The Image of God and Prayer in the Statements of Young People Aged 15–19 from Southeastern Poland

Abstract

This article aims to explore the image of God and prayer practices among young people aged 15–19 from southeastern Poland. The study was conducted between 2019 and 2020 using an online survey (CAWI) on a sample of 1171 students. Cluster and exploratory factor analysis identified three types of God images: transcendent, nature-based, and human construct. The results suggest that the image of God influences the frequency and context of prayer. Adolescents with a transcendent image of God pray more often in emotional contexts, such as gratitude or fear. The study also highlights the decreasing importance of traditional prayer rituals, suggesting a process of individualization of religiosity and the impact of secularization.

1. Introduction

In this paper, religiosity is defined as a personal and positive relationship between an individual and God, manifested through religious awareness, decisions, communal bonds with believers, religious practices, moral conduct, religious experiences, and expressions of faith (Adamczyk 2023; Mariański 2022a, 2022b). The concepts of the image of God and prayer represent pivotal elements of the aforementioned definition of religiosity. These elements are acquired gradually throughout the process of socialization (Klingenberg and Sjö 2019). These elements are inextricably linked. This specificity is expressed through a world of personal and holistic references to God (Jasnos 2020; Radziwiłłowicz and Tracz 2014).

2. Factors Influencing the Image of God

The following section will examine the factors that influence the image of God. The image of God is typically associated with knowledge (Janssen et al. 1994; Król 1982; Radziwiłłowicz and Tracz 2014). This pertains to verbal associations, judgments, and beliefs that an individual holds about the divine entity (Król 1982; Jasnos 2020). Furthermore, it encompasses representations of God, which pertains to how an individual conceptualizes the divine entity, as well as his characteristics, attributes, modes of action, and the manner in which God communicates with humans (Duffy 2002; Kostrubiec-Wojtachnio and Tatala 2014; Król 1982; Studenski 2008). This defined image of God is generative, representing something that is not directly perceptible but that can be conceived of as a possibility (Król 1982, 1996). This is distinct from an individual’s attitude towards God, which can be conceptualized as a relatively stable stance that engages intellect, emotions, and aspirations1. This attitude is typically acquired during the process of socialization within the family and the community of believers, as well as through religious education at school (Kosarkova et al. 2021; Kulpaczyński 2009; Mąkosa 2009; Smith 2021; Studenski 2008).

The attitudes of parents, particularly those of the father, which are characterized by acceptance, communication, sensitivity, and altruism, have been identified as playing a significant role in the development of a positive image of God in children (Król 1996; Mąkosa 2009; Smith 2021). Prior to entering an institutionalized educational setting, including religious education, children may already possess a personal image of God and their own religiosity. This is shaped by significant figures, predominantly parents, the parenting styles adopted within the family, and the atmosphere of the family home (Król 1982; Studenski 2008).

As children progress through the stages of cognitive development, their personal experiences become increasingly diverse. The bond between children and their parents may weaken, resulting in a shift in the correlation between their perception of parents, particularly the father, and their understanding of God (Król 1996). The critical transition from an anthropomorphic to an abstract image of God typically occurs during adolescence (Król 1996; Kulpaczyński 2009). The concept of God gradually evolves from an anthropomorphic representation to a more abstract and transcendent entity. In adolescence, the adolescent’s image of the Absolute is characterized by attributes such as power, prestige, and dominion. The distinction between the spiritual and the material becomes increasingly evident (Studenski 2008). From the age of 14, adolescents frequently perceive God as a “reference point for reality and an advisor in life’s difficulties” (Studenski 2008, pp. 25–26).

Furthermore, adolescence is characterized by an identity formation crisis, with the development of a personal worldview playing a pivotal role in the individual’s growth and development (Erikson 1994; Szczukiewicz 1998). It, therefore, seems legitimate to conclude that personal crises experienced during identity formation are accompanied by an increased interest in religious matters and a renewed religious commitment. So, the identity crisis typical of adolescence can also manifest itself in a crisis of religiosity. This applies to both religious concepts, especially the image of God, and the understanding of the relationship with God (Erikson 1959; Szczukiewicz 1998).

