Laozi Belief and Taoism in the Western Regions—An Analysis with a Focus on the Cultural Strategy of the Han and Tang Dynasties for the Western Regions

Abstract

The spread of Taoism to the Western Regions marked the movement of Central Plains culture to the frontier, demonstrating its influence on local society. During the Han Dynasty, Central Plains culture had reached the Western Regions. With the deification of Laozi and his becoming the founder of Taoism, the story “Laozi converting the barbarians” (Laozi huahu 老子化胡), which claimed that Laozi journeyed to the west and taught the Hu people, provided the impetus for the spread of Taoism to the Western Regions. The Tang imperial family venerated Laozi and regarded Taoism as the state religion. Laozi belief, including the veneration of the man himself, his writings, his stories, and the precepts claimed to be related to him, was also used to assist in the Tang Dynasty’s governance of the Western Regions. Following the Tang Dynasty’s decline, the Central Plains’ influence receded from the Western Regions. However, due to the relaxed religious environment in the Western Regions, Taoism, which was representative of Central Plains culture, still survived there. Moreover, Taoism attempted to incorporate Islam in the Western Regions into its divine system by huahu, which might be related to the early history of exchange between the two religions.

1. Introduction

The Western Regions (Xiyu 西域) were a strategic location on the Silk Road in ancient China. Chinese dynasties attached great importance to exchanges with them. Around the fifth century, Taoism, a representative of Chinese culture, had already been spread in the Western Regions. It is generally believed that Taoism did not have strong power in the Western Regions, and that it failed to develop a huge system (J. Li 2003, p. 171). Only in the Tang Dynasty (618–907) did Taoism achieve a sizable network of temples in the Western Regions (Lei 2007).

In practice, Taoism is a complex concept. Before the Tang Dynasty, even the Taoist communities in the Central Plains did not all live in monasteries (Strickmann 1978; Sun 2021). Between the 3rd and 6th centuries, it was the masters and the scriptures that were the foundation of the religions, or even the “everything” (Kobayashi 1990, p. 521). It has been shown that the legend of Laozi’s westward journey and the transmission of Laozi’s scriptures to the west not only promoted the spread of Taoist culture to the Western Regions but even triggered the evolution of cultural policies in the Tang Dynasty (Z. Liu 2021, 2022). Therefore, the elements of belief associated with the Taoist patriarch Laozi and the Taoist scriptures were important evidence for the spread of Taoism in the Western Regions.

This paper examines the role of the Taoist faith, centered on the belief in Laozi, in promoting the foothold, development, and survival of Taoism in the Western Regions. We also attempt to emphasize the unique value of Taoism in promoting harmonious religious and cultural coexistence.

2. The Han Dynasty’s Operation of the Western Regions and the Emergence of Laozi Belief

During the Han Dynasty (202 BC–220 AD), the operation of the dynasties of the Central Plains on the Western Regions and other border areas was realized in many aspects, not only in military conquest and economy maintenance, but also through actively emphasizing the attraction and appeal of their culture.

Jia Yi 賈誼 (200–168 BC), a politician of the Han Dynasty, analyzed the situation of the Han–Xiongnu War 漢匈戰爭 and said, “Now that the Han Dynasty is ruling over the Central Plains, it should display generous virtue (de 德) and exalt holy righteousness (yi 義), so that the neighboring barbarians will submit to it; then, wherever ships, chariots, and human footprints can reach, they should be included in the Han Dynasty, and what place will dare to have a problem with the rule. 今漢帝中國也，宜以厚德懷服四夷，舉明義博示遠方，則舟車之所至，人跡之所及，莫不為畜，又且孰敢紛然不承帝意？” (Xinshu jiaozhu, p. 135). According to Jia Yi’s analysis, the Han Dynasty should show its “virtue” and “righteousness” to the remote areas to make them subservient to it. Based on this idea, he proposed specific measures called sanbiao 三表 and wu’er 五餌. This proposal was actually a non-military approach to conquering people’s hearts and minds and was a peaceful strategy (Z. Wang 2010a). For example, Jia Yi proposed using the music and dance of the Han Dynasty so that the messengers and the surrendered could obtain and enjoy them. He actually wanted to win over the population from the Xiongnu 匈奴 side. Jia Yi envisioned that, in this way, defeating the Xiongnu would be as simple as striking down a dead leaf (Xinshu jiaozhu, pp. 135–36). Jia Yi’s idea of the struggle against the Xiongnu was to utilize the role of culture.

After this, when the Han Dynasty faced the countries in the Western Regions, it also emphasized the use of culture. In the second century BC, the Western Regions were not yet familiar with the Han Dynasty. Some local countries “thought they were far away, still arrogant and calm, and could not be tied up by courtesy of the Han Dynasty 皆自以遠，尚驕恣晏然，未可詘以禮羈縻而使也” (Shiji, p. 3173). When Zhang Qian 張騫 (ca. 164–114 BC) traveled as an emissary of the Han Dynasty to Wusun 烏孫, a country in the Western Regions, their king, Kunmo 昆莫, met with him. Surprisingly, Kunmo entertained him according to the etiquette of treating the king of Xiongnu. Zhang Qian felt so ashamed that he hastened to explain the meeting etiquette to the king (Hanshu, p. 3902). As exchanges between the Han Dynasty and the Western Regions became more and more frequent, the Han Dynasty became more and more proactive in displaying its culture of etiquette and music. Emperor Xuan of Western Han 漢宣帝 (r. 74–48 BC) once took the opportunity of making marriage alliances with Wusun; he summoned the kings of the Western Regions to experience the music at Pingyue Guan 平樂觀 (Hanshu, p. 3905). Emperor Xuan’s purpose was to focus on showing the countries of the Western Regions the quality and attractiveness of the culture of the Central Plains. At that time, the Han Dynasty was powerful, and with the role played by culture, the influence of the Central Plains on the Western Regions gradually deepened, and the relationship of the Western countries (to the Han Dynasty) went from estrangement to intimacy (H. Li 2012).

