Intensive Prayers: Prayer as a Weapon and Relationship Among the Emerging Generations of African Diaspora Churches in the UK

Abstract

The proliferation of African diaspora churches, especially over the last four decades in Europe and the West, has not gone unnoticed. Over this period, there has been a planting and transporting of independent churches as well as branches of Pentecostal and charismatic churches from sub-Saharan Africa to the West. First-generation members of these churches have often been the pioneers, leaders, and custodians of the church culture and practices from their motherland. These first-generation members continue to hold on to liturgy and practices from ‘home’ (Africa) and seek to replicate them as authentic spirituality and spiritual formation practices. A significant part of the rise of these churches are the second-generation members who have a fluid identity and are finding newer ways to assimilate their parents’ socio-cultural and religious practices with that of their present ‘home’ European/Western nations. For these emerging-generation members, their parents’ culture, which is largely based on an African worldview, continues to shape church liturgy and practices. An integral component of the church’s liturgy and practical ministry is prayer. Prayer in its various forms plays a significant part in both personal and collective worship. This paper examines the impact of emerging generations on the dynamics and praxis of prayer in the Church of Pentecost UK. Prayer holds a significant place in the lives of these emerging generation members and forms part of their socio-religious identity. Against this backdrop of prayer from a generational and liturgical viewpoint, we explore the nature, dynamics, and context of the prayers of the emerging generation members of the Church of Pentecost, UK. We examine areas of continuity and discontinuity and explore how Western influences and modernisation have influenced the prayer language and style of the younger generation. Through participant observations and lived experiences, we argue that though prayer is central to the worship of the younger generation, there are significant variations between the generations within the broader framework of style, language, and content.

1. Introduction

The African diaspora churches in the UK are known for their commitment to planting and nurturing churches, negotiating cultural and generational gaps, and engaging in cross-missional partnerships with British churches and societies (Smith and Kwiyani 2021). These African diaspora churches have experienced significant growth since the late 1980s, focusing predominantly on black sub-Saharan African migrants (Ayokunle 2025). First-generation migrants started these churches with the aim of evangelising Britain and Europe, yet over time, their churches have become predominantly a homogenous hub and haven, especially for first-generation members in the diaspora. Consequently, some of these churches find it challenging to engage with the British and multicultural communities in Britain (Olofinjana 2017). Nevertheless, the African churches in the diaspora have established various ties, including ecumenical affiliations with organisations such as Evangelical Alliance and Churches Together. Some of the diaspora churches also engage in pastoral or ministry exchanges, and international ministries, demonstrating a complex peregrination that reflects the religious transnationalisation of African churches in the diaspora (Trost 2007). One significant aspect of their networking is through prayer and interdenominational prayer events. This intentional networking is often the first step in positioning themselves within the British evangelical alliances.

First-generation African Pentecostals in the diaspora are known for their passion for prayer. Often, their prayer meetings are intense and lively practices, including clapping of hands, running around, shouting intensely, praying in loud voices, and praying all night. They believe in the efficacy of prayer, engage in regular and intense fasting, and view prayer as lived theology (Tira and Yamamori 2020). Indeed, this type of prayer is Pentecostal and finds it roots in both the Bible and the African socio-cultural worldview. As with typical Pentecostal prayers, there are shouts of acclamation, declaration, and exuberance. From an African prayer perspective, there are strategic and intentional efforts to direct prayers towards the enemy and evil forces. In so doing, prayer is understood to become a weapon through which the enemy’s plans are destroyed, bombarded, and, in some cases, ‘returned to sender’ (Nyanni 2021). This article discusses how the emerging generations of the African diaspora church see prayer as both a weapon and an extension of their conversion and relationship with God. We focus primarily on the second-generation members of African Pentecostal churches in the UK, using the Church of Pentecost (CoP) and the Redeemed Church of God (RCCG) as references. In this article, the first-generation members are the pioneers of the African diaspora churches that were planted or started in the 1980s. These are generally seen as Gen X, born 1965–1980. Second-generation members are Millennials, born 1981–1996. We also use the abbreviations FG to refer to first-generation members and SG for second-generation members. Both authors are located within the SG and are ministers of Pentecostal churches—one from Elim Church and the other from the CoP.