Consequently, the image of God becomes dynamic and susceptible to alteration as new ideas are acquired and new beliefs about the self and the world are formed. The cognitive activities and emotional experiences associated with family and social structures exert a significant influence on the formation of this image. (Król 1982; Mąkosa 2009; Studenski 2008). In addition to familial experiences of trust (friendship, love), religious education in school, along with parish catechesis, religious community, and peer group settings, are crucial (Głaz 2010; Mąkosa 2009; Tokarski 2007, 2011; Zellma et al. 2022a, 2022b). Media, including social media, significantly influence, though sometimes distort, the image of God (Heland-Kurzak 2021; Jasnos 2020; Tajuddin et al. 2024; Uecker and McClure 2023). Secularization is defined as the process of weakening the impact of religious values, norms, and patterns of life and the liberation from the control and domination of ecclesiastical institutions. It is unfortunate that this process has led many families to neglect or misrepresent religious upbringing, sometimes portraying religion as nothing more than magic (Głaz 2010; Kaźmierska 2023; Król 2023; Mariański 2023; Rynio 2024).

According to Peter L. Berger (1984), secularization can be analyzed structurally and symbolically. Structurally, it entails the emancipation of societies from religious dominance. Symbolically, it reflects the diminishing religious content in cultural life, observable in art, philosophy, and literature, as well as the independent secular perspective of science. This corresponds with the findings of Ulrich Riegel’s (2015) research showing that religion does not play a strong behavioral role for the vast majority of Central European young people in questions of everyday value orientation, which was recently confirmed in other studies (Altmeyer 2021). As a result, even religious people are no longer guided by their religious tradition but by the values of the secularized world, inevitably moving away from their Christian roots. Differences between religious and non-religious people appear only in certain attitudes, for example, towards homosexuals (Bognár and Kmetty 2020). Pless et al. theorize in what follows that it is precisely secularization that has sparked a rejection of both moral traditionalism and authoritarianism in the name of personal liberty. The outcome of this is strong correlations between the two in largely secular and morally progressive contexts and weak or even absent ones in massively religious and morally traditional ones (Pless et al. 2020). Antonio Grumelli highlights rationality, driven by technological progress and self-determination, as a secularizing factor impacting prayer. Urbanization and industrialization further detach individuals from traditional values and familial structures, thrusting them into open, undefined urban environments (Grumelli 1984).

The image of God and prayer are subject to change under the influence of one’s own cognitive activities, as well as emotional, religious, and social experiences. In the process of forming the image of God and prayer, as already mentioned, an important role is played first of all by education in the family, followed by religious education in school and catechesis in the parish. On the basis of his or her own varied experiences, a person forms in his or her mind an image of God; that is, he or she represents God’s qualities, characteristics, and ways of acting in human life and in the world. (Król 1996). Consequently, the image of God shapes every action of a religious person. It significantly determines a person’s relationship with God, which is expressed, among other things, through prayer. In other words, how a person perceives God influences his or her prayer life. Prayer is conceptualized in this context as a personal, fundamental mode of communication between humanity and the divine (Gołąbek 2006). Consequently, sociologists, educators, and psychologists who seek to accurately characterize a person’s religiosity often commence by diagnosing their image of God and prayer (Janssen et al. 1994; Jasnos 2020; Kostrubiec-Wojtachnio and Tatala 2014; Król 1982; Tokarski 2007). These scholars seek to identify the factors that contribute to the formation of a person’s concept of God and the role it plays in their personal relationship with God, as expressed, among other things, in prayer (Heland-Kurzak 2021; Jasnos 2020; Król 1982). The extent to which dynamic secularization processes among high school students in Poland are reflected in the perception of God and prayer is examined (Adamczyk 2023; Jasnos 2020). The study observes clear changes in the religious practices of the young generation of Poles compared to their parents’ generation, indicating a weakening of the intergenerational transmission of religiosity and its individualization. This manifests itself in the following ways: the freeing of oneself from the influence of religious institutions and religious systems of meaning; the loosening of ties to religious institutions; the selective acceptance of the truths of faith and the rejection of those that are inconvenient to life; and the relativism of values and norms. The individual selects specific elements of the Christian tradition, determining their own beliefs and the manner in which they will express these convictions (Adamczyk 2023; Kaźmierska 2023; Mariański 2021, 2023, 2024; Szymczak and Adamczyk 2022).

3. The Importance of the Research

The Catholic Church in Poland prioritizes the formation of a correct image of God in religious education in schools and in parish catechesis (e.g., preparation for First Holy Communion and Confirmation). This is considered crucial (Konferencja Episkopatu Polski [Polish Bishops’ Conference] 2018; Komisja Wychowania Katolickiego Konferencji Episkopatu Polski [Commission for Catholic Education of the Polish Bishops’ Conference] 2019). Religious practices are key to these activities. In the Catholic Church, individual and communal prayer, including participation in Mass and other services, are at the forefront. Receiving the sacrament of reconciliation also plays a special role. Undoubtedly, religious practices strengthen the personal relationship with God and contribute to its development (Klimski 2023; Mariański 2024).