At the beginning of the first century, the Central Plains underwent a period of chaotic warfare and completed a change of dynasties with the establishment of the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220). These wars led to military and economic decline in the Central Plains. Moreover, the Xiongnu wrested control of the Western Regions from the Han Dynasty. At this time, the effect of a cultural strategy was reflected. For example, the frontier countries sent their princes as hostages to the Han capital as a way to establish a submissive relationship. For the Han Dynasty, it was an effective means of controlling these countries. At the same time, the Han Dynasty and the Xiongnu had competition in their demands for and treatment of hostages (Twitchett and Loewe 1986, p. 409). The hostages were also their future leaders. Therefore, these princes received high standards of treatment, and the Han Dynasty built residential facilities for them and provided for their recruiting, receiving, and sending. The princes were influenced by the culture of the Central Plains for a long time. When they returned home, most of them were close to the Han Dynasty emotionally. During the time of Emperor Yuan of the Western Han 漢元帝 (r. 48–33 BC), the king of Shache 莎車, whose name was Yan 延, accompanied Emperor Yuan as a hostage prince. He did not only admire the Central Plains personally but also ordered his posterity “to respectfully serve the Han Family generation by generation, and to never turn their backs on it 當世奉漢家，不可負也”. In the fifth year of Tianfeng 天鳳 (18), Yan’s son, Kang 康, succeeded to the throne. Kang “led the neighboring kingdoms to resist Xiongnu. He protected more than a thousand people including the wives and children of the officers and soldiers of the former Duhu 都護 (protectorates). Kang sent a letter to Hexi 河西 to inquire about the activities of the Middle Kingdom, and expressed his attachment to, and admiration for, the Han Dynasty 率傍國拒匈奴，擁衛故都護吏士妻子千餘口，檄書河西，問中國動靜，自陳思慕漢家” (Hou hanshu, p. 2923). Apart from Shache, according to Hanshu 漢書, the countries in the Western Regions were subordinate to the Xiongnu but not close to them. The Xiongnu were able to acquire horses, livestock, and woolen products but were unable to drive the Western Regions to confront the Han Dynasty. In contrast, the Western Regions sent emissaries and hostage princes to the Han Dynasty, actively requesting to serve as their protectorates (Hanshu, p. 3930). This phenomenon is what Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) referred to as “the submission of the border areas, not by military 三方歸服，不以兵威”, which he attributed to the blessing of the gods (Hou hanshu, p. 1374). In fact, it reflects the effectiveness of the Han Dynasty in managing the Western Regions.

The Eastern Han Dynasty was relatively weak and tended to be conservative in its borderland strategy, but it still maintained contact with distant countries. Since Liu Xiu 劉秀 (Emperor Guangwu 光武帝, r. 25–57), the Han Dynasty had adopted a strategy of contraction and relinquished its responsibilities and rights over the Western Regions (Z. Wang 2010b, p. 492). However, the countries of the Western Regions, such as Wusun, still expressed strong goodwill towards the Han Dynasty.

Fan Ye 范曄 (398–445), a historian of the Liu Song Dynasty (420–479), spoke highly of the Han Dynasty’s borderland strategy, saying the following:

The conquest of the rong 戎 and di 狄, and the use of military force in the border areas, almost throughout the entire Han Dynasty …. Eventually, it was able to open up the lands of the four barbarians, and to make the peoples of different customs sincerely submit to them. As for the circulation of the treaty and regulations, the popularization of education and culture covered almost all places from the sunrise to sunset

(Hou hanshu, p. 2860).

漢氏征伐戎狄，有事邊遠，蓋亦與王業而終始矣……卒能開四夷之境，款殊俗之附。若乃文約之所沾漸，風聲之所周流，幾將日所出入處也。

Fan Ye’s statement represents the viewpoint of some people on the frontier strategy of the Han Dynasty; that is, the Han Dynasty not only relied on military means to deal with the border areas but also utilized their “education and culture” to make the surrounding countries close to it.

The period of the Han Dynasty’s operation of the Western Regions was the time of the deification of Laozi and the formation of Taoism. Laozi was a philosopher, active around the 6th century BC. Taoism was a major promoter of the deification of Laozi. The study of Laozi’s looks presents a characteristic of the deification of Laozi, that is, the integration of various background traditions—mainly Chinese culture and Buddhist concepts—into it (Kohn 1996). However, the deification of Laozi was not entirely driven by Taoism, nor did it begin after the large-scale entry of Buddhism into China. At the beginning of the Han Dynasty, Laozi’s philosophy of governance, which advocated restraint, was revered by the rulers, and his status continued to rise. Many pictures of Confucius meeting Laozi appear in Han tombs, which are widely distributed in areas such as Shaanxi, Henan, Shandong, Sichuan, and Jiangsu. Such portraits conveyed the message that Laozi had become a great god to whom the dead, including Confucius, must go to pay homage (Jiang 2011). Thus, Laozi was an important deity in the Han culture, and Laozi belief was particularly prevalent.

