On the Literati’s Attitude to Western Learning in the Early Qing Dynasty: A Case Study on Dong Han (1626–?) and Notes in Three Hills

Abstract

After the arrival of Jesuits in China during the late Ming dynasty, they adopted a strategy of aligning Catholicism with Confucianism, referring to themselves as “Western Confucians” to gain sympathy and support from the Chinese literati. However, during the early Qing dynasty, particularly during the late Kangxi era, because of the resurgence of traditional Confucian ideology and the consolidation of Manchu rule, literati attitudes toward Catholicism shifted significantly. This paper uses the early Qing scholar Dong Han (董含, 1626–?) from the Songjiang region as a case study, with his Notes in Three Hills 三冈识略 as the primary textual source, to analyze his critiques of Western learning (including Catholicism and Western science). Additionally, it examines Catholic responses to these critiques, based on the manuscript Refute the False Accusation 辩诬 collected in the BnF (Bibliothèque nationale de France). Through an analysis of Dong Han’s attitude toward Western learning and the responses it provoked, the paper aims to shed light on the changing attitudes of early Qing literati in the Jiangnan area toward Western learning, as well as the challenges faced by Catholicism in establishing their legitimacy in early modern China. It points out that the fundamental differences between Western learning and Confucianism prevented it from making an effective argument for legitimacy in China. The lack of support from the literati and the emperor led to the eventual fate of Catholicism—being prohibited.

1. Introduction

After the arrival of Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and other Jesuits in China during the late Ming dynasty (Dunne 1962; Hsia 2010), the attitudes of the literati became a crucial factor influencing the fate of Catholicism in China (Gernet 1982; Standaert 2001, pp. 475–533). According to the History of Ming 明史, “From high-ranking officials to the common people, all respected these individuals (namely the Jesuits) and were willing to interact with them.” (T. Zhang 2000, p. 5668) “Literati such as Xu Guangqi (徐光启, 1562–1633) and Li Zhizao (李之藻, 1565–1630) were the first to embrace their teachings and even embellished their writings, which led to the rapid rise of the religion (T. Zhang 2000, p. 5669)”. The authors of History of Ming attributed the sudden prominence of Catholicism during the late Ming to the support of literati like Xu Guangqi and Li Zhizao, who not only endorsed the religion but also converted to it. In the early Qing dynasty, anti-Catholic figures like Yang Guangxian (杨光先) criticized these literati harshly, stating: “Literati such as Xu Guangqi, Li Zhizao, Li Tianjing (李天经), Feng Yingjing (冯应京), and Fan Liangshu (樊良枢) authored numerous prefaces for Catholic works (G. Yang 1966, p. 1090)”. Yang Guangxian went so far as to call Xu Guangqi and his peers “the foremost among sinners for all time (G. Yang 1966, p. 1142)”.

Statistics show that Matteo Ricci personally interacted with over 140 prominent officials and noted scholars (Lin 1996, pp. 286–316). Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), a Jesuit in Fujian, received over 70 poetic dedications from scholars (Aleni 1964, pp. 633–91), while Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1592–1666) received nearly 30 congratulatory poems for his seventieth birthday (Von Bell 1919). During the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, 57 degree-holders wrote prefaces or postscripts for Catholic works (Y. Huang 2006, p. 70), and over 400 literati participated in related editorial activities (Xiao 2015, p. 5). Among these were high-ranking officials such as Grand Secretaries Ye Xianggao (叶向高) and Xu Guangqi; senior bureaucrats like Jin Zhijun (金之俊), Gong Dingzi (龚鼎孳), and Hu Shian (胡世安); and regional governors like Guo Zizhang (郭子章) (Lin 2013; Ji 2008).

From the late Ming to the early Qing, the attitudes of the literati toward Catholicism underwent a significant shift. While the literati and missionaries enjoyed close interactions and mutual respect in the late Ming, by the early Qing, except for the collaboration between some literati and Schall von Bell, most new converts or Catholic-friendly literati came from Catholic families, such as Xu Zuanxeng (许纘曾) and Sun Zhimi (孙致弥). This lack of prominent scholar/official believers in the early Qing dynasty, the Catholic church lacked the believers of famous literati such as the “Three Pillars” during the late Ming dynasty, but witnessed the rise of anti-Catholic literati like Tang Bin (汤斌), Zhang Boxing (张伯行), Zhang Penghe (张鹏翮), Liu Zepu (刘泽浦), Cheng Tingzuo (程廷祚), and Dai Mingshi (戴名世).

Scholars have noted a general downward social shift in the composition of Catholic adherents from the late Ming to the early Qing. In other words, the literati in early Qing society displayed much less interest in Catholicism. This shift can be attributed to the increasingly religious nature of Catholicism becoming more apparent (e.g., the widespread dissemination of Christology). The “Calendar Case” (1664–1669) (Ma 2019), initiated by Yang Guangxian, reflects the conservative Confucian literati’s rejection and criticism of Catholicism as a “religion”. Consequently, the tendency among the literati to “embrace the science but discard the religion” became even more pronounced (H. Xu 2000, p. 198).

Despite their continued interest in Western learning (specifically Western science), most early Qing literati found Catholicism fundamentally incompatible with Confucianism, making it difficult for them to accept (H. Xu 2000, p. 375). Xu Haisong (徐海松) observes that while early Qing literati were intrigued by Western science and sought to integrate it with Chinese thought, this effort failed to transform scholarly methodologies or modes of thinking, leading to a stagnation encapsulated in the notion of “Western learning rooted in Chinese origins”.

This paper takes Dong Han (董含, 1626–?), a literatus from Songjiang in the early Qing, as a case study to explore his attitude toward Western learning (including Catholicism and Western science), thereby analyzing the perspectives of the literati on Catholicism and its influence. Current scholarship has yielded some insights into the relationship between early Qing literati and Catholicism. However, research on Dong Han has primarily focused on the literary contributions and value of his Notes in Three Hills 三冈识略 and his connections with the Dong family of Songjiang, paying little attention to his stance on Western learning (Barr 2015; Wu 2015; Feng 2016; X. Chu 2020; Brook 2009, 2020). This paper first examines Dong Han’s life and family based on genealogies, local gazetteers, and previous research. It then uses Notes in Three Hills to analyze his attitude toward Catholicism, followed by an exploration of the Catholic response to Dong Han’s critiques based on the manuscript Refute the False Accusation 辩诬collected in the BnF (Bibliothèque nationale de France).

It is evident that despite the widespread dissemination of Western learning during the late Ming and early Qing periods—even in Songjiang where Dong Han lived, families embraced Catholicism—Dong Han outright rejected both Catholicism and Western science. Although Notes in Three Hills was eventually reported to the authorities, it was widely circulated and had a profound impact, prompting the Catholic Church to compose Refute the False Accusation in response. Despite having close ties with Confucian Catholic intellectuals such as Xu Zuanzeng, Dong Han still strongly attacked Catholicism and Western science in Notes in Three Hills. His views on Catholicism and Western science reflect the immense difficulties Catholicism faced in justifying its presence in China. These difficulties were rooted in the traditional Confucian distinction between Chinese civilization and foreign cultures (夷夏之辨). Scholars like Dong Han, adhering to Confucian principles, viewed Catholicism and Western science—so fundamentally different from Confucian culture—as absurd and therefore rejected them. Through a case study of Dong Han and Notes in Three Hills, this paper sheds light on the shifting mindset of late Kangxi-era scholars and explores how Catholicism in China grappled with its legitimacy crisis.

2. Dong Han’s Life and His Attitude Toward Catholicism

2.1. Dong Han’s Life and Notes in Three Hills

Dong Han, courtesy name Langshi (阆石), also known as Rong’an (榕庵), and who styled himself as Zhuike (赘客) or Chunxiang Zhuike (莼乡赘客), was a native of Huating in Songjiang during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. He earned the title of provincial graduate (juren) in the 11th year of the Shunzhi reign (1654) (Song and Sun 2010, p. 64) and passed the national civil service examination (jinshi) in the 18th year (1661) (Song and Sun 2010, p. 79). According to the Songjian fuzhi 松江府志 from the Jiaqing era, Dong Han was described as follows:

“From a young age, he was so devoted to learning that he often neglected food and sleep. As he matured, his literary reputation grew, and he frequently traveled with prominent literati across the landscapes of Wu and Yue. He served briefly in the Ministry of Personnel but was dismissed due to his involvement in the ‘Tax Fraud Case’ (奏销案). Afterward, he indulged himself in poetry and wine, authoring works such as Guyuefu 古乐府, Minlicao 闵离草, and Xianjugao 闲居稿.”

(Song and Sun 2010, p. 316)

The Dong family was one of the most prominent clans in Songjiang (Zhou 1719, p. 1). Their ancestors were originally from Bian (modern Kaifeng) and relocated to Huating during the Southern Song Dynasty (Yiyang Dong 1719, p. 1). The family’s founder in Huating was Dong Guanyi (董官一), who lived near Zhugang. Dong Sizhong (董思忠), a notable third-generation patriarch, was the ancestor of both Dong Qichang (董其昌) and Dong Han. While Dong Qichang was a fifth-generation descendant of Dong Sizhong (Anonymous 1719, vol. 1, p. 11a). Dong Han was his eighth-generation descendant (Anonymous 1719, vol. 1, p. 8b).

