Building Bridges: The Influence of the Islamic Religious Community on North Macedonia’s Interfaith and Socio-Political Dynamics

Abstract

This article critically examines the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia, focusing on its significant role in influencing religious practices, socio-political dynamics, and interfaith relations within the country. Since its inception following the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the IRC has been central to redefining the public role of Islam, advocating for religious freedoms, and supporting the development of democratic values. Through a mixed-methods approach, this research traces the historical evolution of the IRC, analyzes its constitutional and legal framework, and assesses its impact on North Macedonia’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. While the IRC’s contributions to promoting interfaith understanding and national stability are highlighted, the study also critically engages with the institution’s shortcomings, particularly the controversies related to its leadership and the challenges posed by its political entanglements. These issues have, at times, compromised the IRC’s efforts in fostering social cohesion and interfaith harmony. The findings provide valuable insights into the complex role of religious institutions in enhancing social stability and democratic governance in diverse societies, positioning the IRC as a significant case study with implications for similar contexts globally.

1. Introduction

Throughout the 20th century, the global landscape underwent significant shifts in political and social arenas, with the Balkans emerging as a focal point of transformation. These changes profoundly impacted religion-state relations, sparking extensive discourse regarding their essence, scope, and evolution. Examining state political frameworks reveals diverse approaches to religion-state dynamics, intricately linked with politics, culture, ethnicity, and religion within each nation. In countries governed by liberal democratic principles, various models of religion–state relations emerge. Monsma and Soper (1997) identify three paradigms: partial establishment, strict separationist, and accommodating pluralism. These paradigms reflect the diverse attitudes and policies towards integrating religious institutions within national frameworks, highlighting the nuanced approaches to secularism and the role of religion in public life. This taxonomy underscores the complex and multifaceted nature of religion-state relations, emphasizing the diverse strategies nations employ to balance religious freedom with secular governance.

This article analyzes the transformative role of the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in shaping religious practices and socio-political dynamics within North Macedonia. Since its founding after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the IRC has been instrumental in redefining the role of Islam in the public sphere, advocating for religious freedoms, and promoting democratic values. A pivotal moment came with the 1994 constitution, which restored religious rights for Muslims and solidified the IRC’s influence in the country’s democratic processes. One key example of this is the IRC’s efforts to restore and revitalize religious institutions that had been suppressed during the communist era. The reopening and reconstruction of mosques, along with the re-establishment of Islamic educational institutions like madrasas, have been central to reasserting Islamic presence and ensuring that Muslims can freely practice their religion in North Macedonia (Spasenovski 2015).

The IRC has also been a staunch advocate for religious freedoms. It has successfully lobbied for the legal recognition of Islamic holidays and the rights of Muslims to establish religious schools and mosques. Additionally, the IRC has worked to ensure that Islamic family law is respected in matters such as marriage, divorce, and inheritance, thereby securing a legal framework that aligns with the religious beliefs of the Muslim community (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018).

Furthermore, the IRC has actively engaged in political processes, often serving as a mediator between the Muslim community and the government. It has participated in discussions about religious education in public schools and the legal status of Islamic institutions, promoting democratic values by ensuring the Muslim community’s perspectives are represented in policymaking (Spasenovski 2015). The IRC’s involvement in interfaith dialogue, particularly with the Macedonian Orthodox Church, also demonstrates its role in fostering mutual understanding and peaceful coexistence among North Macedonia’s diverse religious groups (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018). These efforts highlight how the IRC has worked not only to protect and expand Muslim rights but also to promote democracy and religious tolerance in a multi-ethnic society.

The IRC’s influence extends through various educational programs emphasizing multiculturalism, respect, and tolerance—essential elements for coexistence in a pluralistic society. Politically, it serves as a mediator between the Muslim community and the state, ensuring Muslim perspectives are included in national policy. The IRC’s leadership consistently advocates for peace and dialogue, positioning the community as a bridge-builder among diverse faith groups. This study underscores the IRC’s role not merely as a religious entity but also as a formidable socio-political actor enhancing interfaith understanding and contributing to societal stability and inter-faith harmony in North Macedonia. Its efforts in interfaith dialogue, particularly with other major religious groups like the Macedonian Orthodox Church, have been crucial in building mutual respect and preventing conflicts (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018). Moreover, the IRC has advocated for inclusive policies that respect the rights of all religious communities, ensuring the needs of the Muslim population are addressed without infringing on others’ rights. This inclusive approach has been significant in fostering a sense of equity and coexistence among the country’s diverse religious groups (Spasenovski 2015). Additionally, the IRC has often taken on a mediating role in political and social conflicts with religious or ethnic dimensions, further contributing to the overall stability and harmony in North Macedonian society (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018).