2. Methodology

This article is part of ongoing research into the activities of the second-generation members of the African diaspora church in UK and Europe. We have employed a mixed-methods approach to gain a deeper understanding of the complex phenomena surrounding the second generation’s attitude and practices towards prayer, the Holy Spirit, worship, and biblical interpretation. Additionally, this approach aims to generate new insights regarding the adaptation of these practices by the second generation.

Mixed-methods research design provides an approach that incorporates both objective and subjective knowledge (Cresswell and Plano Clark 2018). As insiders, we both approached the research with existing knowledge of the African diaspora church. However, through a critical reflective approach coupled with ethical reviews and carefully selected methods, we were able to minimise our biases in our research approach.

Our research methods allowed us to observe and interpret attitudes and opinions from the subjects’ perspective, improving our understanding of denominational patterns and how religious practices are ritualised and passed down to generations.

Methodologically, the research was qualitative, making use of interviews, surveys, and participant observation in selected church and worship settings. Ethnographic data were collected during this research. In addition to conducting interviews, which served as the primary tool for gathering field data, surveys and observations were also carried out at the Church of Pentecost and Redeemed Christian Church of God.

The ethnography component of the research involved short-term field visits (Knoblauch 2005). Unlike traditional ethnography, focused ethnography is primarily employed to gather information on a specific, well-defined topic that is usually identified before the commencement of the research. As such, focused ethnography assumes an in-depth understanding of the research context and is frequently conducted within the researcher’s own society. The usual criticism regarding the short duration of this type of ethnography is its perceived lack of depth, rendering it superficial. However, the brief nature of participant observation is counterbalanced by the authors’ deep insight and knowledge of the churches used in the research (Knoblauch 2005, p. 20).

In 2022, a survey of 100 FG and 100 SG members in two parishes of the Church of Pentecost UK was conducted alongside interviews with key participants. Participants were informed about the research purpose, procedures, and benefits before agreeing to participate, ensuring their participation was voluntary and based on a clear understanding of the study. Participants gave verbal consent for extracts of transcripts to be included in this article under pseudonyms.

3. Pentecostals and Prayers

Pentecostal prayers are characterised by a strong emphasis on experiential faith, direct contact with the Holy Spirit, and the transformative power of personal encounters with God. Pentecostals prioritise the immediate experience of the Holy Spirit over doctrines and emphasise affectivity and the power of the Spirit in their lives. This emphasis on experience is rooted in the belief that knowing God is about experiencing Him rather than just intellectualising Him (Warrington 2008, p. 25). Indeed, central to evangelicalism is the conversion experience and personal faith in Jesus. For Pentecostals, the conversion experience is rooted in the Holy Spirit’s presence in this transformative conversion. For most Pentecostals, prayer is the vehicle through which this relationship with Jesus is enabled and lived. Prayer becomes an active part of worship. Daniel Albrecht describes this as a ritual (Albrecht 1999, pp. 166–69). In other words, prayer is a moment when humans make space for interaction with the divine. In its ritual sense, prayer is waiting, tarrying, and communicating with the divine both for intervention and for sacred fellowship. Pentecostals often combine prayer with fasting and meditation during seasons of prayer and waiting. They see this as a ritual of consecration, waiting on God, and a sign of spiritual growth and empowerment (Vondey 2017, p. 78). Pentecostals believe in the transformative power of prayer, which is, in a way, their hope and expectation of a God who hears and answers prayer.