Dong Han’s great-great-grandfather, Dong Henian (董鹤年, courtesy name Ziling, styled Yafeng), was honored with the title of Grand Master for Thorough Counsel and Vice Minister of the Ministry of Personnel due to the achievements of his grandson Dong Yuchen (董羽宸) (Anonymous 1719, vol. 2, p. 14a). Dong’s great-grandfather, Dong Jiaxiang (董嘉相, styled Fuchu), was a provincial student, holding several honored positions such as Magistrate of Yuyao County and Inspector of Yunnan because of his son (Anonymous 1719, vol. 2, pp. 14a–15b, vol. 6, p. 18b, vol. 8, p. 33a). Dong’s grandfather, Dong Yuchen, courtesy name Yuanfu, styled Suichu, earned the title of juren in 1606 and the title of jinshi in 1613. He was appointed as the Magistrate of Yuyao, promoted to the Imperial Censor in Yunnan, and was sent to inspect Shandong. He was born in 1571 and died in 1648 at the age of 78 (Song and Sun 2010, p. 279; Anonymous 1719, vol. 6, pp. 24a–28b).

Dong’s father, Dong Bianshen (董卞申, styled Shiliang, styled Zhonglong), was a Confucian scholar known for his generosity and talent but struggled in the imperial examination system and eventually abandoned his scholarly pursuits. Dong Han was one of five brothers, and his younger brother Dong Yu was also recognized for his poetry and literary skills.

In his autobiographical piece “Chunxiang zhuike zishu” 莼乡赘客自叙, Dong Han provided a detailed account of his life. Born in 1626, Dong experienced poor health in childhood, which, combined with his father’s financial difficulties, led to the family’s gradual decline. Dong Han began formal schooling at the age of seven but had to stop due to illness, nearly dying at the age of nine. He resumed his studies at thirteen and achieved the status of official student at fifteen. At twenty, he married the daughter of Weng Yuanyi (翁元益), a jinshi who had served as a censor but later surrendered to the rebel leader Li Zicheng (李自成).

At twenty-six, Dong began preparing for the civil service examinations and actively engaged with intellectual circles. By twenty-nine (1654), he gained recognition from the Magistrate of Liyang, Qiu Gongying (邱贡瀛). However, his path to success was turbulent, including family mourning, repeated examination failures, and political entanglements in the notorious Tax Fraud Case, which implicated over 200 literati in the Jiangnan region. This case profoundly impacted Dong and others, who described their experiences as “a waking dream (H. Dong 2000, p. 610).”

At thirty-nine, Dong remarried Zhao Shichun (赵士春)’s daughter, but did not have his first son until forty-six. By the outbreak of the Revolt of the Three Feudatories (1673–1681) (Liu 2012), Dong, nearing fifty, abandoned any aspirations to an official career. He described himself as inherently reclusive and ill-suited to managing household affairs, preferring a life of poetry, wine, and the countryside.

Despite his disillusionment, Dong Han continued to write prolifically. His most famous work, Notes in Three Hills, spans ten volumes and includes an appendix, which records events up to 1697. Dong’s residence, known as the “Three Hills” (Zigang, Shagang, and Zhugang), inspired the title of his book. The work is a collection of anecdotal notes based on reports, personal observations, and secondhand accounts, structured chronologically.

Scholars have extensively studied Notes in Three Hills for its literary value and publication history. According to Alian Barr, the work was published during the Kangxi period but faced significant criticism. The book was accused of omitting dynasty names, harboring anti-Qing sentiments, and including biased and sensational commentary, leading to its denunciation as a “seditious text (Wu 2015, p. 127)”.

While its circulation was limited after these accusations, Notes in Three Hills gained considerable attention during its initial publication, drawing both admirers and detractors. Alian Barr noted that the book contained controversial elements, including unverified anecdotes and harsh personal opinions, reflecting Dong Han’s lingering Ming loyalist sentiments and dissatisfaction with Qing rule (Barr 2015, p. 234).

2.2. Understanding of Catholicism by Dong Han

2.2.1. Literati from Songjian and Catholicism in Early Qing

During the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, Catholicism spread widely in the Songjiang region. Xu Guangqi, one of the “Three Pillars” of Catholicism in the late Ming, was baptized in 1603. In 1608, while residing at home because of his father’s death, Xu Guangqi invited the Jesuit Lazare Cattaneo (1560–1640) to Shanghai to establish a mission. Over two years, more than 200 people in Shanghai were baptized. Under Xu Guangqi’s leadership, his family members, relatives, and disciples converted to Catholicism. Xu Guangqi’s granddaughter married Xu Yuandu (许远度). His granddaughter, Xu Gandida (许甘第大, 1607–1680), engaged in Catholic charitable activities in the Songjiang region, becoming a model for Catholic female believers during the Ming and Qing periods (King 2021). The Jesuit Philippe Couplet (1624–1692) wrote a biography of her, which was widely circulated in Europe (Couplet 1688). Not far from Songjiang was Jiading, the hometown of Xu Guangqi’s disciple and Catholic believer, Sun Yuanhua. With Sun Yuanhua’s support, Jiading also became a stronghold of Catholicism. In 1627, the famous “Jiading Conference” was held there.

In the second year of the Kangxi reign (1663), Volume 27 of the Songjiang fuzhi 松江府志recorded the Catholic church, including a note by Shanghai magistrate Tu Zhi (涂贽) in the Shunzhi year of Gengzi (1660). In the twenty-second year of Kangxi (1683), Volume 7 of the Shanghai xianzhi 上海县志 included a section on “Heavenly Learning” (天学), featuring notes by Songjiang prefectural magistrate Li Ruihe (李瑞和) from the fourteenth year of Chongzhen (1641) and by Shanghai magistrate Kang Wenzhang (康文长) in the tenth year of Kangxi (1671). These three notes highly praised Catholicism and the missionaries.

Therefore, Dong Han was likely familiar with Catholicism. In the 18th year of the Shunzhi reign (1661), Dong Han went to Beijing to participate in the imperial examination. That year, Schall von Bell celebrated his 70th birthday, and officials in the court presented poems and essays in his honor. In the third year of the Kangxi reign (1664), Yang Guangxian impeached Schall von Bell, which implicated Catholicism across various regions. Gandida’s son Xu Zuanzeng (许缵曾) had his position revoked during this persecution, known as the Calendar Case. By the eighth year of Kangxi (1669), Schall von Bell was exonerated, Xu Zuanzeng was reinstated, and Yang Guangxian was demoted with leniency (B. Huang 2003, p. 515). This case had significant influence during the early Kangxi period, which Dong Han was likely aware of.

Sun Zhimi (孙致弥), styled Kaisi, was a Catholic and the grandson of Sun Yuanhua. He married Xu Erdou’s daughter, Xu Guangqi’s child, and was born in the 15th year of Chongzhen (1642). In the 17th year of Kangxi (1678), Sun Zhimi, as a student, was bestowed with the attire of a second-rank official and served as deputy envoy to Korea. That same year, he passed the provincial examination and in the 27th year (1688), passed the imperial examination. However, in the 29th year (1690), Sun Zhimi experienced a case similar to Dong Han’s, known as the “Jiading Grain Transport Case” (嘉定折漕案). Gui Zhuang once wrote a biography for Sun Yuanhua, praising him as “upright and principled, neither seeking nor yielding to personal favors (Gui 2006, p. 161).” Gui Zhuang also had interactions with Dong Han (Gui 1923, pp. 86b–87a).

Xu Zuanzeng, styled Xiaoxiu, a Catholic, passed the imperial examination in the 6th year of Shunzhi (1649), became a bachelor of the Hanlin Academy, and later held various positions such as censor and vice envoy of the Jiangxi Postal Route. He was promoted to the rank of deputy commissioner of the Sichuan Provincial Administration. Xu Zuanzeng was well-known in the Songjiang area for his literary accomplishments, and Dong Han held him in high regard:

“Since the founding of this dynasty, there have been very few authors from our county. From what I have seen, there are Gu Kaiyong’s Diannan jishi 滇南纪事 in one volume, …… and Xu Zuanzeng’s Rinan zaji 日南杂记in two volumes. I also have Notes in Three Hills in ten volumes and the unfinished Xu shilue 续识略 and Hezuan ganshi lu 盍簪感逝录in two volumes. I wonder if these could one day be listed alongside those of the esteemed gentlemen.”

(H. Dong 2000, p. 786)

Dong Han listed the writings from Songjiang, including Xu Zuanzeng’s Rinan zaji, and hoped his works could also be included. Dong Han wrote poems such as “On Xu Zhongyun’s Hesha Yunhui Pavilion” (H. Dong n.d., pp. 23a–b) and Dong Yu wrote “Enjoying Osmanthus at Xu Hesha’s Estate After the Double Ninth Festival in the Jiyou Year (Yu Dong n.d., vol. 5, p. 39b),” “Spring Night Staying at Yunhui Pavilion (Yu Dong n.d., vol. 6, pp. 16a–b),” and “Snowy Night Climbing Yunhui Pavilion to Present to Xu Hesha (Yu Dong n.d., vol. 6, pp. 20b–21a).” These indicate close interactions between Dong Han, Dong Yu, and Xu Zuanzeng.