The study of the image of God is a study of one’s perception of God (Król 1983, 1996)2. It is often linked to questions about prayer, which helps to build a personal relationship with God and reinforces a positive image of Him. This differs from the study of attitudes to God in that it includes the participant’s statements about their knowledge of God and their feelings about Him. It is often enriched by a social experiment (usually conducted in a natural setting) to describe actual behavior in the context of religious worship. Such studies are usually done within a religious group.

In order to gain insight into the perceptions of God and prayer among high school students in southeastern Poland, a quantitative research study was conducted using a survey questionnaire. The primary research hypothesis posits a strong correlation between the image of God and prayer. To verify this hypothesis, sociological studies were conducted among selected youth groups. The results were statistically processed and subjected to both quantitative and qualitative analysis. This study is one of the first to address the connection between the image of God and prayer among high school students in southeastern Poland. Therefore, it makes a significant contribution to this research area. It paves the way for further in-depth, multi-faceted, qualitative research in other regions of Poland.

4. The Foundations of Polish Youth Religious Development

In the period of adolescence, there are numerous transformations and significant discontinuities in comparison to the achievements made during earlier stages of development. Such a process may manifest as a developmental crisis, which can be characterized by a considerable intensity (Szczukiewicz 1998). This also applies to the spiritual sphere, where natural re-evaluations occur, and new responses to significant existential questions are sought. The dissonance between Christianity and a non-religious value system is a source of concern for many young people. The outcome may frequently be a form of rebellion, either against religious values and norms or against non-religious values and norms. The most common manifestation of this rebellion is a protest against institutions, environments, or individuals perceived as carriers of unacceptable values and norms (Erikson 1994). Furthermore, it can manifest as a tendency towards isolation, whereby the individual in question retreats into a group with which they identify, seeking to derive value from the group and its members (Potocki 2007).

The process of institutionalization of religion can be defined as the development of a religion from the moment of its inception until such time as a highly formalized organization is formed. For the individual, the process of institutionalization occurs through socialization and religious upbringing. To illustrate, a child is initiated into an already established and organized (i.e., institutionalized) religious reality. A common response to excessive institutionalization is deinstitutionalization and religious individualization. This results in a tendency to disassociate from religious institutions and churches, which can also extend to individual beliefs and spiritual development outside of any religious or spiritual institutions. Consequently, the proportion of people engaging in religious activities declines, while negative perceptions of the role of religious institutions (such as churches) in society become more prevalent. During the process of deinstitutionalization, the efficacy of the transmission of religious norms and values is reduced due to the absence of both the transmission apparatus and sanctions (Potocki 2007).

As posited by Franciszek Adamski and Andrzej Potocki, during the latter half of the 20th century, the relationship between families and the sacred realm in Poland underwent a notable decline. One potential explanation for this phenomenon is the observed reluctance to express a range of emotions, including those pertaining to religious beliefs and sentiments. The content of family prayers can be used to gain insight into the relationship between the praying person and God, particularly in the case of spontaneous prayers. Therefore, they reveal sentiments that are otherwise concealed in the present era. Conversely, there is a positive correlation between the religious practices of parents and those of their children. The majority of young people who engage in religious practices have parents who do the same. Conversely, the majority of young people who do not engage in religious practices have parents who do not do so either. It can be observed that in cases where both parents engage in religious practices on a regular basis, a significant proportion of their children also engage in such practices on a regular basis. Conversely, if both parents engage in religious activities on an irregular basis or if only one of them occasionally participates in such activities, the children are likely to neglect participation as well. Ultimately, if parents cease to engage in religious practices, their children are likely to follow suit and become non-practicing as well. The correlation is more pronounced in the case of daughters than in that of sons, with the strongest dependency observed in the relationship between mothers and daughters. This indicates that, from a statistical perspective, daughters are most likely to continue their mothers’ patterns of religious behavior (Adamski 1987; Potocki 2007; CBOS 2022). Conversely, A. Gemar highlights that social research data from the USA indicates that a father’s religious identity is a significant predictor of religious affiliation among individuals whose fathers were Protestants or Catholics. These individuals are more likely to identify as highly religious in later life (Gemar 2023). In light of analogous local studies in Poland, it can be posited that shifts in the religiosity of the younger generation in Poland are tending towards secularization (Adamczyk 2023). It is important to note, however, that the process of secularization is occurring at a somewhat faster rate in some regions of Poland than in others (Mariański 2011, 2018, 2022a, 2022b).