Faith dissemination is closely related to population movements (Han 2022b). The spread of Han culture to the Western Regions inevitably involved a westward migration of the population of the Central Plains. Aurel Stein (1862–1943), who had seen oases in Xinjiang during his explorations in Asia, believed that these oases must have, all through historical times, been the most important areas of cultivation (Stein 1933, p. 45). At least around 100 B.C., the Han Dynasty had already sent soldiers to the Western Regions for Garrison Reclamation 屯田 (Dawulijiang 2020). In addition to the soldiers and their families, emissaries and migrants often went to the Western Regions as well (Jia 2004). It is possible that any belief which was influential in the Central Plains was intermingled with the people moving to the west.

Before the Tang Dynasty, many beliefs and customs of the Central Plains were popular in Turfan吐魯番. For example, in the 5th to 7th centuries, yiwushu 衣物疏, a list of funerary items common in the Central Plains was popular in the Western Regions (Zhong 1995). Other examples include the wooden tomb animal excavated from the Astana Tomb M408 in Turfan, the wall paintings depicting the beidou 北斗 and other gods, and the tomb vase from the burial goods in the Astana Tomb M409 (Wei 2012), as well as the talisman unearthed from the Astana Tomb No. 303, which reads, “The sacred talisman of Heavenly Sovereign (tiandi 天帝): All killed hundreds of ghosts. After praying for this talisman, the ghosts must not dare to approach, protect (Zhao) Lingda …. or (put it) on the head. Act in accordance with the law urgently 天帝神符：汔煞百千死鬼，祈後必道鬼不得來近，護（趙）令達……若頭上。急急如律令也” (Tulufan chutu wenshu, p. 33; Ma 2004). Strictly speaking, traditional practices such as yiwushu and talismans cannot be used as a basis for the spread of Taoism into the Western Regions (Rong 1999). But it cannot be ignored that these phenomena shared the same worldview as Taoism and exhibited formal similarities, with Taoism itself emerging precisely under their influence.

Unfortunately, there are no traces of Laozi belief in the Western Regions predating the Tang Dynasty. However, before the fifth century, there was no form of making idols of Laozi for worship. People used metal, woodwork, and textiles to make a ritual space for expressing respect to Laozi (Wu 2005, pp. 511–13). Thus, early Laozi belief in the Western Regions may have manifested as a form of non-idol worship. These objects representing Laozi, unlike the later stone statues, had specific meanings only in ceremonial places. Perhaps these factors make it difficult to see Laozi belief in the Western Regions before the Tang Dynasty.

It also should be noted that in Laozi’s story, he is closely related to the Western Regions. There are many stories about Laozi. Livia Kohn summarized his stories into six distinct parts: creation, transformations, birth, transmission, conversion and revelations (Kohn 1998, p. 13). The conversion is the story of “Laozi converting the barbarians” (Laozi huahu 老子化胡). According to legend, Laozi journeyed to the west, civilized the barbaric Hu people, and turned them into Buddhists.1

Huahu can be interpreted from different perspectives, the best known of which is that of Laozi’s role as teacher of Sakyamuni, reflecting the superiority of Taoism over Buddhism. This view is unfair to Buddhism, and has led to millennia of debate between the two religions over huahu. However, the story also contains the idea that Chinese and Buddhist cultures are of the same origin, which reduces the strangeness of Buddhism as a foreign religion entering China. Therefore, some scholars believe that huahu was first proposed by Buddhism (Kubo 1985) and its purpose was to facilitate missionary work in China.

In addition, Taoism emerged at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Many of its doctrines and tenets arose in the socio-historical context of the Han Dynasty. Its system of organization and priesthood was a spiritual reconstruction of the world order which was lost to the Han Dynasty (Seidel 1999, p. 43). Yujie Feng 馮渝傑 points out that early Taoism aimed to preserve the “Han Family” order from a spiritual perspective. As an example, the inheritance and conversion of impartation rituals in medieval Taoism were from the emperor’s enthronement rites of the Han Dynasty (Feng 2016, 2019). The third juan of the Taoist scripture Taiqing jinye shendan jing 太清金液神丹經, written around the third to fourth centuries by Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–363) (Han 2022a), contains a description of the geography of the South China Sea and the situation of neighboring countries. According to its account, the people of Daqin Kingdom 大秦國 “respected the Dao (or Tao) 道 and guided far away places in all directions. It was like Laozi entering flowing sands to educate Hu people (大秦)國人宗道以示八遐矣，亦如老君入流沙化胡也” (Taiqing jinye shendan jing, p. 760). In this Taoist scripture, Laozi huahu is regarded as a symbol of a civilized country guiding the others. Therefore, the theme huahu also contains “the Han people educating the Hu people 漢化胡” (Ye 2012, pp. 3–7). Hu referred to the northern border regions and the Western Regions in ancient China. The literal meaning of huahu thus encompasses the idea of “educating the Western Regions”.

To summarize, the Han Dynasty’s operation of the Western Regions, which made these countries close to it, reduced the resistance to the entrance of Han culture into the Western Regions, and laid the foundation for the spread of Laozi belief and Taoism to the west. The story of Laozi huahu is an integral part of Laozi belief, which emphasizes Laozi’s teaching to the Western Regions. This story provided a cultural impetus for the spread of Laozi belief into the Western Regions.