2.2.2. “Putuo Cangjing” and Prohibition of Catholicism in Japan

Dong Han’s Notes in Three Hills contains three sections related to Catholicism. The first is in Volume 1, with records dating from the Jiachen (甲辰1644) to the Wuzi (戊子1648) years. Of course, this does not refer to the time of the events but rather the time Dong Han recorded them. Volume 1 includes “Putuo cangjing” (Sutra Collection in Putuo/普陀藏经):

“Putuo has a Sutra Collection, bestowed by the imperial court, with elaborate toothpick-jointed silk bindings, extremely luxurious and exquisite. The rebel Lake Marshal Ruan Jin (阮进) intended to seek assistance from Japan and dispatched an envoy with it aboard a ship. A monk named Zhan Wei (湛微), who had previously come from Japan, traveled on the same ship. After several days at sea, fierce winds and waves suddenly arose, and the water turned as black as ink. Two red fish, several zhang (丈) long, appeared in the black waves, their scales and fins clearly visible. Other fish were also seen appearing and disappearing around them, preventing the ship from advancing. The passengers collectively bowed and prayed, hurriedly burning two edicts to the Dragon Kings of the Two Countries. By dawn, the wind had calmed. After drifting for a day and night, they were carried southward nearly a thousand li (里) before turning their sails back on course. Upon reaching Japan, another accompanying ship arrived, reporting no wind or waves during their journey. It was then understood that this phenomenon occurred because of the Sutra. At first, the Japanese were overjoyed to hear about the Sutra. However, upon hearing the name Zhan Wei, they were alarmed, exclaiming, ‘This monk has returned; he will bring swift death!’ Consequently, they refused to accept the Sutra and instead ordered its protection and return. Upon inquiry, it was discovered that Zhan Wei had once joined Catholicism. Previously, when Westerners who practiced Catholicism arrived in Japan, many locals believed in their teachings and were taught secret techniques. This led to chaos in society, from the king’s court to ordinary households. Once a person converted, they remained loyal to their faith even in death. The authorities exploited this to instigate rebellion, which eventually led to a major military crackdown to eliminate them. From then on, Japan severed relations with Westerners and implemented strict prohibitions. They placed a copper plate depicting the image of Christ on public roads, forcing all foreigners to trample upon it as a test. Anyone found carrying Western items or books was executed, along with everyone on their ship. This account is documented in Zhang Linbai’s Mission to Japan Chronicles.”

(H. Dong 2000, p. 627)

According to Dong Han’s record, this account was likely sourced from Zhang Linbai’s Mission to Japan Chronicles. Dong Han documented this for two main reasons: first, the supernatural phenomena in the first half; second, Japan’s attitude towards Catholicism in the latter half. During the Shunzhi period, Catholicism thrived due to the favorable relationship between Schall von Bell and Emperor Shunzhi. Missionaries held high status. Dong Han’s record of Japan banning Catholicism might reflect his belief that China should also prohibit its spread and bar missionaries from entering.

2.2.3. Zhifang Waiji and the Learning of the Lord of Heaven

The second is in volume five. The recorded timeline spans from the Jiachen (甲辰1664) to Wushen (戊申1668) years. This period coincided with Yang Guangxian’s opposition to Catholicism, during which it was officially banned, missionaries were expelled, churches were confiscated, and Catholic officials were dismissed. Even officials who had written prefaces for Catholic works were implicated. Dong Han dedicated a section in this volume titled “Catholicism” (Tianzhujiao/天主教):

“The learning of the Lord of Heaven has many followers who are lured. Recently, I read Giulio Aleni’s Zhiifang waiji 职方外纪 Records of the Lands beyond the Imperial Administration. It states that from the western seas, crossing 90,000 li (里) to China, one can observe the positions of the equator and the two poles to determine the territories of all nations. Among them, no land has not been instructed and guided by the Lord of Heaven. It claims that the Lord of Heaven created the heavens and the Earth, nurtured humanity, and would descend himself to open the way for eternal salvation for thousands of generations. He later descended to Bethlehem in Judea, named Jesus, which means ‘Savior’. For 33 years, he lived among humans. He had 12 disciples who, without scholarly learning, could speak all languages and write. Jesus ascended to heaven in his physical form, and his disciples dispersed across the nations to preach. They could make the blind see, the deaf hear, the mute speak, the lame walk, cure illnesses, resurrect the dead, and expel demons. Only the Supreme and Great Lord, the true progenitor of all beings and humans, is the God. Following Him leads to heaven and escape from hell. All sins, great or small, can be forgiven only by the Lord of Heaven, not by reciting scriptures or alms. Thus, to join the religion, one must first repent and then be forgiven to sins. Female members of confraternities live separately, and only parents are allowed occasional visits. Male members observe more varied rules. Believers carry crosses, respect holy crosses, or wear them on their chests, claiming they must receive blessings. It further narrates that a Western minister named Columbus suspected there was land in the western seas. One day, detecting a smell from the ocean, he determined land lay westward. Sailing for months amidst complaints from his crew, they eventually saw land, confirming overseas people exist. Another, named Cortés, sailed to North America, where no horses existed. When horse-riding sailors disembarked, the locals were shocked, mistaking them for centaurs. They were suspected to be beasts, but they were actually not beasts; they were suspected to be human, but they were actually not human. At last, the locals realized they were human, and became close to them and communicate with them. Then the missionaries were sent to persuade them to do goods. Then Magellan was sent to travel from west to east, circling the globe for thousands of li, crossing the equator four times over 300,000 li and all believed in Catholicism. He returned to report to his country. What Aleni’s wrote is something like this, all is absurd and baseless. To allow foreign barbarians to infiltrate China with their heresies, build palaces to house them, offer them generous salaries, and let them corrupt people and abandon the righteous way—whose fault is this?”

(H. Dong 2000, pp. 685–86)

Dong Han initially states, “The learning of the Lord of Heaven has many followers who are lured.” Here, he uses “learning of the Lord of Heaven”, indicating he perceives Western learning as deceptive, luring scholars into its fold. Dong Han warns that “learning of the Lord of Heaven” might allure unsuspecting scholars.

Next, Dong Han quotes excerpts from Giulio Aleni’s Zhifang waiji. Aleni (1582–1649) was an Italian Jesuit who entered China in 1600 (Lippiello and Malek 1997). He spread Catholicism in various provinces and authored numerous Chinese works, including Zhifang waiji (1623), a geography introduction that circulated widely.

Aleni’s Zhifang waiji originates from the explanation of the World Map (Kunyu wanguo quantu). Matteo Ricci once presented the Map to the Wanli Emperor. Diego de Pantoja (1571–1618) and Sabatino de Ursis (1575–1620) were ordered to write an explanation. Giulio Aleni then supplemented their work and compiled it into a book. Therefore, the Zhifang waiji was essentially a work describing Western geography and customs (Wang 2024).

The maps and explanations carried by the missionaries brought new geographical knowledge and worldviews to scholars, one of which was changing the scholars’ traditional Hua-Yi (Chinese barbarian) concept. For example, Qu Shigu (瞿式穀) believed that some Confucian scholars were “not well-traveled” and would frequently talk about “barbarians and Chinese”, while in reality, “China occupies one-tenth of Asia, and Asia occupies one-fifth of the world. Beyond the Divine Land (China), there are nine-tenths similar to the Divine Land. To stubbornly hold onto this small corner and dismiss the entire world as barbarians and beasts—could this not invite ridicule like that of the frog in the well (Qu 1965, p. 1300)?”

Of course, the missionaries’ primary purpose was proselytization. For example, when Li Zhizao saw the world map, he felt a sense of reverence for the great Creator: “This reveals the limited knowledge of humans and the infinite wisdom of the Creator,” and “The Creator has been particularly generous to humans. Shouldn’t people strive to serve Him with devotion and fulfill their destiny (Zhizao Li 1965, pp. 1280–81)?” Yang Tingyun explicitly stated: “This compilation uses pleasant sights and sounds to delight and entertain, aiming to touch people’s hearts. Its words are near, but its intentions are far-reaching (T. Yang 1965, p. 1297).”

The content of Zhifang waiji quoted by Dong Han can be divided into three parts. “It states”, which refers to what Giulio Aleni or the Zhifang waiji claimed. Upon investigation of the Zhifang waiji included in the Tianxue chuhan, there is no mention of the words “From the west seas, crossing 90,000 li to China… no land has not been instructed and guided by the Lord of Heaven.” This may be Dong Han’s own summary. “Its claims”, this portion is extracted from Volume 1, “Judea” (如德亚) in Zhifang waiji but the phrase “The Lord of Heaven created the heavens and the earth, nurtured humanity and would descend himself” is not in the original text. It was added by Dong Han. From “to open the way for eternal salvation for thousands of generations” to “to join the religion, one must first repent and then be forgiven to sins,” these were extracted from “Judea”, though with some omissions. The last sentence, “Female members of confraternities live separately,” may be copied from Volume 2, “General Remarks on Europe” (欧罗巴总说) where the original text refers to female believers gathering separately from male believers. “Only parents are allowed occasional visits” is also from “General Remarks on Europe”, though the original text refers to female religious members: “After women enter the congregation, only close relatives like parents may visit them.” “Male members observe more varied rules” is also from “General Remarks on Europe”, referring to male religious members.