The emphasis on personal encounters with the Holy Spirit and the transformative power of prayer is central to Pentecostal theology, which is rooted in the story of Pentecost and the continuity of God’s redemptive mission throughout history (Vondey 2020). Most Pentecostals, therefore, understand that prayer transforms, makes a difference, and effects miracles. Often quoting Jesus’ miracles and other passages such as James 5:17, Pentecostals have the firm belief that prayers bring transformation. Within this context, some African diaspora Pentecostals including the CoP have initiated what they term ‘intensive prayers’. These are specific prayers directed at casting out demons, breaking Satanic strongholds and petitioning God for divine interventions. They are often long sessions of prayer, accompanied by fasting and characterised by clapping, speaking in tongues, jumping, and a continuous repetition of words, phrases, or jargons. These prayers are central to the liturgy of some of these Pentecostal diaspora churches and serve as a means of experiencing the living God and engaging in God’s mission through the leading of the Holy Spirit.

4. Intensive Prayers: An African Influence on Pentecostal Prayers

The rise of the SG, especially since 2015 in the UK and the West, has not only contributed to the growth of the African diaspora church, but it has also highlighted a new and growing trend in Pentecostal liturgy and practices. Second-generation African migrants who were either born in the UK or migrated with their parents at a young age have adopted a hybrid and fluid form of Pentecostal liturgy that is an amalgamation of their parents’ practices and influences from their UK multicultural and religious practices (Nyanni 2021, p. 131). For example, the Church of Pentecost and the Redeemed Christian Church of God, arguably two of the largest migrant Pentecostal churches in the UK (Akomiah-Conteh 2021), have their roots and headquarters in Ghana and Nigeria, respectively. These two Pentecostal churches have a significant number of second-generation members who play active roles in the church leadership and practices. These SG members have adopted some of their parents’ worldviews and church liturgy whilst navigating newer and varied ways of doing church in the West. Their FG parents have come from a background where prayer is culturally and religiously significant. The FG parents came from a worldview where everything had a spiritual causation. This worldview, as Anderson puts it, is simply a spirit-filled world (Anderson 2018). In this spirit-filled worldview, although God is transcendent and involved in the daily affairs of his people, he does not abide within the heart or spirit of humans; neither does he physically reside in the human body. Yet, he is recognised as being present in their daily lives. Due to his supreme nature, God cannot be approached lightly and directly. Hence, there is a need for prayers to petition God for their desires and wants.

The FG also holds a strong belief in Satan and his cohorts. The belief and understanding that Satan and his cohorts are behind all evil actions prompts fear and ignites the need to intensify prayers to avoid their engagement in human affairs. This emphasis on the presence of malevolent spirits stems from African socio-cultural and religious practices, where every physical manifestation has spiritual causation (Asamoah-Gyadu 2025, pp. 93–117). Therefore, people seek power for protection and vengeance and generally live a fruitful life. Although these FG African Pentecostals believe in the supremacy of God and his omnipotence, there is a genuine fear that Satan can cause havoc in human affairs. Hence, there is a need to intensify prayers to ensure that all Satan’s efforts and plans are thwarted. Thus, against this spirit-filled and cosmic battle worldview and background, most of the FG members of the African diaspora church believe that these spiritual forces and struggles continue to impact their lives even in Britain and the West. As one FG pastor said, ‘Witches don’t need visas. They can fly anywhere without charge’ (Pastor Kyere, London, 21 August 2023).

The CoP and RCCG churches, therefore, provide several prayer meetings in the local parishes from early mornings throughout the day and all-night services, usually on Friday nights, for their parishioners. The intensity of these prayers in dealing with specific threats from evil, malevolent forces and misfortune in life is what they describe as ‘intensive prayers’. Hanciles suggests that the numerous services in migrant churches are a sign of their quest to cater to the spiritual needs of migrants in the diaspora (Hanciles 2008, p. 361). These additional programmes are often prayer and deliverance services, and they are mainly patronised by the FG members because most of them continue to fear and worry about the influence of witchcraft and malevolent spirits. As one pastor said, ‘We preach less and pray more during deliverance services because that is why our people come. They come to pray and seek deliverance and the manifestation of the power of God’ (Pastor Marvin, London, 8 June 2015).