Since the mid-1990s, the proportion of individuals who do not adhere to a religious faith among high school graduates in Poland has increased threefold (from 16% to 49%). Concurrently, the proportion of individuals who regularly attend mass, religious services, or gatherings (at least once a week) has declined by approximately threefold (from 62% to 24%). Although the current decline in religious practices may be partially attributable to the impact of the pandemic and the associated concerns about infection, as well as the formal limitations on access to institutional religious practices, it is unlikely to be the primary factor. The students surveyed rarely cited the pandemic as a reason for stepping away from their religious practices. Instead, they indicated that they had abandoned their faith and, most importantly, adopted a critical stance toward the Church institutions. The aforementioned arguments indicate that the process of secularization among those entering adulthood is likely to intensify, and it is unlikely that this trend will undergo a significant reversal (Grabowska and Gwiazda 2022). Further research on this topic will be of great importance and considerable interest.

The younger generation is experiencing religion in a manner that differs from both their parents’ generation and the general trend observed in Western Europe and the USA. These latter regions are characterized by a greater degree of individualization than Poland, and this discrepancy will have an impact on religiosity (Borowik 2008; Mariański et al. 2023). In light of the aforementioned partial findings from the aforementioned studies, it can be posited that a 10% deficit in religious practice was observed in the examined population of Polish youth from the southeast of the country in comparison to the generation of their parents. This indicates that, while there is still a transmission of religiosity from one generation to the next, this phenomenon is becoming less prevalent (Zellma et al. 2022a). The findings of research by Adamczyk and Mąkosa allow for the formulation of the thesis that the most dynamic processes of secularization in Poland are particularly evident among the younger generation (Adamczyk and Mąkosa 2024).

There is a growing conviction among parents that children should be permitted to form their own opinions and adopt their own worldviews. The granting of considerable autonomy to children is perceived as an indication of parental tolerance, as well as a manifestation of the proliferation of liberal attitudes and a deficiency in profound conviction regarding their faith. Consequently, in addition to the conventional motives for transmitting faith, such as family upbringing, the perpetuation of tradition, and cultural influences, new motivations have emerged, including personal choice, autonomous decision-making, and the acceptance (or rejection) of religion as a core value in one’s life. This indicates that inherited faith is being supplanted by chosen faith, which is becoming a hallmark of the transformations of Catholic faith in Poland (Potocki 2007).

5. Objectives and Methods

The following section outlines the methods employed in the survey. The research technique used is an online survey using a questionnaire to gain insight into self-perceived religiosity and attitudes towards religious education among the younger population.

This study employed the questionnaire entitled Youth and religion, which has been used in The Netherlands for over 20 years to evaluate religious attitudes, beliefs, values, and outlooks on the world among secondary school students (van Dijk-Groeneboer and Brijan 2013; van Dijk-Groeneboer and Maas 2001, 2005; van Dijk-Groeneboer et al. 2008; van Dijk-Groeneboer 2010, 2015). The need to monitor and constantly analyze the trends related to the axiological and religious preferences of young people prompted researchers representing the Faculty of Theology of the Pontifical University of John Paul II to join an international study project conducted at the Tilburg School of Catholic Theology. Their aim is to diagnose and interpret the behavior of European adolescents in the area of axiology and religiousness. This is a Polish part of a broader, international research, with participants including young people in the Netherlands, Poland, Germany, and Czechia, and its findings are published regularly (van Dijk-Groeneboer et al. 2021). The socio-cultural context of religiousness among the Polish youth was also taken into consideration. The questions in the questionnaire were translated from English into Polish by native speakers of the language in cooperation with the research staff of the Faculty of Theology of The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow and—when needed—adapted slightly to the local context; for example, in the case of such terms as “Protestant”, “Lutheran”, “Evangelical”, and “Orthodox” (instead of the original Dutch Reformed). Specific religiousness in Poland also includes affiliation—usually with one religious community rather than with many at the same time. What is more, the term “religious community” is understood by religiously involved young people more in the sense of “a pastoral group” or a “youth parish group” rather than different religious institutions. Hence, the meaning of some values is difficult to grasp. A complete original questionnaire (in the Polish and English versions) can be obtained from the authors.

The survey was conducted between September 2019 and June 2020 using the CAWI (Computer-Assisted Web Interview) method among a population of students in grades 7 and 8 of primary schools (ISCED level 2—lower secondary education within a single structure) and students in secondary schools (ISCED level 3—upper secondary general and secondary vocational schools) in Poland, aged 15–20 (cf. Eurydice—Facts and Figures 2019). This is illustrated in Figure 1.