The phrase “Believers carry crosses, respect holy crosses, or wear them on their chests” may come from Volume 3, which says, “Monks hold a cross or hang it on their chest”, though “must receive blessings” is not in the original text.

“It further narrates that a Western minister named Columbus, …… confirming overseas people exist.” This section is from Volume 4, “General Remarks on America” (亚墨利加总说) with some alterations. “Another, named Cortés……Then the missionaries were sent to persuade them to do goods” is also from “General Remarks on America,” with some edits. The sentence, “Then Magellan was sent to travel from west to east, circling the globe for thousands of li, crossing the equator four times over 300,000 li and all believed in Catholicism. He returned to report to his country” is not in the original text, though parts come from Volume 4, “General Remarks on America”.

From the above analysis, it can be seen that although Dong Han claimed that the content of “Catholicism” came from Giulio Aleni’s Zhifang waiji, some parts are Dong Han’s summaries. Dong Han’s summaries mainly include three points: Dong Han said Giulio Aleni and other missionaries “can observe the positions of the equator and the two poles to determine the territories of all nations. Among them, no land has not been influenced by the Lord of Heaven.” Dong Han said that Catholic believers “carry crosses… will receive blessings”. At the end, Dong Han proposed: “circling the globe… He returned to his country while spreading Catholicism”.

These three parts might come from Dong Han’s impressions or misunderstandings and are not an accurate summary of Zhifang waiji, especially the first and third points. In fact, Giulio Aleni did not claim in Zhifang waiji that all global populations believed in Catholicism. He only mentioned that “from the king to commoners, all in Europe follow the Catholic Church of Jesus (Aleni 1965, p. 1356)”, while noting that in Asia, Africa, and America, there were indigenous people who did not believe in Catholicism. However, Giulio Aleni emphasized that missionaries entered these areas to persuade these “uncivilized” indigenous people to convert to Catholicism. For the purpose of evangelization, Giulio Aleni seemed to emphasize in Zhifang waiji that apart from China, other countries believed in Catholicism and became more enlightened and civilized under its influence. As for the second point, the emphasis on the importance of the cross and the idea might come from general impressions of Catholics.

Finally, Dong Han evaluated Zhifang waiji. Dong Han found Zhifang waiji absurd and baseless, primarily due to the unfamiliar Western geographical knowledge it recorded, including the spherical Earth theory, global circumnavigation, the four continents (Asia, Europe, Africa, and America), the four oceans, latitudes and longitudes, and the equator (Brook 2020, p. 263). Besides this, Giulio Aleni documented local customs and various strange phenomena. Dong Han was suspicious of the completely unfamiliar geographical knowledge in Zhifang waiji, but what he found most absurd were the Catholic contents recorded in it, particularly the three examples he cited. These three materials are all related to Catholicism, with the first and third speaking of its universality, and the second describing the birth of the Lord of Heaven. Among them, Dong Han quoted extensively from the text about the birth of the Lord of Heaven.

Therefore, it can be seen that the reason why Dong Han found Zhifang waiji absurd and unsubstantiated lies in the universality of Catholicism and the birth of the Lord of Heaven. These two aspects brought unprecedented impact to Confucian scholars, making them difficult to accept. Dong Han recorded “Catholicism” (Tianzhu jiao) during the time of Yang Guangxian’s opposition to Christianity. The reasons for Yang Guangxian’s opposition to Christianity were essentially the same as Dong Han’s. Both Yang Guangxian and Dong Han adhered to the traditional Confucian worldview of distinguishing between the civilized (Chinese) and the barbaric (foreigners), with a deeply ingrained Sinocentric perspective. Yang Guangxian even proposed the slogan: “It is better for China to have no good calendar than to have Westerners in China”. Yang Guangxian harshly criticized Li Zubai’s Tianxue chuangai 天学传概, which advocated the universal concept of Catholicism, claiming that Li Zubai had “betrayed his own country (G. Yang 1966, p. 1076)”. Aleni, in Zhifang waiji, promoted the universalism of Catholicism and the claim that all nations on Earth adhered to Catholicism, which made it unacceptable to Dong Han.

Another content that Yang Guangxian and Dong Han found absurd was the birth of the Lord of Heaven. In Bude yi 不得已, Yang Guangxian attacked the image of Jesus, ultimately concluding: Jesus was the leader of the rebellion in Judea (G. Yang 1966, p. 1114). If Jesus is a saint, then the leaders of Yellow Turbans of Han and the leaders of White Lotus of Ming could all be called saints (G. Yang 1966, p. 1130). The accounts Dong Han cited about the birth of Jesus and the miracles of Jesus were contrary to the Confucian stance of “not discussing strange phenomena, feats of strength, disorder, and spirits”. During the late Ming period, many scholars and officials were quite favorable towards missionaries and Western learning, but they found it difficult to accept the image of Jesus (Xiao 2022; Jiang 2000, p. 362).

Dong Han’s attitude toward Catholicism was from the standpoint of Confucian orthodoxy and Sinocentrism, believing that Catholicism and Western science were absurd and unacceptable. Dong Han referred to missionaries as “foreign barbarians from overseas” and labeled Catholicism and Western science as “heresies”.

Similarly to other content in Notes in Three Hills, Dong Han often criticized current issues and even pointed fingers at court policies in his commentary. This particular critique evidently addressed the court’s handling of Catholicism during the early Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns, measures that were actually associated with Emperor Shunzhi himself. Dong Han’s critique directly addressed the crux of the issue but also invited attacks from opponents.

2.2.4. Execution of the Heretics and Qiongli Xue by Ferdinand Verbiest

The last section in Notes in Three Hills related to Catholicism is found in Volume Eight, titled “Zuodao fufa” (Execution of the Heretics/左道伏法). The recorded period is from Jihai (己亥1679) to Guihai (癸亥1683). The main content of Zuodao fufa describes the execution of Zhu Fangdan (朱方旦) in Hubei for “spreading heretical teachings and misleading ignorant people”. Many documents record Zhu Fangdan, such as Rongcun yulu 榕村语录, Chibei outan 池北偶谈, Juyi lu 居易录, Liunan suibi 柳南随笔, Luyuan shihua 履园诗话, and Donghua lu 东华录. One of Zhu Fangdan’s “heresies” was his claim that “the ‘middle path’ (中道) lies above the bridge of my nose, between the two eyebrows.” Why was this statement considered heretical by the petitioner Wang Hongxu (王鸿绪)? Meng Sen (孟森) believed this phrase came from Zhu Fangdan’s Zhongshuo bu 中说补, which “explains the functions of the brain”. Meng Sen believed Zhu Fangdan’s ideas were somewhat related to missionaries like Matteo Ricci, but Zhu Fangdan “must have had his insights and not simply borrowed ideas (Meng 2000, p. 387)”. Confucian tradition holds that memory comes from the heart, while Zhu Fangdan advocates that the brain governs memory. Clearly, there is a conflict between the two views.

However, the documents recording Zhu Fangdan’s case and Wang Hongxu’s memorial did not associate Zhu Fangdan’s statement with the idea that the brain governs memory. Wang Hongxu only considered Zhu Fangdan’s statement as “eccentric and contrary to the sacred teachings (B. Zhang n.d., p. 91).” It was Dong Han who explicitly connected the two. After recounting Zhu Fangdan’s case, Dong Han added: “Later, there was Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–1688) of the Imperial Astronomical Bureau (Malek 1994), who authored Qiongli xue 穷理学. He stated that the soul is the essence and that all knowledge and memory reside not in the heart but in the brain. His statements were unreasonable and absurd to the extreme, and he was ordered to have his work burned (H. Dong 2000, p. 742).”

Clearly, for Dong Han, Zhu Fangdan’s idea of “the middle path lies above the bridge of my nose, between the two eyebrows” was the same as Verbiest’s concept that “all knowledge and memory reside not in the heart but in the brain”, both promoting the brain’s function. Thus, Dong Han regarded Verbiest’s “brain governing memory” as heresy.

The concept of “brain governing memory” was introduced to China through Matteo Ricci’s Xiguo jifa 西国记法 and was further elaborated in works such as Schall von Bell’s Zhuzhi qunzheng 主制群征, Giulio Aleni’s Xingxue chushu 性学觕述, and Jacobus Rho’s Taixi renshen shuogai 泰西人身说概. Some Confucian scholars like Fang Yizhi (方以智) and Jin Sheng (金声) accepted it, but there were also many opponents (Yang et al. 2013).

Zhu Fangdan’s case occurred in the 21st year of Kangxi (1682), and Verbiest presented Qiongli xue in the 22nd year of Kangxi, August (1683). Qiongli xue, based on Mingli tan 名理探, added relevant translations and was compiled into 60 volumes, which were submitted to Emperor Kangxi. The book covered Western knowledge on logic, physics, mathematics, mechanics, optics, biology, etc. Because the logic and other content were difficult to understand without a foundation in Western learning and the translations were convoluted, the book was hard to read. Therefore, despite Verbiest’s eagerness for Emperor Kangxi to order its publication officially, the book was ultimately not printed. Dong Han’s claim that it was burned does not seem factual.

Previously, Verbiest’s position in the court had risen steadily. In the 13th year of Kangxi (1674), he was promoted to Taichang Temple Minister while still overseeing the calendar; in the 17th year of Kangxi (1678), he was further promoted; in the 21st year of Kangxi (1682), he became Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Works; and in the 22nd year of Kangxi (1683), he accompanied the emperor on a northern expedition (B. Huang 2003, pp. 529–34).