Furthermore, churches organise specific ‘Healing Camps’, deliverance services, prayer warfare nights, and many such themed nights to help their members deal with their spiritual problems (Asamoah-Gyadu 2015, pp. 133–34). People go to these prayer meetings with all types of problems for healing and deliverance. For over a decade now, the Church of Pentecost in the UK has traditionally set apart Monday mornings in their central parish in London as a ‘prayer clinic’. Prayer clinics are essentially prayer meetings or services. One of the former National Leaders gave them the special name prayer clinics in 2013. The name describes the rationale behind the prayer meetings. They are to be like a clinic where people go for healing and well-being. In August 2024, the New Season Prophetic Prayers and Declarations (NSPPD) organised a mega prayer day that was attended by over 80,000 at Twickenham Stadium (Valencia 2024). Leading the event was Pastor Jerry Eze, a Nigerian-based pastor who launched the NSPPD YouTube channel in 2021. Such prayer meetings and gatherings are significant; FG and SG Pentecostals and charismatics attend them. With over one million views from the UK on his YouTube channel, Pastor Eze is providing a prayer service for the needs of not only his congregation in Nigeria but for Christians and people globally (Valencia 2024). During such prayer meetings, healing is on top of the agenda and many go there to seek healing and miracles. Frank D. Macchia said, ‘By making healing an important aspect of the church’s mission, the Pentecostal movement became a haven for those dissatisfied with the decline of emphasis on healing in the mainstream evangelical churches’ (Macchia 2006). The FG look to the supernatural for every natural occurrence. Hence, African diaspora churches provide their members a platform to seek supernatural intervention through prayer as they incessantly appeal to the power of the Holy Spirit. Ultimately, what Pastor Eze and most Pentecostals do is not to dismiss evil and malevolent spirits. On the contrary, they acknowledge their existence and operations, whilst they present the power of the Holy Spirit as more potent than any other spirit to deal with all problems (Anderson 2018, p. 133).

5. Second Generation and Adaptation of Intensive Prayers

From the African diaspora perspective, Adogame has argued that indigenous forms of worship in African Christianity have adopted a global form while remaining faithful to their local identities. For example, churches use various technology and media productions for their songs, sermons, and other liturgy while continuing to sing and preach in their local dialects.

Arguably, unlike some of their parents and grandparents, the SG do not believe that their world is full of malevolent spirits. Their understanding of the spirit world, coupled with the socio-cultural influences in Britain, has produced, in some SG members, a form of spirituality transcending the dread of the demonic powers and attitudes towards the spirits. Although they believe in the spirit world, they do not subject all physical occurrences to spiritual forces. These SG members are essentially British and locate their social consciousness within the British culture and social space. Subsequently, they do not link every misfortune and life struggle to evil spirits’ presence, power, or influence. Consequently, their focus in prayer meetings is not predominantly directed at evil spirits or forces. From both participant observations and the survey of SG congregations of African diaspora churches, it is evident that the second-generation members still engage in intensive prayers. In practice, they continue to engage in practices such as loud, vibrant, and lengthy prayers like their parents. In 2023, some second-generation members of the Church of Pentecost, attending university in the Midlands region of England, organised a prayer conference. One of the lead pastors, an SG minister who was organising the conference, wanted to use a church building rather than one of the halls on any of the university campuses. His key reason was that they wanted space and time. Most university campuses gave them only two hours, but the pastor and his youthful students wanted half-night prayers. Again, he mentioned that they are loud, exuberant, and vibrant once they get going. Hence, they did not want any complaints or interruptions from the university (Pastor Q., November 2023).

An example of a prayer by a second-generation below demonstrates this phenomenon:

Father in Heaven, we bless you! Jesus, we give you the glory, honour and praise for your faithfulness and goodness. We thank you for hearing our prayers today. You have spoken your living and powerful words to us. Your word is a double-edged sword and has cut through our hearts this day. We pray for spiritual understanding and favour. We pray that you open the heavens and give us the grace to understand your unadulterated word. Please help us to be doers of your word. Help us to cultivate excellent spirits just like Daniel. Help us to live lives that will glorify your name. Holy Spirit please help us! We need wisdom, we need understanding. Please forgive us for going our own way and help us to walk in your ways as Daniel did who had the excellent Spirit. Make us strong in your word and may we become victorious, successful and fruitful like Daniel. We ask this in the mighty name of Jesus. Amen.