3. Xizhou Taoism and Laozi Belief in the Tang Dynasty

The imperial family of the Tang Dynasty recognized Laozi as their ancestor. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, Li Shimin 李世民 (Emperor Taizong of Tang 唐太宗, r. 626–649) established Taoism as the state religion. Even his governing measures contained Laozi’s thoughts, such as quiet (qingjing 清淨) and inaction (wuwei 無為) (Qing 1996, pp. 44–47). With the dominance of Laozi and Taoism in the realm of religion and thought, Laozi belief was also used to influence the politics of the Western Regions.

In 635, the king of Khotan 于闐 sent his son to pay tribute to the Tang. The prince talked about the fact that there was a Pimo qielan 毗摩伽藍 in the western part of their country; the Buddhist temple was rumored to be the place where Laozi educated the barbarians. The local people admired Laozi’s deeds and built this temple (Hunyuan shengji, p. 856). Combined with relevant records, Yi Liu 劉屹 believes that Khotan, as the site of Laozi teaching the Hu people, is directly related to this tribute event. The reason for this is that in order to exert political influence on the Western Regions and to take advantage of the tribute paid by the prince, Li Shimin created the “Laozi converting the barbarians in Khotan” story (Y. Liu 1996, 2006).

In 640, Gaochang surrendered to the Tang Dynasty, which set up the kingdom as a state-level administrative area called Xizhou 西州. As the Tang Dynasty pushed a whole range of political and military systems into the Western Regions, the network of Taoist temples penetrated into Xizhou as well. In 666, Emperor Gaozong of Tang 唐高宗 (r. 649–683) issued an edict, which said, “Every state in the country must set a Taoist monasterie (guan 觀) and a Buddhist temple (si 寺) 天下諸州置觀、寺一所” (Jiu tangshu, p. 90). It was during this period that the first Taoist temple was formally established in Xizhou. Thereafter, with the Tang Dynasty’s rule becoming increasingly stable, the system of Taoist monasteries in the Western Regions became more and more complete. In particular, Li Longji 李隆基 (Emperor Xuanzong of Tang 唐玄宗, r. 712–756) was passionate about Taoism and imported the culture of the Central Plains into the Western Regions.

The transmission of Taoism from the Central Plains to the Western Regions was a systematic cultural project. Taoist scriptures were the main form in which Laozi belief influenced the Western Regions. The circulation of Tao Te Ching 道德經 (it is also known as Daode jing 道德經, Laozi 老子, and Wuqianwen 五千文 et al.) and various Taoist scriptures that preached precepts in Xizhou not only signaled that Taoism in the Western Regions already had a mature system (Zhao 2017a), but also meant that Laozi belief and Taoism entered the spiritual world of the people in the Western Regions and influenced their daily lives.

3.1. The Tao Te Ching

As is well known, the Tao Te Ching is a philosophical treatise ascribed to Laozi. In the early third century, the Tao Te Ching became an important classic that carried Laozi belief. Zhang Lu 張魯 (?–216) preached Taoism in Hanzhong 漢中, and he led his followers to learn the Laoziwuqianwen 老子五千文 (Tao Te Ching). For the convenience of his followers, he created an annotated version of Laoziwuqianwen called Laozi xiangerzhu 老子想爾註. This book transformed Taoist philosophy into religious precepts and practices, emphasizing “believing in the Tao and keeping the commandments 信道守誡” and “respecting the Tao and performing the commandments 尊道行誡”. He envisioned that if the masses of believers practiced the Tao Te Ching in accordance with the commentaries, peace would be achieved in the country and the ideal society would be realized (Y. Li 1983). Since then, the Tao Te Ching has been regarded as an important Taoist scripture, and many eminent Taoists have written commentaries on it. Therefore, the Tao Te Ching, which was popularized in Xizhou, carried certain religious connotations.

The methods of production and dissemination of the Tao Te Ching in Xizhou might be similar to those in Dunhuang 敦煌, which was an important city connecting the Central Plains to the Western Regions. In general, there were four forms of transmission of the Tao Te Ching, namely, “transmission in the form of government-issued Taoist scriptures”, “copying by Taoists for their own scriptural transmission and for the needs of their disciples to recite them”, “distribution as a school textbook”, and “copying for the purpose of seeking blessing and alleviating disaster” (D. Zhu 2007a, pp. 254–90). This means that there was a demand for the copying and preservation of the Tao Te Ching by officials, Taoist temples, and the general public.

Among the existing Taoist scriptures in Xizhou, Laozidaodejing is one of the most numerous ones. According to Ziyong You’s 遊自勇 statistics, there are currently 41 manuscripts of the Laozidaodejing that have been unearthed in Turfan. They belong to 14 Tang Dynasty manuscripts of different systems. At least 11 fragments of codices related to the Laozidaodejing have appeared in just one place, Tuyugou 吐峪溝, in Shanshan County 鄯善縣. “It is thus possible to imagine the number of codices in Wanshou Guan 萬壽觀, Longxing Guan 龍興觀 and Ziji Gong 紫極宮, which were the centers of Taoism in Xizhou” (You 2017). Therefore, the number of manuscripts of Laozi copied in Xizhou should be very impressive. It is worth mentioning that most of these manuscripts are official scriptures. This demonstrates the efforts of the Tang government to spread Laozi belief in the Western Regions.

The support of the populace was another important condition for Laozi belief to spread in the Western Regions. However, manuscripts with a high frequency of daily use are often not easy to preserve (Sun 2016). The support for Laozi belief in Xizhou’s folklore can only be demonstrated through indirect evidence, primarily eighth-century documents excavated in Turfan. Xinjiang Rong’s 榮新江 study reveals that local elites actively adopted Taoist practices. These elites not only emerged as Taoist leaders but were also incorporated by the Tang government as grassroots officials (Rong 1999). The inclusion of these local leaders would have not only reduced the resistance to the spread of the Laozi faith but also served as a positive model among the populace.