Contrary to Dong Han’s claim of “ordered to burn”, Emperor Kangxi, while not interested in Qiongli xue, still protected Verbiest and Catholicism. In the 23rd year of Kangxi (1684), during his southern inspection, Kangxi met with missionaries to show favor. In the 26th year of Kangxi (1687), when Verbiest fell seriously ill, Kangxi sent imperial physicians to treat him and attendants to care for him. In the 31st year of Kangxi (1692), Zhejiang Governor Zhang Penghe (张鹏翮) submitted a memorial opposing Catholicism, and Kangxi decreed that Westerners in all regions “may continue to act as usual and need not be prohibited”, issuing the Edict of Tolerance (B. Huang 2003, p. 551). By then, Catholicism in China was already “in full flourish”.

2.3. The Reasons for Dong Han’s Aversion to Catholicism

Why did Dong Han attack Catholicism in Notes in Three Hills? Lu Yuanchang (卢元昌), in the preface to Notes in Three Hills, pointed out: “Regarding the principles of society and human ethics, customs, and moral norms, there is not a single volume in which such concerns are not expressed”. “Today, the Notes in Three Hills is concise and rigorous, detailed yet comprehensive, adhering to principles without extravagance or excess. Its main theme is to praise goodness and criticize evil, promoting encouragement and deterrence (Lu 2000, p. 608).” According to Lu Yuanchang’s understanding, although Notes in Three Hills records unofficial histories and anecdotes, its purpose is to benefit social morality, uphold customs and moral norms, and encourage people to improve themselves.

In other words, Dong Han stood for the position of Confucian orthodoxy, criticizing social phenomena that did not conform to Confucian ethics and praising figures who upheld Confucian values. For example, in the book, Dong Han opposed extravagance, criticized intermarriage between scholars and merchants, and advocated for tax reductions and benevolent governance. Dong Han also criticized Li Yu (李渔) in his book for “indulging in the creation of obscene lyrics and novels (H. Dong 2000, p. 680).”

Therefore, Dong Han believed that Catholicism was inconsistent with Confucian thought and even less aligned with traditional Confucian views on Chinese and foreign relations. The Western science, theology, and religious activities promoted by Catholicism were all in conflict with Confucianism. Wang Hongxu, who petitioned against Zhu Fangdan, was also from Songjiang and opposed Zhu Fangdan to defend Confucian orthodoxy. Dong Han and Wang Hongxu were also acquainted.

Dong Han recorded the Zhu Fangdan case in Notes in Three Hills and placed Ferdinand Verbiest at the end of this case, making his intentions clear. Dong Han not only praised Wang Hongxu for defending Confucian orthodoxy but also subtly equated Verbiest with Zhu Fangdan, labeling the “brain governing memory” theory in Qiongli xue as heresy. Wang Hongxu had accused Zhu Fangdan of “betraying Confucius and Mencius”, “revering evil spirits”, “deceiving the ignorant”, and “sowing discord among the populace.” Dong Han also believed that Catholicism matched these accusations.

In other words, Dong Han hoped that Catholicism would be treated the same way as Zhu Fangdan. Dong Han mentioned Catholicism in two instances in Notes in Three Hills, both related to current events: in Volume 5, “Catholicism”, was recorded during Yang Guangxian’s anti-Catholic campaign, while in Volume 8, “Zuodao fufa” was recorded during the Zhu Fangdan case. Both were nominally court and conservative Confucian measures to combat “heresy” and maintain orthodoxy. Dong Han’s recording of Catholicism during these incidents and labeling it as “heresy” likely catered to the political climate of the time, and his anti-Catholic intentions were evident.

Dong Han also recorded the deeds of Tang Bin (汤斌) and Zhang Penghe in Notes in Three Hills, both of whom were unfriendly towards Catholicism. Zhang Penghe even petitioned against Catholicism. Tang Bin’s deeds are recorded in Volume 9, “Abolishing Idolatrous Temples”, describing how Tang Bin “imprisoned the monks of Shangfang Mountain in Suzhou”, “threw the statues of the Five Gods into Taihu Lake”, and petitioned “to strictly prohibit idolatrous temples”. Dong Han highly praised Tang Bin’s actions (H. Dong 2000, p. 758). Zhang Penghe’s deeds are recorded in Volume 1 of Sangang xu shilue, where Dong Han described Zhang Penghe as “sincere and upright, strictly impartial and cautious, completing his term without personal entanglements (H. Dong 2000, p. 791).” However, Dong Han did not mention Zhang Penghe’s 1691 order to local officials to prohibit the practice of Catholicism.

Additionally, Dong Han’s family had a tradition of reverence for Buddhism. Dong Han’s great-grandfather Dong Jiaxiang “embraced the teachings of the Western sect” in his later years. Dong Han’s mother was a devout Buddhist layperson, described as follows: “My mother set aside household matters, built a chamber, and enshrined a statue of Guanyin, reciting sutras daily, regardless of the weather, and observed over twenty days of vegetarian fasting each month (Anonymous 1719, vol. 8, p. 50a).” Shen Bai (沈白) praised Dong Han’s mother for “finding peace in simple vegetarian meals” and “embracing the tranquil and simple lifestyle while rejecting extravagant habits (Anonymous 1719, vol. 10, p. 48b).” Notes in Three Hills contains many records related to Buddhism, including Dong Han’s mother’s devotion. Dong Han himself also studied Buddhism: “I have delved into the teachings of the Western sect.” He maintained interactions with Buddhist monks. Catholicism, on the other hand, often criticized Buddhism, Daoism, and folk customs. Dong Han’s mother’s Buddhist devotion might have influenced Dong Han’s attitudes toward both Buddhism and Catholicism.

Dong Han was also a deeply filial person who valued family and ancestral worship. Apart from his original wife, Dong Han had two subsequent wives, Jiang and Zhao, and possibly a concubine. According to The Dong Family Genealogy, Dong Han’s eldest son, Dong Weibao (董威宝), was born to Zhu, implying that he may have been born to a concubine. Dong Han married his third wife at the age of 39 but did not have a son until the age of 46. This suggests that Dong Han’s three wives might not have borne children, and his offspring likely came from concubines. Both ancestor worship and concubinage were criticized by Catholicism, making Dong Han’s disdain for Catholicism understandable.

Catholicism in the early Qing lacked high-ranking official converts like the “Three Pillars”. Catholicism in early Qing relied on the emperor’s support, with missionaries such as Johann Adam Schall von Bell and Ferdinand Verbiest closely associated with the emperor. Although during the Shunzhi reign, many defectors were in contact with Schall von Bell and, as Qing rule stabilized, Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism once again became dominant in the court. Many Neo-Confucian officials criticized Catholicism, such as Zhang Boxing, who praised Wang Hongxu’s “reverence for Confucian classics and rejection of heresy” and wrote a petition against Catholicism, accusing it of disregarding ancestor worship, undermining ethics, disrespecting Confucius, neglecting filial piety, using money for conversions, corrupting morals, and promoting improper gender relations. Officials such as Lu Longqi (陆陇其), Lu Shiyi (陆世仪), and Li Guangdi (李光地), while not entirely dismissing Western science, were critical of Catholicism.

Moreover, Dong Han’s political frustrations due to the Tax Fraud Case left him with a strong sense of resentment and an attitude of discontent with the times. He was also critical of secular trends and customs. Dong Han’s profound concern for social customs often manifested as a sense of alienation from society: “I vow to follow the ancient ways, even if mocked by worldly people”, “Dedicated to integrity, yet belittled by the mundane”. He frequently criticized luxury and idolatry. Catholicism was often seen as an alien religion disrupting local customs, which provides context important for understanding Dong Han’s opposition to it.

3. Rebuttal of Catholicism Against Notes in Three Hills

Due to the wide circulation and significant influence of Notes in Three Hills before it was reported, Dong Han’s attacks on Catholicism in the book naturally caused negative effects on the Catholicism provoking intense responses from the Church.

The French National Library holds a manuscript titled Refute the False Accusation 辩诬, the author of which is not named. It is cataloged by Courant as chinois 7159. The text has undergone editing and punctuation. Chu Pingyi (祝平一) believes this book was likely written around 1699 (Wu 2015, p. 119). Refute the False Accusation can be divided into six parts, totaling about 4000 characters. The author is likely a missionary, as the text includes phrases such as “if we Westerners behold this great nation” and “a foreign traveler alone (Anonymous 1699, pp. 2a–3b)”.

3.1. The History of Catholicism in China and Support from Literati and Emperors

Refute the False Accusation begins by explaining the reason for its composition, which is to introduce Catholicism’s worldview and the history of its arrival in China. Unlike Tianxue chuangai, which triggered Yang Guangxian’s Anti-Catholic movement, Refute the False Accusation does not emphasize the universality or monotheistic nature of Catholicism but instead aligns closely with Confucian traditions, saying: “From the moment the two principles divided and myriad beings were born, all things were completed, and human culture began (Anonymous 1699, p. 1a).” Tianxue chuangai, by contrast, states: “Long ago, the Lord of Heaven namely the Shangdi, at the beginning of the ages, created the heavens and the earth, and nurtured all beings (Zubai Li 1966, p. 1056).” Clearly, the former borrows from Neo-Confucian cosmology, making it more relatable to Confucian traditions.