(Nyanni 2021, p. 107).

The contrast with one of the first-generation leader’s prayers is seen below:

Our omnipotent creator and everlasting God! We bless you! We honour you! We lift you high and exalt you! Your name is the great I am, and you alone are God. We thank you for this wonderful opportunity to come before your presence and to hear your word. Your word brings power! Your word brings life! As we stand in your presence, boldly approaching your throne we pray against any oppressive and destructive in the mighty name of Jesus! Elijah did not bow to any god. We will not bow to any god. Therefore, we take authority and demolish principalities, evil forces, and demonic spirits rising against us in the name of Jesus! Like Elijah may we be overcomers, and may we walk through the lion’s den without any trouble. If there are any persons here walking in the lion’s den, we break them free in the name of Jesus. We destroy any demonic dens that your people may find themselves in this evening in the name of Jesus! The den of oppression. The den of depression, the den of immigration, the den of unemployment, the den of sickness, we break free in the name of Jesus! You died so that we will be free. You are God! You are king! You are great! We trust you and we receive it in Jesus mighty name. Amen!

(Nyanni 2021, p. 107).

Though these two prayers are by no means representative of an entire generation or congregation, they demonstrate the emphasis on the worldview and context of prayers offered by various generations in the church. Both prayers begin with acknowledging God’s goodness and incorporating biblical language. However, this biblical terminology is not unique to the Church of Pentecost but is commonly found in other Pentecostal and Christian prayers. The phrasing reflects the structure of well-known biblical prayers, such as the Lord’s Prayer, ‘Our Father in heaven, hallowed be thy name’ (Matthew 6:9), and the Psalmist’s invocation: ‘Let God arise, and his enemies be scattered’ (Psalm 68:1). Notably, the SG prayers did not have the African socio-cultural emphasis on spirits, particularly regarding awareness of deities and evil spirits, and the destruction of strongholds. This marks a significant discontinuity in beliefs and practices among SG members. SG members focused their prayers on practical requests such as wisdom, excellence, and productivity rather than demonstrating power over evil spirits. As evidenced above, there was no mention of evil spirits in SG prayers, whereas the FG elder repeatedly emphasised breaking and demolishing demonic strongholds. This focus on malevolent spiritual forces within FG prayers aligns with African socio-cultural and religious traditions, attributing spiritual causation to physical manifestations.

6. Theological Implications of Intensive Prayers

The key theological concepts and principles associated with Pentecostal prayers are rooted in Pentecostal perspectives on prayer and the experience of the Holy Spirit, including Holy Spirit baptism, praying in tongues, the Spirit’s role in prayer, and the missiological understanding of prayer’s effectiveness.

6.1. The Holy Spirit’s Role in Prayer

The Pentecostal perspective on prayer emphasises the role of the Holy Spirit in assisting believers in their weaknesses, opening their discernment to comprehend the Spirit’s mindset, and aligning their will to God’s purposes. This highlights the belief that the same Spirit who empowered the first church will empower the current generation to accomplish their Spirit-inspired mission (Laurito 2023). Pentecostalism does not only provide emotional experiences and assurance of salvation and life after this life, but, significantly to most Africans, it provides security against witchcraft and vindictive spirits, which the people notoriously fear. In contrast to some mainline Western churches, Pentecostals believe in the existence of witchcraft and evil spirits; however, through the power of the Holy Spirit, they can confront these malevolent spirits. For the FG, the Holy Spirit is a powerful Spirit who fights their battles and empowers them to overcome their struggles with the demonic forces, whilst the SG mainly sees the Holy Spirit as a friend, guide, and help in their daily walk. Incidentally, though the SG also sees the Holy Spirit as a power, they do not expect his power within the context of a cosmic battle but rather power to become effective in their lives.