3.2. Taoist Precepts

During the Sui (581–618) and Tang dynasties, the precepts of Taoism became mature and possessed a certain educational function in society. Therefore, when the Tang Dynasty, which respected Taoism fervently, wanted to govern the Western Regions, it would not ignore the role of Taoist precepts. Among the Taoist scriptures unearthed in Turfan, there are indeed many Taoist precepts, such as Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧罪根上品大戒經 (or Zuigen pin 罪根品), Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui shangpin dajie 太上洞玄靈寶智慧上品大戒 (or Dajie jing 大戒經), Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧本願大戒上品經, and Dongxuan lingbao tianzun shuo shijie jing 洞玄靈寶天尊說十戒經.2 In addition, according to the Dunhuang manuscripts, Taoist precepts such as the “Ten Precepts” (Shijie, 十戒 or 十誡) were often copied after the Tao Te Ching. The combination of the two seems to indicate that the Taoist precepts of the Tang Dynasty could serve as an extension of Laozi belief.3

Furthermore, in the story of Laozi huahu, which embodies Laozi belief, Laozi particularly emphasizes the usefulness of practicing the precepts in order to educate the ruthless Hu people. According to the Dunhuang manuscript Laozi xisheng huahu jing 老子西昇化胡經 juan 1, Laozi admonished the Hu’s kings:

You are evil-minded, preferring to kill living beings, knowing only to feed on meat, and cutting off countless lives. I now preach the Yecha jing 夜叉经 for you, commanding you to stop feeding on meat, to eat only maichao 麥麨 (a wheat product), and to stop slaughtering living beings …. Teach you these small principles, which you continue to learn, together with practicing the forbidden precepts, gradually knowing mercy, and performing penance on the fifteenth day of each month

(Laozi Huahu Jing, p. 188).

汝等心毒，好行煞害，唯食血肉，斷眾生命。我今為汝說《夜叉經》，令汝斷肉，專食麥麨，勿為屠煞。……教汝小道，令漸脩學，兼持禁戒，稍習慈悲，每月十五日，常須懺悔。

On the basis of this storyline, the “Twelve Commandments of Huahu jing” (huahujing shi’er jie 化胡經十二戒), which were said to be specially made by Laozi for the Hu people, were created. Its precepts include the following:

Abandon drinking alcohol, and do not think of drunkenness, the five sounds are in harmony with each other, and the Chaos (hundun 混沌) is disrupting the righteousness of the qi 氣.

Abandon eating meat, and do not think about the killing, all species with blood and form are living things, nourished by fundamental qi.

…

Do not be angry, do not harbor resentment in your heart. Gold (jin 金), Wood (mu 木), Water (shui 水), Fire (huo 火) and Earth (tu 土), the Five Elements (wuxing 五行) will attack each other.

Do not make excessive sacrifices, evil ghosts disturb the real; you should have a positive mind and the Taoist qi will naturally help the body.

(Yunji qiqian, pp. 867–68)

戒之不饮酒，常当莫念醉，五声味相和，混沌乱正气。

戒之不食肉，心当莫念煞，含血有形类，元气所养活。

……

戒之勿恚怒，心怼当莫发，金木水火土，五行更相伐。

戒之勿淫祀，邪鬼能乱真，但当存正念，道气自扶身。

In fact, these “special” precepts are not different from the general Taoist precepts. Many Taoist precepts, such as the Siwei dingzhi jing shijie 思微定志經十戒 and the Taishang dongxuan lingbao erbu chuanshou yi jiujie 太上洞玄靈寶二部傳授儀九戒, contain similar precepts. Thus, although the Western Hu people in the story received specially designed precepts, and this may have been an attempt by Taoism to disparage Buddhism, the reality is that the Taoist precepts practiced in the Western Regions are not different from those in the Central Plains.

It is noteworthy that many of the Turfan Taoist precepts are named “Ten Precepts”. There are at least 12 Taoist “Ten Precepts”, the most representative of which is the “Ten Precepts of Meditation on the Sublime and Fixing the Will” (siwei dingzhi shijie 思微定志十戒).

Accepting them allows one to become a Pure Faith (qingxin dizi 清信弟子), which means officially joining Taoism. Anyone who accepts them obtains the grade of an Adept of Pure Faith (qingxin dizi 清信弟子), which means joining Taoism officially (Kusuyama 1992, p. 111).

The reason why the “Ten Precepts” are valued is that their acceptance is linked to the Taoist grade system and the land grant (Kobayashi 2013, pp. 9–27), which are the core interests of Taoist priests.

Yang Zhao 趙洋 introduced the Turfan Taoist Scriptures collected in the Lushun Museum 旅順博物館, including not only the Dongxuan lingbao tianzun shuo shijie jing but also a fragment numbered LM20-1520-36-18, which he determined to be the Zuigen pin (Zhao 2017b). It contains precepts such as “the Ten Highest Commandments” (shangpin shijie 上品十戒) and “the Prohibitions of Ten Evil Actions” (shie zhijie 十惡之戒).