Males made up 49.53% (580 students) and females 50.47% (591 students). The study was conducted in 29 schools and school complexes, including 20 in the Małopolskie and Podkarpackie Voivodships in Poland. A total of 1171 students participated, with 867 responses from 14 schools and complexes in Kraków (Małopolskie Voivodship); 144 from 2 schools and one school complex in Krosno (Podkarpackie Voivodeship); and 119 from the Complex of Economic Schools in Dębica (Podkarpackie Voivodeship). All of the necessary consent forms to conduct the study were obtained in each of these schools. The respondents were informed that the data they provided were completely anonymous. The survey was also accessible through a link to the Internet website of the Kraków Archdiocese, which is why there were also 41 voluntary responses from students from other schools (e.g., from Łódź, Nowy Tomyśl, Świętochłowice, Olsztyn, Elbląg, Garwolin, Szczecin and Rabka-Zdrój). With regard to the type of educational establishment from which the respondents hailed, the distribution was as follows:

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technical school students: 285;

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general secondary school pupils: 488;

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students of school complexes: 357;

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others: 16;

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shortages (skipped): 25.

The sampling method employed was convenient due to the interviewers’ ability to conduct the survey and the school’s agreement to participate. The results are not representative of the group of young people aged 15–19, but they are a valuable source in illustrating the phenomenon of the image of God, especially through the diversity of participating schools. The researchers determined that the investigation would be conducted among the aforementioned group of respondents attending schools in cities that are archetypal in terms of social, religious, and cultural aspects in the region of Southeastern Poland, based on criteria pertaining to the highest youth religiosity index in the region. The selection of respondents was conducted in accordance with a predetermined set of criteria, encompassing geographical location, specifically their residence in the south and southeast of Poland and their engagement in religious education programs. The majority of participants were enrolled in secondary schools (ISCED level 3—upper secondary general and secondary vocational schools), with over 90% of them aged 15–20. Conversely, only 6.7% of the 13–14 y.o. group were enrolled in grades 7 and 8 of primary schools (ISCED level 2—lower secondary education within a single structure) in Poland. It is noteworthy that both groups attended optional Catholic Religious Education in schools.

The data collected are stored and protected in accordance with the rules of data protection in scientific research. They do not contain personal data in the sense of the GDPR and can only be presented as statistical data. The methodology of the study, including the way it was conducted and the procedures for data collection and analysis, was approved by the Data Management Unit of the Faculty of Catholic Theology of Tilburg University, as well as the Ethics Committee for Scientific Research at the Pontifical John Paul II University in Krakow.

The students who completed the questionnaire came mainly from the south and southeast of Poland and lived in three cities: Krakow (800,000 inhabitants, an important academic center in Poland), Krosno (46,000 inhabitants), and Dębica (44,000 inhabitants) and in the surrounding towns and villages from which they commute to the schools in these three towns. The interviewees were pupils who attended the optional Catholic Religious Education (CRE) organized according to the relevant regulations in Polish public schools, which does not mean that they were all declared Catholics. In order to present the religiousness of young people from a narrower perspective than the national one and to show local dynamics and diversity, the study was conducted in towns located in the regions with the highest rates of religious practice in Poland. The rate of participation in religious education in the region exceeded 94% in 2019 (Instytut Statystyki Kościoła Katolickiego 2021). The concept of the region used above should be understood in its geographical–historical–cultural sense as a socio-spatial whole whose inhabitants share common cultural resources, creating a homogeneous structure with a specific identity and level of development, and a sense of distinctiveness. Due to the study area, the importance of religious distinctiveness should be highlighted among the anthropological characteristics of culture. Attachment to the region can lead to negative judgments and opinions arising from the assertion of one’s distinctiveness. One of the aims of the research is to capture such characteristics that potentially characterize the cohort under study in relation to religious beliefs. (Castells 1989, 2001; Román del Río 2001; Różańska 2015).

The objective of this research is to examine and evaluate the existing relationship between the image of God and prayer among high school students in southeastern Poland. The principal research questions addressed in this study are as follows:

• What is the image of God that the participants hold?
• To what extent and with what frequency do the participants engage in prayer?
• What are the relationships between the image of God and prayer?

In addition to descriptive statistics, the research was analyzed using cluster analysis for the category ‘image of God’ and exploratory factor analysis (EFA) for the category ‘prayer’. Cluster analysis enables the grouping of elements into relatively homogeneous classes based on their similarity, with classification based on both quantitative and qualitative variables (Szymańska 2017). Conversely, factor analysis allows for the examination of relationships between indicators and underlying characteristics, thus allowing for the determination of the number and nature or significance of hidden variables or factors (Humenny and Grygiel 2015). It can be argued that EFA is a useful tool for identifying the factors that best explain the variability in the data.