6.2. Baptism in the Holy Spirit

Primary to the Pentecostal perspective on prayer is the conviction that being baptised with the Holy Spirit is an indispensable aid in prayer. This baptism is seen as an experience in which the believer yields control to the Holy Spirit, leading to a more intimate knowledge of Christ and receiving power to witness and grow spiritually (Stewart 2015). This view of baptism in the Holy Spirit leading to character formation is more prevalent among the SG, where prayer is seen more as a relationship than warfare. The understanding of FG members is that Holy Spirit baptism is power. For the FG, Holy Spirit baptism is a baptism that brings power to believers to engage with spiritual warfare. It is within this understanding of power that they engage in intensive prayers. They believe they have been endowed with power; hence, they can approach and defeat the enemy. In a 2022 survey of 100 FG members in two parishes of the Church of Pentecost UK, 80% of them described the Holy Spirit baptism as ‘power’. The rest described the Holy Spirit baptism as a supernatural encounter. In the same survey but with 100 SG members in the same churches, 60% of the SG described the Holy Spirit baptism as the ‘presence of God’, whilst 20% described the Holy Spirit baptism as an ‘enabler and influencer’. The word influencer was particularly significant. This is the language of social media ‘influencers’, depicting people who influence and inspire others to act or behave in certain ways. Thus, the younger category of SG members in the survey saw the Holy Spirit baptising people to influence them in a godly way. As one SG from RCCG explained, ‘Once I was baptised with the Holy Spirit, we became influenced by him to do good works.’ He continues, ‘the Bible says we should not be drunk with wine but be filled with Spirit, so once we are filled with the Spirit, he positively influences us (Interview with Kelvin, 2 February 2024).’ It is within this context where there is a rupture from the first generation. Thus, although the SG continues in the practice of intensive prayers, they do so not with the same understanding of demolishing strongholds but instead seeking an engagement with the Holy Spirit to influence them. Thus, one of the key differences between the FG and SG when it comes to Spirit baptism is seen in purpose. For the FG, the Spirit gives power to overcome evil, whilst the SG see Spirit baptism as an influence to live.

Alongside baptism are prophetic utterances during intensive prayers. Thus, people filled with the Holy Spirit are heard and encouraged to prophesy during worship and prayers. Again, the emphasis on prophecy during services is key to the Pentecostal understanding of intensive prayers. Though the Pentecost event in Acts 2 is explained within the context of Joel’s prophecy, the rise of charismatic churches has dramatically influenced the expectation of the prophetic in Pentecostal prayers. In observations of several RCCG churches in the Midlands in the UK, there were frequent prophetic utterances during prayers. These prophetic words often came in the form of prayers. So, during prayers, people could be heard prophesying hope, miracles, and deliverance. They would usually declare, ‘I prophesy that…’ followed by their words of encouragement. Furthermore, the CoP believes and teaches that prophecy under the influence of the Holy Spirit speaks to address contemporary situations (Onyinah 2011). Through prophecy, they can hear wisdom, guidance, and direction from God. Significantly, during CoP services, prophecy comes not only from the pastors or leaders but also from any member who feels inspired by the Holy Spirit to give a prophetic word from the Lord. The prayers, speaking in tongues, and prophecies are evidence of the Holy Spirit’s presence and power in their midst.

6.3. Praying in Tongues and Spirit-Inspired Prayer

Pentecostals emphasise the effectiveness of praying in tongues as a spiritual weapon in spiritual battles (Eph 6:18, Jude 1:20) and as a form of Spirit-inspired speech that facilitates radical openness and intense devotion to prayer. This practice is seen as a distinctive feature of Pentecostalism, representing a nonrational expression of worship in words from the human spirit rather than the mind (1 Cor 14:14) (Cettolin 2016). Second-generation Pentecostals in the diaspora continue this tradition and Pentecostal praxis actively. Praying in tongues (glossolalia) is seen as a language of the Holy Spirit inspired by the Spirit and effective for spiritual battles. The SG African diaspora Pentecostals continue engaging in intensive prayers by speaking in tongues. Indeed, most of their prayer and worship services are loud, vibrant, and full of tongue speakers.