In addition, Yang Zhao put together the fragments numbered LM20-1522-15-13 and LM20-1461-11-14 to form a more complete text in which the “Ten Precepts” also appear. The scripture reads, “The Heavenly Worthy (tianzun 天尊) told the Taishang Daojun 太上道君 that it was time to widely publicize the voice of the Tao, so that people could enlightenment. Eliminate calamity and disasters for the male and female, please….be born into the human world. The Cakravartin-king (zhuanlun shengwang 轉輪聖王) practice retreat (zhai 齋) and pursue the Tao, should all be dedicated to the Ten Precepts. Sincerely accept and do not forget, concentrate on meditation, thoroughly think about spontaneity (ziran 自然), do not have distractions … disturbances. When the body and mind are like this, one can listen quietly 天尊告太上道君曰今當普宣通法音，開悟群生，為諸男女解災卻患，請……生人間。轉輪聖王修齋求道，皆當一心請奉十誡。諦受勿忘，專心默念，洞思自然，勿得雜想。……撓亂。形神能如是者，便當靜聽” (Zhao 2017b). This passage is from the Dajiejing, which is still preserved in Dunhuang documents and The Taoist Canon (Daozang 道藏). It is entitled Taishang dongzhen zhihui shangpin dajie 太上洞真智慧上品大戒 in The Taoist Canon.

Both the Zuigen pin and the Dajie jing contain the “Ten Precepts”. In comparison, the precepts of the two scriptures have much in common, but their groups of recipients are slightly different. Taoist priests received the former, while the latter was received by secular men and women (Y. Liu 2010). They appeared together in Xizhou, meaning that the “Ten Precepts” were given to the local general public and the Taoist priests who obtained ordination ranks.

Comparatively, the Dajie Jing served as the primary scripture through which the “Ten Precepts” influenced the secular society of the Xizhou. This likely relates to a unique function propagated by this scripture. The Dajie jing says,

The Pantheon said, Receive my Ten Precepts and the Twelve Obeyed Commandments (shi’er kecong 十二可從). All of you should kneel to me and become an Adept of Pure Faith. From now on, you receive the rules, you should practice wholeheartedly, not daring to disbelieve them and submit to the Ten Directions (shifang 十方). If you can do so …. You will be reborn soon, and you will be returned to the gate of the Middle Kingdom’s king. It’s going on for generations, you will form a bond with the Tao

(Taishang dongzhen zhihui shangpin dajie, p. 392).

天尊言：受我十誡，十二可從，皆當稽首稱清信弟子。從今受誡，一心奉行，不敢不信，歸命十方。能如是者……早得更生，還於人（入）中國王之門，世世不絕，與道因緣。

It is mentioned here that by accepting the “Ten Precepts”, people have the opportunity to be “returned to the gate of the Middle Kingdom’s king”. This implies a distinction between the concepts of the “Middle Kingdom” and “Hu’s Kingdom”. The Santian neijie jing 三天內解經, written around the time of the Liu Song Dynasty, records the following:

(Lord Lao) then gave the Three Teachings (sandao 三道) to educate the people under heaven. The Middle Kingdom, with its pure Yang qi 陽氣, accepted the Great Way of Nonacting (wuwei dadao 無為大道); The eighty-one foreign Hu country, with its strong Yin qi 陰氣, accepted the Buddhism (fofao 佛道), and the commandments were very strict to suppress the Yin qi; The Chu 楚 and Yue 越, with weak Yin qi and Yang qi, accepted the Great Way of the Pure Covenant (qingyue dadao 清約大道)

(Santian neijie jing, p. 413).

（老君）因出三道，以教天民。中國陽氣純正，使奉無為大道；外胡國八十一域，陰氣強盛，使奉佛道，禁誡甚嚴，以抑陰氣；楚越陰陽氣薄，使奉清約大道。

For those Hu countries, accepting the “Ten Precepts” had a targeted effect, that is, returning to the Middle Kingdom, where the Yang Qi was strong. It can be seen that the Tang intended to utilize Laozi belief and these precepts to make the people in the border areas aspire to “return to the Middle Kingdom”. In other words, the Tang Dynasty utilized its religion and culture to dominate the Western Regions.

On the whole, during the Tang Dynasty, its cultural strategy toward the Western Regions became more and more profound and extensive, which, in addition to the intervention of official administrative forces, was also due to the spreading popularity of Laozi belief, as well as the advancement of the organizational forms, precepts, and philosophical concepts of Taoism.

4. The Preservation of Taoism in the Western Regions After the Tang Dynasty

In 790, when the Tubo 吐蕃 conquered the Beiting Protectorate, Taoism in Tingzhou suffered a huge impact. This was because the Tubo had a tradition of relocating local influential people to other places whenever they captured a place. The Tubo did this to Xizhou, which was separated from Tingzhou only by a mountain. As a result, the main inheritors of Han culture, such as aristocratic families, officials, and monks, all left, and “the roots of Han culture in Xizhou were emptied” (Rong 2000). Moreover, after this, the Central Plains lost control of the Western Regions and Han culture lost its strong supporters.

However, at the beginning of the 13th century, Qiu Chiji 丘處機 (1148–1227), the priest of Quanzhen Taoism 全真教, accepted an invitation from Genghis Khan 成吉思汗 (1162–1227) and traveled to the Western Regions to meet him. In 1221, he traveled to the area around the northern foothills of the Tianshan Mountain 天山, where he met the local Taoist priests. Here are some important observations about his vist:

The west is the Biesima dacheng 鼈思馬大城 (Beshbalik, located in Jimsar County, Xinjiang). Hundreds of royal officials, commoners, monks, and Taoists had dignified manners and came so far to meet us. The monks were all wearing ochre clothes. The clothes and crowns (guan 冠) worn by Taoists were very different from the Middle Kingdom. …Among the attendants were monks, Taoist priests and Confucian scholars, we asked about the local customs. They told us: “This is the Beiting Protectorate (beiting duhufu 北庭都護府) of the Tang Dynasty. In the third year of Jinglong 景龍 reign (709), the Duke Yang He 楊何 served as the Protector General (daduhu 大都護). His virtuous governance earned the heartfelt allegiance of the ethnic groups. His favor endured for generations and remains foundational to the region’s stability even today.”