6. Critical Examination of the Findings and Their Implications

6.1. The Image of God

The survey respondents were able to relate to the concept of God using a total of twenty-one different definitions, as included in the questionnaire. Each respondent indicated their level of agreement with the statements provided on a 5-point Likert scale. The 21 statements were as follows:

Strongly disagree—Disagree—Neutral—Agree—Strongly agree

• God calls me
• God is near, in the hearts of people
• God is the judge of judges
• There is ‘something higher’ that has a different name in all religions
• There is a God who personally cares about every human being
• Every human being carries a divine spark in his or her deepest self
• There is something higher that we cannot capture in words
• I see God as a man with a beard, who sits on a cloud
• God is simply another term for nature
• There is a God whose Kingdom is coming
• God is the creator of all that is
• God is precious to humanity
• There is a higher power
• God is good and righteous
• People have invented God to shift their responsibility
• God is the one who determines your path in life
• God is greater than people can ever imagine
• God is everywhere and always
• God punishes when someone does something wrong
• Every human being is a small part of God
• God is the one who knows beforehand what’s going to happen in your life

When analyzing the image of God based on the cluster analysis of individual responses, three clusters can be identified (see Figure 2):

• God is simply another term for nature;
• Transcendent God:
  • God is precious to humanity
  • Every human being is a small part of God
  • God is the one who knows beforehand what’s going to happen in your life
  • There is something higher that we cannot capture in words
  • God is the one who determines your path in life
  • God is greater than people can ever imagine
  • God is everywhere and always
  • God punishes when someone does something wrong
  • God is good and righteous
  • God calls me
  • God is near, in the hearts of people
  • God is the judge of judges
  • There is a Higher Power
  • There is a kind of Higher Power that has a different name in all religions
  • There is a God who personally cares about every human being
  • I see God as a man with a beard, who sits on a cloud
  • There is a God whose Kingdom is coming
  • God is the creator of all that is
  • Every human being carries a divine spark in his or her deepest self
• People have invented God to shift their responsibility.

The highest average among statements regarding the image of God was attributed to the response, “God is precious to humanity” (3.81). This average was lower in the first cluster (3.47), distinctly higher in the second cluster (4.45), and lowest in the third cluster (1.75). The second-highest statement was “There is a kind of Higher Power that has a different name in all religions “ (3.78), followed by “There is a Higher Power” (3.69). The lowest average was recorded for “People invented God” (2.51), followed by “God is simply another term for nature” (2.86), and “God as a man with a beard, who sits on a cloud” (2.99).

The first cluster corresponds to an image of God that lacks transcendent or personal qualities. In this view, God’s presence is perceived through the forces of nature. Respondents tend to focus on the natural world and temporality, attributing a divine element to the forces of nature.

The second cluster includes the majority of statements related to a personal and transcendent image of God. Here, God interacts with individuals and embodies absolute values.

The third cluster involves fewer individuals and differs significantly from the others. It presents God as a social construct. Answers such as “People invented God to shift responsibility onto Him” are likely to reflect various forms of atheistic ideologies, such as Marxist or existential atheism.

6.2. Prayer

Frequency analysis reveals that the most common prayers among respondents are “in the evening in bed” (16.7%) and “when I am afraid” (13.2%). The third most frequent prayer is “when I am grateful” (9.1%), followed by “when I am sad” (7.8%). The response “never” was most often associated with praying “before and/or after meals” (52.8%), followed by “at fixed times for prayer” (45.2%), “when I am happy” (33.8%), and “when I am sad” (29.8%). (See Figure 3;

Table 1. Frequency, time, and reason for prayer. Exploratory factor analysis. Source: Own research.

Chi-squared Test
		Value		df			p
Model		0.000		−1
Factor Loadings
Do you pray? How often and when?	Factor 1	Factor 2	Factor 3		Factor 4	Uniqueness
when I’m happy	0.996					0.121
when I’m grateful	0.572					0.229
when I’m afraid		0.907				0.244
when I’m sad		0.604				0.295
at fixed times of prayer			0.761			0.355
before and/or after meals			0.568			0.626
in the evening in bed					0.561	0.418

Note: Applied rotation method is promax.

).

Applying exploratory factor analysis (EFA) to responses about prayer identified four factors:

• Positive Motivation: This factor includes responses such as “when I am happy” and “when I am grateful”, reflecting a positive emotional motivation.
• Negative Motivation: This factor comprises responses like “when I am afraid” and “when I am sad”, indicating a connection with negative emotions.
• Fixed Prayer Pattern: This factor relates to prayers at fixed times, such as “at set times for prayer” and “before and/or after meals”, suggesting a routine or structured prayer pattern.
• End of Day: This factor is centered around the response “in the evening in bed”, reflecting a specific time-oriented context for prayer.