6.4. Healing and Deliverance

Healing and deliverance are closely aligned with the Holy Spirit’s power in intensive prayers. Healing is a prominent theme in African Pentecostal prayers, often viewed as a direct manifestation of the Holy Spirit’s power. Warrington argues that it is a foundational belief of many Pentecostals that healing is guaranteed for believers (Warrington 2008, p. 283). For many African Pentecostals, intensive prayer is the time when they pray intently for the healing of the sick and deliverance for those who need it. As African Pentecostals migrate to Europe, they often battle with their beliefs and practices as they assimilate into Western socio-cultural practices. For example, FG African migrants continue to blame evil spirits for sicknesses and misfortunes in life. Some of them refuse to seek medical help and instead choose to pray for divine healing. Some engage in online streams with prophets and pastors back in Africa to participate in online healing and miracle services. Regardless of time differences, many of these FG members either stay up late or wake up in the early hours to join these prayers. Thus, these Pentecostals see intensive prayers as the time for real warfare prayers to break strongholds of sicknesses and diseases. There is a fundamental tension between the physical and spiritual realms during such prayers. The dynamics of such ‘aggressive prayers’, as described by some of the FG, becomes uncomfortable for some of the SG and other nationals, including a few indigenous members. Some diaspora churches in the UK and Germany have modified their approach to these public prayer meetings and have organised some private prayer sessions. This shift illustrates the need for generational sensitivity while maintaining core beliefs about healing and deliverance.

The Church of Pentecost in the UK, have found a way to assimilate their cultural and liturgical practices into Western culture. The format of their prayer clinic has been replicated in other branches of the church across the UK. The purpose of these prayers is in the name. As one senior minister of the church explained: ‘We come to Doctor Jesus to receive healing and miracles’ (Interview with Pastor C, August 2024). Many individuals are drawn to Pentecostal churches seeking healing for physical ailments or emotional distress, and testimonies of miraculous healings are common in such services. This focus on healing reflects a broader understanding of salvation that encompasses physical, emotional, and spiritual well-being (Resane 2020). Significantly, the SG members of the church also patronise these meetings frequently, depending on their school and work schedules. Incidentally, even on bank holiday Mondays, when people either rest or discourage such programmes, the church continues to run the prayer clinics. The senior pastor explained that these were opportunities for the younger ones to get involved and pray.

Our observations over a two-year period, 2022–2024, show a significant number of SG members during school holidays, including the summer holidays, attending the prayer clinics. Though the prayers of the SG are not usually directed towards breaking strongholds and demons, nevertheless, their attendance and participation show their engagement and continuation of intensive prayers. Arguably, Western education and assimilation have a part to play in the SG members who do not solely attribute sickness to evil spirits and demons. Indeed, the majority do not attribute misfortune to evil spirits either. They navigate such challenges through scientific and social theories. For some SG members, issues such as race, equality, social justice, climate change, and human responsibility or lack thereof contribute to ills in society. Adapting these socio-cultural practices also reflects the broader dynamics of globalisation, where Pentecostalism interacts with various cultural expressions, leading to a rich tapestry of worship that resonates with diverse audiences. For some of these SG, healing, deliverance, and well-being are not merely issues of physical sickness caused by spiritual forces. They see a holistic approach towards healing that includes mental health, well-being, environmental, social action, and engagement. For example, a group of university students organised a prayer meeting in Coventry to pray for the healing of broken families and social action on homelessness and the increase in mental health issues among their friends and colleagues. Another group of students organised a prayer in Glasgow, where their focus was on the increase in pollution and its effects on their generation. Their prayers were not directed at evil spirits but at the politicians and councils. In this context, Pentecostalism’s theological underpinnings of healing and deliverance often intersect with social issues. For many adherents, healing is not merely a physical restoration but a holistic experience that addresses emotional and spiritual well-being.