(Changchun zhenren xiyouji jiaozhu, pp. 114–19)

西即鼈思馬大城。王官、士庶、僧、道數百，具威儀遠迎。僧皆赭衣，道士衣冠與中國特異……侍坐者有僧、道、儒，因問風俗，乃曰：“此大唐時北庭端府。景龍三年，楊公何為大都護，有徳政，諸夷心服，惠及後人，于今賴之。”

These records come from Li Zhichang 李志常 (1193–1256), who was a disciple of Qiu Chuji. He followed Qiu to the Western Regions and wrote a travelog to describe what he saw on the journey. The things he recorded were generally regarded as credible. According to the records, the Biesima dacheng was the headquarters of the Ting Tingzhou 庭州 in the Tang Dynasty. According to the local historical memory, Yang He, the Protector General, had a good political reputation in this area. Therefore, when Qiu Chuji and his retinue visited this region, they observed that the local Taoists maintained close ties with the government—even participating in official ceremonies—indicating that Taoism had been preserved in the Western Regions despite Tubo rule, retaining a degree of influence.

The phenomenon described above suggests that Taoism, as a culture of the Central Plains, had been preserved in the Western Regions for more than 400 years, from the retreat of the Tang Dynasty to the arrival of Qiu Chuji. The development of Taoism in this period is very obscure, but is a subject worth exploring.

4.1. The Religious Situation in the Western Regions from the 8th to the 13th Century

In the late eighth and early ninth centuries, the Uighur Khanate 回鶻汗國 (744–840), with the help of the Tang Dynasty, drove away the Tubo and established a stable order in the Western Regions. The Tubo’s destruction of Buddhism created an opportunity for Manichaeism (Rong 2000). The king of the Uighur Khanate, who was called Huaixin Khan 懷信可汗 (r. 795–808) in Chinese historical records, restored Manichaeism as a state religion. On the other hand, Manichaeism, once banned in the Central Plains, returned to the Middle Kingdom through the power of the Uighur Khanate (Rong 2001, pp. 348–68). At this time, as in the case of the co-operative relationship between the Tang Dynasty and the Uighur Khanate, Taoism and Manichaeism, the religions of the two countries, were able to coexist peacefully.

In the mid-ninth century, the Uighur Khanate had already stepped into extinction as a result of natural disasters, internal strife, and foreign invasion. It was not until 866 that the Uighur forces established a new regime centered on Xizhou and Beiting, which was known as the Gaochang Uighur 高昌回鶻 or Xizhou Uighur 西州回鶻 (866–1370). During this period, Manichaeism was still relied upon by royalty, but its influence had declined considerably. It was replaced by Buddhism. Although the struggle between Buddhism and Taoism continued in the Central Plains, the Gaochang Uighur was different. Fuxue Yang 楊富學 points out that the religious beliefs of the western migratory Uighur were more relaxed, and “it is difficult to see the phenomenon of different religions attacking each other” (F. Yang 2016, p. 216).

At the beginning of the 20th century, the German explorer Albert von Le Coq (1860–1930) found a Taoist talisman in Turfan. This typical Taoist talisman had unique Taoist runes drawn on it, the painting of which was same as those in the Central Plains. The difference was that there were some hexagrams of the Book of Changes 易經 on it, which were in Old Uighur script (F. Yang 2004; Wen 2011). Uighur script was created by the Gaochang Uighur based on the Sogdian language (Fu 2019, p. 2). This talisman indicates that Taoism had been integrated into the local culture.

To sum up, after the Tang Dynasty, Taoism did not suffer a hard crack-down in the Western Regions due to factors such as regime change and religious struggles. The relaxed religious environment in the region was an important factor in the maintenance of Taoism.

4.2. Taoism and Islam in Western Regions

It is generally believed that Islam entered the Turfan area after the 14th century. In the three centuries before that, the Xizhou Uighur used force to prevent the entry of Islamic military forces and suppress the development of Islam in its territory. The development speed and scale of Islam in the Western Regions were relatively limited (G. Chen 2002).

However, Li Zhichang’s travelog reveals that the term huihe 回紇had been semantically extended in the 13th century to encompass both ethnic Uighurs and Muslim communities in Central Asia (Z. Yang 1992). These 13th-century accounts suggest a close interaction between the Uighurs and Muslim communities, implying that Islam’s ascendancy in the Western Regions was not an abrupt phenomenon limited to the post-14th century period.

Considering the relationship between Taoism and Islam, Toshihiko Izutsu 井筒俊彥 (1914–1993) compared Sufism and Taoist philosophy; he saw similarities between the two, while emphasizing their lack of historical connection (Izutsu 1983, pp. 1–4). Sufism, a mystical tradition within Islam, emerged in the Middle East and gained prominence from the 11th century onward.