After discussing the origins of heaven and Earth, Refute the False Accusation introduces Catholicism’s “history of degeneration”, referring to humanity’s fall and the rise of heresies. It asserts:

“By the time of Tang, Yu, and the Three Dynasties, the wilderness had receded, the dawn had broken, and sages governed the realm. With awe and reverence, they extended their sincerity through rites and ceremonies, understanding that heaven is not merely the blue vault above. As for the moral virtues of the ancient sovereigns, their enlightenment extended universally, and their benevolence shone far and wide-east to west, the principles were the same.”

(Anonymous 1699, pp. 1a–b)

According to Catholic tradition, this passage describes humanity’s “natural” stage, where human beings, before falling into sin, could comprehend the Creator through their innate nature. Unlike Tianxue chuangai, Refute the False Accusation extensively borrows Confucian terminology here, aiming to demonstrate compatibility between Catholicism and Confucianism.

After introducing the “natural” stage, Catholic texts usually discuss the “scriptural” phase, marked by Moses delivering the Ten Commandments. Refute the False Accusation, however, merely states: “As the ages shifted and human hearts degenerated, heresies emerged. Individuals clung to their biases, leading to falsity and nihilism (Anonymous 1699, p. 1b).” It does not mention Moses or the Ten Commandments but rather says: “Thanks to the subtle and profound principles of sincerity and unity, each generation had sages to inherit and maintain the lineage. Through sincere self-cultivation, genuine Confucians emerged to develop their studies (Anonymous 1699, p. 1b).” Here, Refute the False Accusation appears to narrate the history of Confucian orthodoxy from the perspective of a Confucian guardian, praising Confucian defenders for upholding orthodoxy against heresies.

Additionally, Refute the False Accusation expresses high praise for Qing rulers: “Fortunately, we are in a luminous era, where successive emperors have rejected heresies, promoted practical learning, and advanced moral education, achieving clarity in calendrical sciences. As a result, their supreme virtues have influenced far and wide, surpassing previous dynasties and standing unparalleled in history (Anonymous 1699, p. 2a).”

The author credits the Qing emperors with significant achievements in promoting real learning and suppressing heresies, attributing their success to their supreme virtues. Terms such as “genuine Confucians” and “practical learning” are particularly significant. On the surface, these terms appear to praise the Qing dynasty’s efforts in upholding Confucian orthodoxy, but they subtly allude to Catholicism. “Genuine Confucians” refers to Catholic Confucian scholars, while “practical learning” denotes Catholicism.

Next, Refute the False Accusation discusses the history of Catholicism in China, stating that Catholicism entered China “in the Tang dynasty during the Zhenguan era”. By the Ming dynasty, missionaries like Matteo Ricci and Johann Adam Schall von Bell “arrived in succession”, receiving active responses from Confucian scholars. Refute the False Accusation lists figures such as Ye Xianggao, Xu Guangqi, Zhu Zongyuan, and Zhang Nengxin. In the Shunzhi reign, Emperor Zhang praised Catholicism, bestowing the title “Master of Esoteric Knowledge” (通玄教师) upon Schall von Bell. Refute the False Accusation commends Emperor Kangxi’s “cultural and martial virtues, supreme benevolence, and filial piety surpassing Tang and Yu” and highlights his authorization for Ferdinand Verbiest to design military equipment and receive honors (Anonymous 1699, p. 3a).

Thus, the opening of Refute the False Accusation emphasizes two themes: Catholicism as the true and universal religion, and its long-standing history in China, recognized and supported by both late Ming scholars and Qing emperors. In summary, Catholicism is depicted as the true faith, already affirmed by the imperial court.

3.2. About the Prohibition of Christianity in Japan

Refute the False Accusation proceeds to quote five excerpts from Notes in Three Hills and refutes each in turn. The first excerpt comes from Volume 1, “Putuo cangjing”, recounting monk Zhan Wei’s experience at sea. Refute the False Accusation responds as follows:

“I have often heard that the Songjiang was once known as a marshy land, surrounded by great waves. During the fall of the Ming dynasty, unruly individuals gathered as bandits, assuming false titles. Some proclaimed themselves rulers with fabricated decrees, while others pretended to restore imperial lineage. Initially, they hid in obscurity, but later, they openly engaged in disorder. Among such figures were men like Ruan Jin, whose activities were countless. At the time of the Qing dynasty’s founding, imperial decrees were issued specifically addressing such communications. Ruan Jin, having accepted false ranks and mobilized forces, resisted the imperial army. If not an accomplice of rebels, how could he have engaged in deceitful schemes to smuggle scriptures to Japan, seeking assistance? Dong Han, willingly serving as a collaborator in this sacred era, conspired with rebels. Though spared punishment by execution at the time, he dared to elaborate on the origins of the appeal for aid and Zhan Wei’s voyages decades later, fabricating fantastical tales such as the red fish clutching the boat and the imperial decree calming the storm, all to twist the truth. Try to ask: after the Chongzhen Emperor martyred himself, and the imperial forces pacified the realm, quelling uprisings, stabilizing the six directions, and ushering in a new era of prosperity—how could the mentioned decrees between the two nations exist? What are these nations? What decrees? Such baseless fabrications surely mislead the public!”

(Anonymous 1699, p. 5)

The key point of Refute the False Accusation is not to question whether what Dong Han recorded is true but to emphasize that Dong Han’s records were “deliberately biased”, namely with a mind to admire the Ming dynasty. The Ming History edited by Wan Sitong (万斯同) intentionally recognized the political status of the Southern Ming and commended the integrity of those who resisted the Qing. However, later, under Kangxi’s instruction, Wang Hongxu’s draft Ming History intentionally downgraded the status of the Southern Ming regime and removed figures who resisted the Qing to weaken the historical influence of the Southern Ming. In this context, Refute the False Accusation refers to “unrestrained individuals forming gangs, falsely claiming titles, or proclaiming themselves as regents or successors”, which aligns more with the official approach to dealing with the Southern Ming at that time, but clearly differs from Dong Han’s self-perception as a loyal remnant of the Ming.

Ruan Jin was, in fact, a naval officer under the Southern Ming’s Prince Lu. After his defeat, he was captured and later died of illness. However, Refute the False Accusation considers Ruan Jin as an “unrestrained individual” and views Dong Han as one of his accomplices. Hence, Refute the False Accusation implicitly accuses Dong Han of considering himself a remnant loyalist. The rebuttal here carries certain political overtones. An anonymous letter of accusation pointed out that Dong Han, in Volume 1 of Notes in Three Hills, only used cyclical dates and did not use reign titles; and in Volume 8, described the “rebellion of various traitors” with terms such as “submitting at the mere sight of their flags”. All these suggest that Dong Han “slandered the court”, “showed no respect for the current dynasty”, and clearly harbored “a mind to admire the Ming”, thus his “crimes deserve death”. It can be seen that both sides attacked Dong Han on political grounds. Their intentions were also evident, aiming to turn Notes in Three Hills into a banned book through the creation of a “literary inquisition”, thereby stopping its circulation and dissemination.

Second, regarding the prohibition of Catholicism in Japan due to its incitement of uprisings and the matter of fumie (stepping on religious images), Refute the False Accusation points out that Zhifang waiji already documented the spread of Catholicism overseas. Catholicism spread its teachings worldwide “naturally, without coercion”. As for Catholicism “inciting uprisings”, it was nothing more than seeking others’ territories. However, Japan was “still more than 80,000 li away” from the West, and “gaining such territory would not suffice to defend it; it would only provoke armed conflict. Even the most foolish people could see through such a plan. How could such schemes come from religious monks (Anonymous 1699, p. 6b)?” Additionally, regarding the matter of fumie, Refute the False Accusation mentions that several decades ago, “when foreign ships passed through their waters, travelers were robbed. The Westerners prepared for defense, fought back, inflicted casualties, and retreated with regret.” This likely refers to the “Black Ship Incident”. “Later, another ship was robbed, and among the plundered goods was a Catholic icon. They crafted a replica and placed it ashore, forcing people to desecrate it to vent their anger. This indeed happened (Anonymous 1699, pp. 6b–7a).” Refute the False Accusation acknowledges that fumie occurred in Japan but asserts it only happened once.

Refute the False Accusation does not refute Japan’s “strict prohibition of Catholicism”, but rather criticizes Dong Han for “collecting floating rumors, fabricating slanders, and indulging in insults. When people’s words are baseless, they rely on others to legitimize their absurd claims. Dong Han, knowing his arguments lacked substance, fabricated terms like ‘secret techniques’ and ‘chaos in the inner chambers’. Such phantasms, fearing they would be exposed by the discerning, falsely attribute them to Zhang Linbai’s Mission to Japan Chronicles.”