This study offers a comprehensive analysis of the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia, highlighting its pivotal role in shaping the country’s religious and socio-political landscape. The significance of this research lies in its investigation of how the IRC, as a religious institution, has not only influenced spiritual practices but also contributed to societal stability and interfaith harmony in a diverse, post-conflict environment. By examining the IRC’s efforts in advocating for religious freedoms, engaging in political mediation, and fostering interfaith dialogue, the study provides critical insights into the complex relationship between religion and politics in a multicultural society.

This research is particularly valuable as it addresses the underexplored role of religious communities in promoting democratic values and social cohesion, especially in regions marked by ethnic and religious tensions. The study contributes to the academic field by presenting a detailed case study of North Macedonia, with implications for other pluralistic societies facing similar challenges. Its findings aim to inform scholars, policymakers, and religious leaders interested in the intersection of religion, governance, and social stability.

The central research question guiding this article is as follows: “How has the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia evolved since the dissolution of Yugoslavia, and what role has it played in shaping the country’s religious and socio-political landscape, particularly in promoting interfaith harmony and societal stability?” This question frames the study’s primary focus on examining the historical development of the IRC and its strategic efforts to foster interfaith dialogue and religious tolerance while also addressing the challenges the IRC faces in maintaining its influential role in a multi-religious society.

The article analyzes the IRC’s evolving role within North Macedonia, particularly its contributions to educational initiatives that promote multiculturalism, religious tolerance, and democratic governance. It explores the IRC’s involvement in national policy-making and political mediation, positioning the organization as both a religious and socio-political actor. Additionally, the study critically assesses the internal challenges facing the IRC, including leadership controversies and the complexities of its involvement in the political landscape of North Macedonia. The analysis of these issues offers valuable insights into the IRC’s ability to navigate its dual role in both spiritual and political spheres.

This research makes a significant contribution to the literature by addressing a gap in studies on the role of religious institutions in post-Yugoslav states. It provides a nuanced understanding of how the IRC influences socio-political stability and interfaith relations in a diverse society. The findings offer broader implications for other religious institutions in similarly complex cultural and religious contexts, particularly those seeking to balance political mediation with their religious leadership roles. The study’s focus on the IRC’s successes and challenges also serves as a model for exploring how religious organizations can contribute to democratic governance and social cohesion in multicultural societies.

2. Literature Review

In his academic work titled The Role of the Islamic Community in Peacebuilding in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina: Case Study of East Bosnia, Preljević (2017) discusses the critical role religious communities can play in peacebuilding within societies fragmented by conflict. He notes, however, that challenges arise when some religious institutions resist participating in collaborative peace efforts. This resistance can hinder the overall effectiveness of peacebuilding initiatives, emphasizing the need for inclusive and cooperative approaches among religious entities.

Alibašić (2020) explores the Islamic Religious Communities in the Balkans, highlighting the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a proponent of inter-religious dialogue and cooperation. This community actively supports the rights of non-Muslims to freely practice their faith and champions a multi-religious, multi-ethnic, and democratic Bosnia that respects religious freedom and maintains the autonomy of religious institutions from governmental influence. This approach has been instrumental in fostering a culture of mutual respect and understanding among diverse religious groups.

Drechsler (2018) reviews the Islamic public administration systems in European countries with significant Muslim populations, finding them to be refined and effective. However, he notes that Balkan countries have not reached such administrative successes and show no intent to revert to Ottoman administrative models. Drechsler’s analysis underscores the administrative challenges faced by Islamic institutions in the Balkans and the need for modern reforms to enhance their effectiveness.