6.3. The Relationship Between the Image of God and Prayer

Youth who aligned with cluster 2 (Transcendent God) demonstrated the highest average scores for prayers “at night in bed” (3.60), “when I am grateful” (3.34), and “when I am afraid” (3.32). Similarly, youth who viewed God as an embodiment of natural forces showed high averages for prayers “at night in bed”, “when I am afraid”, and “when I am grateful”, although less frequently than those in cluster 1, with averages of 2.39, 2.38, and 2.32, respectively. Adolescents perceiving God as a human construct prayed the least, but when they did, it was primarily for emotional reasons: “when I am afraid” (1.45), “when I am grateful” (1.44), and “when I am happy” (1.41).

The distribution of responses across clusters supports the connection between the image of God and prayer frequency. Students with a personal and transcendent view of God prayed more often “when they are sad” (46% of responses “very often” and “often”) than those associating God with nature (20%) or viewing God as a human creation (6%). Gratitude similarly differentiated these groups. Those seeing God as transcendent frequently prayed out of gratitude (47.8%), compared to those linking God with nature (21.8%) and those considering God a human concept (4%).

Similar patterns emerged concerning prayer contexts. Adolescents viewing God as transcendent often prayed “in the evening in bed” (58.5% “very often” and “often”). Those associating God with nature or as a human construct prayed less frequently in this manner (18.5% and 4%, respectively).

However, differences diminished for ritualistic prayers, such as “before and/or after meals”. Only 5% of those with a personal God image prayed this way “very often” or “often”, while fewer responses came from those linking God to nature (3.3%) or human constructs (2%).

7. Discussion

The analyzed research on the image of God and prayer among young people aged 15–19 from southeastern Poland shows a strong link between these two domains. The results indicate that the image of God significantly differentiates young people’s approach to prayer and religiosity. Young people who see God as a transcendent and personal being show a higher level of engagement in religious practices, especially prayer. Their approach is more intimate and relational, reflected in a high percentage of prayers “in the evening in bed” and in emotional moments such as fear or gratitude. Prayer in the context of emotions (fear, sadness, gratitude) is dominant in groups that attribute transcendent or spiritual qualities to God. This suggests an emotional regulation function for prayer in the lives of these young people, but it is also a natural consequence of a personal image of God, i.e., a God who can relate to people. Young people in this group are more likely to turn to prayer as a means of developing a personal relationship with God.

Young people who identify God with the forces of nature pray less often, but their prayers tend to be more reflective and emotional. This group recognizes the existence of a spiritual dimension, but it is less formalized than the transcendent God group.

The research found that ritualized forms of prayer, such as praying before or after meals or at fixed times, are less common across all groups. This suggests that traditional rituals are becoming less important in young people’s daily lives, regardless of their image of God.

It is interesting that young people who perceive God as a human idea can still pray. However, they pray less often than the other group, and when they do, it is mainly due to emotional reasons. This could entail an instrumental approach to prayer, seeing it as a means of support in crisis situations.

Our findings affirm the importance of individual prayer as a religious practice. Though non-compulsory in Christianity, it holds a significant moral weight and plays a crucial role in the religious socialization of young generations. Past studies, such as those from 1991–1998, showed daily or near-daily prayer among 61.3% of Poles. The most common situations for personal prayer are difficulties in life (74.3%), passing a holy place such as a church or a cross (66.8%), and at the beginning of a journey (52%). In the late 1990s, there was a slight increase in the prevalence of individual prayer. More recent data reflect declines but highlight its enduring role (Mariański 2001).

In another Polish survey of a nationally representative sample in 2002, 66.8% of respondents said they prayed every day or almost every day. Young people with higher education and professionals were the most likely to see prayer as a conversation with God. An impressive 81% of respondents said they sometimes go to church to pray (Zaręba 2004).

A survey conducted in Poland in 2015 found that 43% of respondents pray daily, which reflects a 13% decrease compared to 2005 but a 5% increase compared to 2012. In addition, 7% said they did not pray at all (CBOS 2015).

In comparison with the general adult Polish population, the percentage of non-believers among students is almost five times higher (23% vs. 5%). There is also a significant difference in the number of people declaring their faith (89% of the general Polish population compared to 54% of the students surveyed). In 2021, the majority of respondents aged 17–19 (52%) said they believe in God, although this percentage is significantly lower than it was three years prior (a drop of 8 points). In addition, a large proportion of this group (23% overall) still had doubts about the existence of God. Only 29% of students currently expressed unwavering faith, a decrease of 8 points compared to 2018. The percentages of students with an ambivalent attitude towards faith (11%), belief in an impersonal higher power (10%), and agnosticism (11%) have remained stable since the last survey and are almost the same. Moreover, the number of declared atheists has increased (from 11% to 16%) (Grabowska and Gwiazda 2022). In our research, the percentage of people who consider God to be a human construct is in line with the above data on the percentage of non-believing young people.