It can be observed that Refute the False Accusation avoids the main issue and focuses instead on whether Zhang Linbai and his Mission to Japan Chronicles were authentic while sidestepping the prohibition of Christianity in Japan. In reality, Toyotomi Hideyoshi issued the “Order to Expel the Jesuits” in 1587, driving out missionaries. In 1597, the Nagasaki Martyrdom occurred, and in 1601, the Tokugawa Shogunate issued the “Keicho Prohibition Order”. Subsequently, Christian persecution was frequent, including the “Kyoto Great Martyrdom”, the “Genna Martyrdom”, the “Edo Great Martyrdom”, the “Hirado Great Martyrdom”, and the “Tohoku Great Martyrdom”. Incidents like “Unzen Hell” and fumie also emerged. During the prohibition period, “Hidden Christians” appeared in places like Nagasaki, worshiping Catholic relics disguised as Buddhist statues.

The prohibition of Christianity in Japan was not only long-lasting but also extremely brutal. Events like the prohibition and fumie may have been transmitted to China via traders traveling between the two countries. Therefore, Dong Han was not “collecting floating rumors and fabricating slanders”, and Zhang Linbai was not an invented figure. Fang Hao points out that Dong Han’s account of fumie came from Zhang Linbai’s Nanyou lu 难游录, which included Mission to Japan Chronicles. Moreover, prior to Dong Han’s Notes in Three Hills, works like Huang Zongxi’s Riben qishiji 日本乞师记, Haiwai tongkuji 海外恸哭记, all mentioned fumie. Thus, Fang Hao believes that the prohibition of Christianity and fumie in Japan were widely known during the late Ming and early Qing periods (Fang 2008, p. 717).

The author of Refute the False Accusation questions Dong Han about when Zhang Linbai served as an envoy to Japan: “Let me ask Dong Han: Since the founding of this dynasty, there has never been anyone sent to Japan on an official mission. Who is Linbai? When did he serve as an envoy? The truth or falsity can be easily discerned.” The author of Refute the False Accusation should have been aware that Zhang Linbai was a native of Shanghai who served as a secretary under the Southern Ming’s Prince Lu and accompanied Prince Anchang’s envoy to Japan. Such questioning effectively placed Dong Han in a politically precarious position.

3.3. About the Knowledge of Geography and Catholicism in Zhifang Waiji

Third, regarding the “Catholicism” in volume five of Notes in Three Hills. As previously mentioned, Dong Han in this section primarily judged Zhifang waiji as “absurd and baseless” based on three aspects of materials, and its theme refers to the universality of Catholicism and the birth of Jesus. Refute the False Accusation also refuted this from three aspects: “many were seduced”, the absurdity of Zhifang waiji, and the birth of Jesus.

Regarding “many were seduced”, Refute the False Accusation points out: “The entry of Catholicism into China began in the Tang dynasty. Its establishment as a religion was in the Ming dynasty. By the Qing dynasty, it was widely spread throughout the country (Anonymous 1699, p. 9a).” Refute the False Accusation believes that the reason Catholicism was accepted was because of the support of Shunzhi and Kangxi Emperors, as well as the approval of literati. Therefore, Dong Han’s claim that Catholicism incited and seduced the people is actually “deceptive and fame-stealing”, and also “slandering the emperors”. Refute the False Accusation argues that “ignorant people” may be “incited”, but can Shunzhi, Kangxi, and the literati also be “incited”?

As for the content recorded in Zhifang waiji, Refute the False Accusation believes it is “what the ears and eyes of Western scholars have experienced, recorded truthfully. If there was doubt or uncertainty, it was left blank, and they never forced ignorance into knowledge (Anonymous 1699, p. 9b).” Among them, what Dong Han deemed absurd and unrestrained was “entirely about worldly affairs and unrelated to sacred teachings”.

Regarding the matter of the birth of Jesus, Refute the False Accusation points out that Tianzhu jiangsheng yanxing jilu (天主降生言行纪略 Recording of Words and Deeds of the Incarnation of the Lord of Heaven) contains the beginning and end of the history, but Dong Han “does not understand the origins of the Heavenly Doctrine, edits various texts arbitrarily, and writes recklessly to curse it, claiming it to be absurd and unrestrained, utterly without basis. This is truly like a summer insect speaking of ice, not surprising at all (Anonymous 1699, pp. 9b–10a).” In reality, explaining Christology, especially the incarnation, suffering, and redemption of Jesus, to the literati was difficult for Catholicism. Yang Guangxian’s Bude yi was widely circulated, with one of its focal points of attack being Jesus. On this point, Refute the False Accusation is also unable to provide further explanation or clarification on the image of Jesus mentioned in Volume Five of Notes in Three Hills, merely concluding: “The principles and doctrines of the Heavenly Doctrine, and the original intention of its teachings, are all documented and do not need much debate (Anonymous 1699, p. 10a).”

Fourth, regarding Dong Han’s evaluation of Catholicism at the end of “Catholicism” in Volume Five of Notes in Three Hills, Refute the False Accusation mainly refuted this evaluation based on two points: “overseas small barbarians” and “heresy”. Regarding “overseas small barbarians”, Refute the False Accusation refuted Dong Han’s Sinocentric worldview. It pointed out: “Shun was born among the east Zhufeng诸冯, and King Wen lived in the western Qi岐 region, yet they were never excluded due to the distance between east and west. Westerners, outside of daily necessities, have no principles; outside of ethics, have no teachings. To label them as heretical, isn’t this not only slandering others but also self-slandering (Anonymous 1699, p. 10b)?” The introduction of Catholicism into China strongly impacted the traditional relationship between “barbarians and Chinese”, leading to much discussion. Some, like Xu Guangqi, changed their inherent Sinocentric views, but officials like Yang Guangxian and Dong Han still could not accept it.

Regarding the question of whether Catholicism is heresy, Refute the False Accusation mainly listed the privileges Catholicism received in the early Qing dynasty, such as the construction of the Xuanwumen Church by imperial decree, and the missionaries “being favored as advisors, summoned to the imperial court, involved in calendrical reform, or serving in official departments… with pensions and funeral honors, the special favors are too numerous to enumerate (Anonymous 1699, p. 11a).” The court’s favors towards Catholicism “from the beginning of Shunzhi’s reign to the 38th year of Kangxi (1699), are all clearly recorded, published in books like Xichao dingan 熙朝定案 and Lunyin tedian 纶音特典 (Anonymous 1699, p. 11a).” Among these imperial decrees, none referred to Catholicism as heresy. Refute the False Accusation points out that Dong Han ignored these decrees, labeling Catholicism as heresy, which was in fact “slandering the court”; moreover, Dong Han rebuked, “Whose fault is it”, which actually showed no regard for the monarch, “making people tremble with fear. To say ‘whose’ to the supreme and unparalleled monarch, and to call the unprecedented imperial grace a ‘fault’. To insult Western scholars is still tolerable, but to slander the court is treasonous. If this can be tolerated, what cannot be tolerated?” Therefore, Refute the False Accusation considers Dong Han to be rebellious and disrespectful to the court (Anonymous 1699, p. 11b).

3.4. About the Theory of Brain Governing Memory in Qiongli Xue

Fifth, regarding the Qiongli xue and the theory of the brain governing memory, as recorded in Volume Eight of Notes in Three Hills. It is surprising that Refute the False Accusation does not recognize that missionaries ever composed a book entitled Qiongli xue, nor does it admit that missionaries proposed the idea that the brain governs memory. Refute the False Accusation claims that Western scholars’ writings, including Catholicism and astronomy, are all “universal and upright”, with nothing to conceal. Catholic scriptures are publicly visible throughout the country, and astronomical and calendrical studies are only submitted for imperial review. Beyond this, Catholicism has “never had a book called Qiongli xue (Anonymous 1699, p. 12a).”

Refute the False Accusation asserts that this book was fabricated by Dong Han: “Now, speaking of Qiongli xue, Western scholars have never written such a book. Dong Han fabricated this title. Not only does he fail to understand Western scholarship, but he also does not comprehend Chinese scholarship. Such egregious errors, would they not be ridiculed by knowledgeable people (Anonymous 1699, p. 12b)?”

However, confusion arises when Refute the False Accusation refutes Dong Han’s claim that the Kangxi Emperor “ordered it to be burned (Qiongli xue)”, as it also acknowledges that Ferdinand Verbiest once translated a book with the title of Gewu qiongli 格物穷理 at the emperor’s behest. This book was submitted for imperial review, and Kangxi even commanded ministers and grand historians to “read and compare it thoroughly. The emperor’s words are as brilliant as stars and sunlight.”

Regarding the theory of the brain governing memory, Refute the False Accusation first inherits Catholicism’s traditional stance, asserting that the “mandate of heaven is called nature, and nature is the soul”. However, unlike previous Catholic interpretations, Refute the False Accusation claims that the heart (心) is the master of clarity and illumination, governing all human actions, speech, and silence (Anonymous 1699, p. 13a). Historically, from Matteo Ricci, Giulio Aleni, and Johann Adam Schall von Bell to Ferdinand Verbiest, Jesuits regarded the soul as the master, comprising three faculties: memory, intellect, and will. As previously noted, post-Ricci Jesuits proposed that memory resides in the brain.

Contemporary to Dong Han was the Catholic–Confucian doctor Wang Honghan (王宏翰), also from Huating (later relocated to Suzhou). In his Yixue yuanshi 医学原始 (1688), Wang discussed the functions of the brain (S. Dong 2008, pp. 384–85; P. Chu 1999, pp. 165–201). Moreover, this book includes prefaces by notable figures such as Han Tan (韩菼 1637–1704), Miao Tong (缪彤 1627–1697), Xu Qianxue (徐乾学 1631–1694), and Shen Zongjing (沈宗敬1669–1735) (Niu 2007, pp. 12–14). The book seemed widely circulated during the Kangxi era.