6.5. Missiological Implications of Intensive Prayers

Pentecostals believe that the charismatic experience of the Holy Spirit or the reception of the baptism in the Holy Spirit empowers believers for mission, similar to how it empowered the apostles and early disciples in the narrative of Luke–Acts (Nkwocha 2024). In summary, Pentecostal prayers are characterised by the emphasis on praying in tongues, the Spirit’s role in prayer, the baptism of the Holy Spirit, and the missiological implications of prayers. These concepts and principles are foundational to the Pentecostal perspective on prayer and reflect the unique theological framework of Pentecostalism. One of the key differences within the missiological implications of intensive prayers is the SG’s approach to social justice as part of their missionary call. The SG engage in intensive prayers; however, they are not directed at demolishing strongholds. Rather, they focus on practical, personal, and social justice issues. This is arguably the impact and influence of British evangelicalism where emphasis on social justice is advocated (Rutz 2011). In addition to praying, the SG engage in social justice interventions such as feeding the poor, helping the homeless, and going into community centres to help those in need, which contrasts with the FG. This activism is founded on their belief that part of the evidence of their conversion should be seen in the outworking of their love of Jesus towards others (Bebbington 2003).

6.6. Situating God in the Prayers: Second Generation

Most of the SG participants’ spiritual needs involve seeking God through prayer and fasting and getting closer to him. Gerloff observed that one of the key elements of the African diaspora church is that it continues to provide for its members’ spiritual needs (Gerloff 1999, p. 116). Concerning this adaptation of African Christianity to the needs of Africans in the diaspora, Adogame aptly notes, ‘It is the rapprochement with indigenous cosmology and ritual praxis that distinguishes it within global Pentecostalism …and accounts for its success’ (Adogame 2013, p. 93). Hanciles adds that ‘the declaration of spiritual needs implies that members experience spiritual growth and adequate spiritual support in times of crises’ (Hanciles 2008, p. 361). Though Gerloff, Adogame, and Hanciles were referring to the FG migrant church, their observations on the church providing spiritual support are true among the SG members in CoP-UK.

At the core of African Pentecostal theology is an emphasis on transformative encounter with God, who is perceived as holy and spirit. This encounter is often articulated through personal prayer and relationships. For some SG members, prayer is not simply an act of speaking in tongues or a religious rite or performance. Their engagement with Western culture and openness to a fluid society means that their prayers are not only ventured into the demonic and breaking strongholds. Instead, they see prayer as part of their transformative encounter with a holy God. Such transformations are marked by a radical rupture from past sinful behaviours, leading to a new identity and purpose in life (Stinton 2011). Furthermore, the experience of being ‘born again’ is not merely a spiritual break from the powers of darkness, as is the case for most of their parents, but is also seen as an empowerment that enables believers to confront and overcome various life challenges, including financial, career, social action, and witnessing challenges. Prayer, therefore, becomes an outworking of their conversion and desire to continually walk with God in their daily lives.

7. Conclusions

In conclusion, the emerging generations of African diaspora churches in the UK are navigating cultural and generational differences in their liturgy and mission. The second-generation members of these African Pentecostal migrant churches are amalgamating their first-generation parents’ socio-cultural and religious practices whilst maintaining and carving newer ways of engaging in liturgy such as intensive prayer. This article has shown that the second-generation members are still passionate about worship. However, their understanding of the world they live in, coupled with influences from other Western initiatives, has toned down their aggressive attacks towards demons. Second-generation African Pentecostal prayers are deeply rooted in the belief in the Holy Spirit’s transformative power, shaped by cultural practices, and focused on empowerment, healing, and social justice. The integration of cultural, social, and spiritual dimensions of prayer and a commitment to the experiences of social action highlights the dynamic and contextually relevant nature of African Pentecostal spirituality.