In light of our research, young people are increasingly choosing more individualized forms of prayer that do not necessarily involve traditional religious practices, such as congregational or liturgical prayer. Comparison with data from the Czech Republic (Kosarkova and Roubalova 2024) suggests a similar trend, where a positive image of God is associated with personal development and a sense of purpose in life. This may suggest that a personal, positive image of God plays a crucial role in shaping self-esteem and emotional stability, regardless of the form of religious practice. At the same time, the above studies suggest that a personal image of God correlates with a greater sense of purpose in life and self-worth. This confirms Erik H. Erikson’s thesis that there is a link between personal identity formation during adolescence and religious life. Shaping a positive image of God and building a personal relationship with God may translate into a positive resolution of the identity crisis of adolescence. Our research indicates that adolescents who perceive God as a transcendent and personal entity show a higher level of involvement in religious practices, especially prayer. This allows us to make positive predictions about their future civic engagement.

The research findings highlight implications for pastoral and educational activities and could be useful in both pastoral practice and religious education. Religious education that clearly emphasizes a personal image of God may lead to a more fulfilling prayer life. This is in line with the findings of Kostrubiec-Wojtachnio and Tatala (2014). Focusing on the emotional and personal aspects of religiosity can increase young people’s engagement in spiritual life. Educational institutions should also take into account the diversity of perceptions of God to better meet the needs of young people who are experiencing an identity crisis and may be questioning the established image of God. The research findings emphasize the importance of understanding the images of God that young people are forming in order to understand their impact on religiosity, particularly in relation to prayer. Such an understanding can help to better tailor pastoral activities to the needs of young people.

8. Further Research Prospects

Further studies should explore parental influence on adolescents’ images of God and prayer habits. Data from the General Social Survey (GSS) in the USA and the aforementioned Polish research reveal strong predictive parental impacts on religious trajectories (Gemar 2023; CBOS 2022). The extent to which parents actually shape the image of God that children carry into adulthood remains a question for further, detailed research. Nevertheless, as other studies have shown, the formation of the image of God in childhood is an active process whereby children construct their own understanding of God from early childhood, which includes mental representations laden with emotion, often referred to as specific images of God (Król 1996; Potocki 2007; Mąkosa 2009; Smith 2021). The formation of images of God in childhood warrants close study, as early representations often carry emotional weight and develop into personal beliefs.

The research presented here on youth from southeastern Poland has the potential to expand our understanding of prayer during adolescence. Given that this is a period during which young people gain greater control over their religious and spiritual development, it can be anticipated that their concepts and beliefs about prayer will undergo significant transformations during this stage of life (Richert and Abo-Zena 2023). It is similarly important to consider the context of positive developmental motivations for assuming future social roles. Hope is a variable that contributes to positive adolescent development, and religious and spiritual contexts can be instrumental in fostering and supporting it. This was indicated by studies with Salvadoran youth, whereby the contexts of God, faith, and the relationship with God were the most frequently mentioned in interview transcriptions. The experience of hope in a relationship with God led young people to believe that nothing is impossible with God, thereby providing them with a sense of support from Him and treating prayer as a means of building and sustaining hope (Gołąbek 2006).

Future research might also consider the significance of education as a structuring factor in the interdependence of political and religious socialization. This is particularly important when examining the resulting links between the image of God and the image and structure of society. The associations with voting behavior in the context of shared belief systems in Eastern European countries reflect the generally stronger success of radical right-wing populist parties in countries such as Poland and Hungary compared to Western European countries (van Noord et al. 2024; Chrostowski 2022; Klingenberg and Sjö 2019). Future research should also undoubtedly be devoted to further in-depth comparative studies in this area amongst young people from a range of European countries. Furthermore, it would be prudent to consider the findings of Ara Norenzayan’s research on the multifaceted nature of the concept of God and the varying levels of religiosity in order to get more evidence from Eastern European countries verifying the hypothesis that thinking of God triggers perceived social surveillance (Gervais and Norenzayan 2012).

9. Conclusions

Comparisons with other countries suggest similar trends, where a positive God image correlates with personal growth and life meaning. This aligns with studies indicating that personal prayer fosters hope and emotional stability among youth. Prayer is ultimately beneficial for spiritual well-being, which highlights the necessity for institutional religions to proactively influence the way in which young people perceive God through the implementation of sensitive and inclusive educational endeavors.