Nonetheless, Refute the False Accusation dismisses the theory of the brain governing memory as absurd and claims that attributing this view to Catholicism is Dong Han’s fabrication: “To allege that all knowledge and memory do not reside in the heart but in the brain is so ludicrous and preposterous that even the most foolish would not believe it. To say it is not in the heart, uttering such nonsense to slander Western scholars, is this not akin to a speaking beast (Anonymous 1699, p. 13a)?”

In fact, on 26 August 1683, Ferdinand Verbiest presented Qiongli xue and submitted a memorial requesting Kangxi to order its publication. On September 8, Kangxi decreed: “The Ministry of Rites and Hanlin Academy should jointly read and review this book, then report to me. The book is distributed to you at the same time (Verbiest 2016, p. 408).” According to the Kangxi qijuzhu 康熙起居注, on November 14 of the same year, Kangxi convened the Hanlin Academy to deliberate Verbiest’s petition for the publication of Qiongli xue. The proposal was denied: “The contents of this book are excessively absurd and incoherent.” Mingzhu (明珠), a court official, remarked: “Its claims, such as that human knowledge and memory reside in the brain, are utterly mistaken.” Kangxi ordered: “No need to send this decision to Verbiest. Only return the book to him (S. Xu 2014, pp. 480–81).”

Furthermore, Zhu Shi (祝石), a Catholic from Lianxi, Zhejiang, wrote to Verbiest. In his letter, Zhu mentioned: “Recently, I read the Imperial Bulletin (gazette/邸报) and saw that the teacher (referring to Verbiest) submitted a memorial with a sixty-volume book on the investigation of things and principles. This is an unprecedented book in China, elucidating principles unknown since the beginning of the world. Although it has been ordered for review, I fear it will be difficult to promote quickly. The emperor will undoubtedly inquire further, but it is uncertain when a reply will arrive (Zhu n.d., p. 11).”

Thus, apart from “ordering it to be burned,” Dong Han’s accounts in Notes in Three Hills are largely factual. The denial by Refute the False Accusation of the existence of Qiongli xue could be because the book was not published after submission, or its title may have differed.

This indicates that Refute the False Accusation adopted a strategic approach in refuting Dong Han’s allegations about Catholicism. Beyond emphasizing Dong Han’s “treasonous and deceitful” political stance, it deliberately highlighted the Qing court’s favorable treatment of Catholicism. Moreover, Refute the False Accusation downplayed certain accusations, avoiding topics like the birth of Jesus, refraining from addressing Zhang Linbai’s account of Japan’s prohibition of Christianity, and outright denying Qiongli xue and the theory of brain governing memory.

Refute the False Accusation defended Catholicism primarily on two grounds: Confucian orthodoxy and imperial protection. Confucian orthodoxy refers to Catholicism’s tradition of aligning with Confucian values. Refute the False Accusation prominently displayed this alignment, extensively using Confucian terminology and asserting that Catholicism gained recognition from Confucian literati, aiming to emphasize compatibility with Confucianism. Imperial protection refers to the court’s favor toward Catholicism: missionaries served the imperial court, earning favor from Shunzhi and Kangxi emperors, with no imperial edicts labeling Catholicism as heresy.

4. Remarks and Conclusions

In the 31st year of Kangxi (1692), the Edict of Toleration was issued. Missionaries treated it as a treasure, and the status of Catholicism was finally established politically. However, the Edict of Toleration did not affirmatively define Catholicism or confirm it as an orthodox religion. Instead, it stated: “Westerners have committed no acts of evil or disorder, nor are they practitioners of heterodox ways that deceive the masses or heresies that cause trouble. Lama monks in their temples are still allowed to burn incense and come and go. Westerners have committed no illegal acts; prohibiting them seems inappropriate. It is therefore proper to let all Catholic churches remain as they are. Those offering incense and worship may continue as usual without prohibition (B. Huang 2003, p. 552).” The Edict of Toleration deemed Catholicism neither heterodox nor heretical but did not recognize it as an orthodox religion equivalent to Confucianism. Moreover, the Edict equated Westerners with Lama monks, essentially likening Catholicism to Western customs, similar to how Lamaism was a custom of Tibetans and Mongols.

Catholicism faced a significant challenge in early Qing: its legitimacy. It could not fundamentally explain the rationale for its dissemination in China and had to rely on alignment with Confucianism and protection by imperial authority. However, both approaches to providing legitimacy were highly fragile. Catholicism attempted to provide rational explanations based on reason, claiming compatibility with Confucianism and alignment with its orthodoxy. It also argued that Catholicism could help Confucianism counter the influence of Buddhism and Daoism, thereby supplementing Confucianism or even surpassing it. Matteo Ricci even played the role of a “defender of Confucianism” in his works. However, if Catholicism aligned with Confucianism, why would Confucian scholars need Catholicism? Furthermore, as Neo-Confucianism (Cheng-Zhu philosophy) once again became dominant in official academia, Confucianism no longer needed Catholicism for supplementation or assistance. For Kangxi-era scholars, Xu Guangqi’s claim that Catholicism could “serve Confucianism” or “enhance governance” was far from convincing. Catholicism relied on its relationship with the emperor for its justification, but imperial protection was a double-edged sword. While it brought immense benefits, it also placed Catholicism’s fate at the mercy of the emperor’s personal preferences.

As Catholicism spread further in China, its distinctiveness, religious nature, and exclusivity (universality) became undeniable. The distinction between Catholicism and Western science also grew more evident. If, in the late Ming dynasty, literati’s curiosity about Western science gradually led them to appreciate Catholicism and even convert, by the early Qing, the literati’s interest in Western science increasingly alienated them from Catholicism. Late Ming scholars admired Western science; early Qing scholars regarded it dismissively, asserting that it originated in China. Their disdain for Western religion only grew. For example, the Siku Quanshu 四库全书 editors claimed that parts of Ferdinand Verbiest’s Kunyu tushuo 坤舆图说 were adaptations of the ancient Chinese text Classic of Divine Marvels 神异经: “We suspect that after these teachings came to the East, their proponents encountered ancient Chinese texts and imitated and altered their theories. Thus, their claims lack any true foundation (Verbiest 2016, p. 406).” As early Qing rule stabilized and Confucian ideology was reinforced, Catholicism and Confucianism inevitably diverged.

Dong Han’s main objections to Catholicism included its universality, theological ideas such as the birth of Jesus, and the Western science introduced by missionaries, which he rejected due to its divergence from Confucian traditions—e.g., the spherical Earth theory and that the brain governs memory. Dong Han’s stance was unequivocal—he viewed Catholicism as a heresy and missionaries as “small barbarians from overseas.” He advocated strict measures against Catholicism, akin to the Zhu Fangdan case or the prohibition of Christianity in Japan.

Dong Han was not alone in his opposition to Catholicism and Western science. Mao Qiling (毛奇龄 1623–1716), who interacted with Dong Han, was skeptical of the geographical knowledge introduced by Jesuits like Matteo Ricci, dismissing their claims as “unverifiable and absurd”. The Foreign Nations Biography 外国列传 in the History of the Ming 明史, authored by Jiangnan scholars including Mao Qiling, criticized Jesuits for “using Catholicism to deceive the masses, occasionally misleading scholars and commoners alike” (Standaert 2001, p. 520; Y. Yang 2017, pp. 259–60; Mao 1937, p. 1367; Yu and Rao 2008, p. 195). Dai Mingshi (戴名世 1653–1713), a contemporary of Dong Han, wrote Records of Japanese Customs 日本风土记, which contains views nearly identical to those in Notes in Three Hills (Dai 2019, pp. 351–52). Zha Shenxing (查慎行 1650–1727) included anti-Catholic content in his work Notes from Deshu Tower 得树楼杂钞, reflecting his stance against Catholicism and Western science (Zha 2017, p. 116). Cheng Tingzuo (程廷祚 1691–1767) wrote Records of Lotus Island 莲花岛纪略 and Letters to Zhang Jianfu of Qianshan 与潜山张健夫书, in which he criticized Catholicism and Western science while praising Yang Guangxian’s anti-Catholic actions (Cheng 2004, pp. 335–37, 390–91). Bian Lianbao (边连宝 1700–1773) described Catholicism as “preposterous and irrational” in his writings (Bian 2013, p. 441). Shu Menglan (舒梦兰 1759–1837) mocked Catholic doctrines in Diary of Mountain Travels 游山日记, stating that they were “laughable and absurd”. (Shu 2021, p. 118). Yu Zhengxie (俞正燮 1775–1840) included a Treatise on Catholicism 天主教论 in his Collected Essays of the Guisi Year 癸巳类稿, where he criticized both Catholicism and Western science (Yu 2005, pp. 745–48).

Thus, through an analysis of Dong Han and Notes in Three Hills, this paper concludes that as Confucian thought reasserted itself ideologically in the early Qing, Neo-Confucianism regained its status as the official doctrine, and Manchu rule solidified, Catholicism and Western science lost their legitimacy in China. Scholars lost interest in Western learning and religion. Lacking the sympathy and support of the scholar-official class, Catholicism and Western science ultimately faced prohibition in China.