has often attracted much academic attention. In addition to religious and cultural ideologies, the underlying ecological functions make the song significant. The ecological perspective reflects the close relationship that the Kurichiya share with nature and their skilful efforts in balancing the human–nature relationship. Similar academic studies can be carried out in the future that analyse indigenous religious folk songs along with their ecological underpinnings, providing further insight into the relationship between religion, culture, and nature.

Kumbapattu is a representative of the Kurichiya culture and identity, which also forms the intangible cultural heritage of the community. Presently, the community is categorised as a tribe with special status under the constitution of India, which ensures certain privileges, including representation in jobs and government institutions. However, the community is also exoticised in the media and popular culture, suggesting possibilities of museumisation. Sustained attempts to bring the traditions and practices of the Kurichiya to the mainstream and demystify them will ensure effective integration of the community. Therefore, this paper emphasises the need for the inclusion of indigenous knowledge in policy making by focusing on the traditions and practices with a universal theoretical framework. The song also serves as a medium for transaction within the community and possibly extends to larger outer societies. The study reasserts the importance of academically analysing such songs to comprehend the indigenous worldview that holds lessons not only for the community but also for the whole world.