While no direct evidence exists of interactions between Taoism and Islam, the possibility of indirect exchanges cannot be excluded. As Yueli Zhu’s 朱越利 research shows, striking parallels exist between Taoist and Tibetan religions, including the Bon religion and Tibetan Buddhism. In particular, the reincarnation myth of the Living Buddha in Tibetan Buddhism has traces of absorbing the stories of Laozi’s reincarnations. He hypothesized that Taoism might have permeated westward through Yunnan and western Sichuan to indirectly influence Tibetan religions (Y. Zhu 2000). However, it must be emphasized that his hypothesis currently lacks conclusive archeological or textual evidence. From a geographical perspective, alternative transmission routes merit equal consideration, for instance, the potential southward diffusion of Taoist elements via the Western Regions to influence Tibetan religions. Regardless of the specific pathways, this case shows that indirect communication between religions cannot be ignored.

During the long period when Islam was introduced to the Western Regions, Taoism still maintained a certain degree of influence there. More importantly, Taoism has a tendency to assimilate other religions and cultures. In addition to Buddhism, Taoism has attempted to incorporate the deities of Manichaeism and Christianity into its own religious system.4 The phenomena mentioned above apply equally to Islam.

At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), Prince Zhu Quan 朱權 (1378–1448), the 17th son of the founding emperor, described the “religion of the Uighur 回鶻之教” in his Tianhuang zhidao taiqing yuce 天皇至道太清玉冊, which may be related to the relationship between Taoism and Islam in the Western Regions, saying that,

According to the religious scripture of the mosuer mayi 謨素兒馬儀 in the Uighur, the Chinese translation of its name is called “Celestial Scripture on the Most High Lord Lao Proceeded to the Western Regions to Convert the Barbarians to Attain Enlightenment” (Taishanglaojun wang xiyu huahu dedao tianjing 太上老君往西域化胡得道天經), saying: The way of the son lies in loyalty and filial piety. Since we know loyalty and filial piety, we must also know where our body comes from. It is the bodies of parents that forms the body of us. …Therefore, the Uighur people do not violate their Heaven (tian 天) and honor their religion. According to their doctrine, they know only the Heaven and do not worship other gods. Every morning and evening, they call Heaven to ask for blessings. Then, they catch the blessings with their hands put them on their faces, and carry them into their arms, calling them blessings from Heaven. This is the Uighur’s religion which worships Heaven

(Tianhuang zhidao taiqing yuce, pp. 421–22).

按回鶻謨素兒馬儀教門之經，漢譯其名曰《太上老君往西域化胡得道天經》曰：人子之道在於忠孝，既知忠孝，要知身體從何而來，乃是父母之遺體，以成子身。……故回鶻之人，不悖其天而奉其教焉。其教也，止知有天，更不奉其他神。每日朝暮，向天叫天而求福，以手接之捫之於面，揣之於懷，謂天賜福矣。此回鶻奉天之教也。

Zhu Quan greatly respected Taoism while rejecting Buddhism. He referred to this scripture to emphasize that the Uighur people practiced their own religion, with the aim of calling on the Han people to practice their own religion (Taoism) as well. He quoted parts of the scriptures, mainly concerning the concepts of “loyalty” and “filial piety”. In this way, Laozi guided the Hu people to maintain reverence for heaven.

Compared to the description of Islamic worshippers in the Song Dynasty (960–1279) (Y. Chen 1980, p. 550), Zhu Quan’s description of the believers of the “religion of the Uighur” is almost identical to it. In addition, Dezhang Zheng 鄭德長, from a linguistic point of view, observed that mosuer mayi is the Chinese pronunciation of “musalmānī”. The word “musalmānī” is from “musalmān”, which is a Persian word meaning Muslim (Zheng 2023). This certainly increases the reliability of the fact that this scripture actually existed. The complete version of this scripture is no longer available, but it links Taoism and Islam. Therefore, the “religion of the Uighur” shows that Islam was also within the accommodation of Taoism (Guo 2017, p. 161), and this is not entirely without reason. Moreover, the Western Regions appeared in the title of the scripture, indicating that in people’s understanding, the Western Regions were not only the place where Laozi converted the barbarians, but also the place where Taoism and Islam met.

In sum, combining the religious situation in the Western Regions and the information provided by Zhu Quan, Taoism and Islam were linked in the 14th century or earlier. The Western Regions were probably where the two religions first met. This understanding is not only expected to facilitate a re-examining of the historical process of the exchange between the two religions but also provides support for our re-estimation of the influence of Taoism and Laozi belief—especially after the Tang Dynasty—in the Western Regions, the latter of which is key to our understanding of the long-term maintenance of Taoism in the Western Regions.

5. Conclusions

The Han Dynasty’s management of the Western Regions laid the foundation for the spread of Central Plains culture to the west. The story of Laozi’s westward journey to convert the barbarians was one of the driving forces behind the transmission of Taoism to the Western Regions. With the deification of Laozi, Laozi belief took initial shape in the Han Dynasty. After the rise of Taoism, his works, his stories, and the Taoist precepts claimed to be related to him further enriched Laozi belief. When the Tang Dynasty rose to power and took control of the Western Regions, Taoism and Laozi belief gradually became important forms of cultural support to manage the area. After the Tang Dynasty, because of the relaxed religious environment and its inclusiveness, Taoism and Laozi belief may not only have been preserved in the Western Regions but might have established contacts with Islam.

Overall, in ancient China, Laozi belief was a link between the Central Plains and the Western Regions in terms of cultural exchange. It was of great significance to the internal stability of China. As Prof. Sheng Jiang 姜生 said, “The spiritual unity of the faith culture maintains the inner unity of the Chinese nation”. (Jiang 1999) In addition, in the diverse religious environment of the Western Regions, Laozi belief may have played a positive role in promoting religious tolerance, which deserves further attention and discussion.