Additionally, Hadžiomerović (2017) highlights the evolution of Islamic education in the Balkans, which now seeks to merge traditional elements with modern influences. While there are similarities in organizational structures across the region, significant differences in curricular approaches and the role of Islamic education within state systems remain. This divergence reflects the varying historical and cultural contexts of each Balkan country. Eisenstein (2008) examines the role of religious institutions in promoting democratic values, highlighting how Islamic institutions can contribute to political stability and democratic governance. His study emphasizes the importance of religious institutions in providing moral and ethical guidance that supports democratic principles and social cohesion.

Kymlicka (1995) explores the concept of multicultural citizenship and the role of religious institutions in supporting minority rights. His work underscores the importance of religious institutions in advocating for the rights of religious minorities and promoting a culture of inclusivity and respect within diverse societies. Monsma and Soper (1997) analyze the relationship between church and state in various democracies, including how Islamic institutions navigate this relationship. Their study provides a comparative perspective on how different countries manage the integration of religious institutions into the public sphere, highlighting best practices and challenges.

Ramadani (2010) focuses on the ethical dimensions of religious education, particularly how Islamic educational programs promote values such as tolerance, respect, and coexistence. His research illustrates the impact of religious education on fostering interfaith harmony and social stability. Scanlon (1996) discusses the concept of tolerance within diverse societies, emphasizing the role of religious institutions in promoting understanding and acceptance among different faith groups. His work highlights the significance of tolerance as a foundational value for peaceful coexistence in multi-religious societies.

Bougarel and Clayer (2017), in Europe’s Balkan Muslims: A New History, examine the evolution of Southeast Europe’s Muslim populations—Albanians, Bosniaks, Turks, and Roma—descended from Ottoman settlers and converts. They explored the social and political transformations these communities underwent in the 19th and 20th centuries, particularly following the collapse of empires and the rise of modern Balkan states. National identities among Balkan Muslims solidified gradually, accelerating after 1945 due to communist modernization, culminating in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo’s independence. Despite secularization, ties to Ottoman institutions and Sufi networks persisted alongside emerging neo-Salafist and neo-Sufi movements.

Aleksandar Spasenovski’s Religious Diversity and the Macedonian Model of Secularism (2015) critically examines how North Macedonia’s historical and geographical context has shaped its unique approach to secularism and religious diversity. He highlights how the Macedonian model balances state neutrality with the guarantee of religious freedoms, reflecting the country’s complex religious landscape influenced by Byzantine and Ottoman rule. Spasenovski discusses the legal frameworks that define the relationship between the state and religious organizations, emphasizing the challenges in maintaining this balance, particularly between the dominant Macedonian Orthodox Church and other religious communities like the Islamic Religious Community. Furthermore, Spasenovski explores the socio-political tensions arising from differing views on secularism within Macedonian politics. While left-leaning parties advocate for strict secularism, right-leaning, and ethnic minority parties push for greater recognition of religious identities. This ongoing debate underscores the challenges North Macedonia faces in integrating religious diversity within a democratic framework, highlighting the delicate balance required to manage religious freedoms and state neutrality in a post-communist society.

In God and Democracy: A Handbook on the Rights of Religious Communities and the Freedom of Religion in the Republic of Macedonia (2018), Tanja Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Aleksandar Spasenovski explore the legal framework of religious rights and secularism in North Macedonia. The authors discuss how the constitution ensures the separation of church and state while safeguarding religious freedoms. They highlight the historical influence of Orthodox Christianity and the Byzantine legacy, which remain central to North Macedonia’s religious and political identity. The handbook details the legal provisions that regulate religious communities and the balance between religious diversity and state neutrality. The authors also address the challenges of maintaining the country’s secular model in a religiously diverse society. With a majority Orthodox Christian population, the country must ensure equal protection for minority religious groups, including Muslims, Catholics, and Jews. By comparing North Macedonia’s approach with other European models, the handbook offers a comprehensive overview of the complexities in balancing religious freedom with state governance, making it a key resource for understanding the dynamics of religion and democracy in North Macedonia.

The existing body of literature, as exemplified by works such as Preljević (2017), Alibašić (2020), and Drechsler (2018), provides valuable insights into the roles of Islamic communities in peacebuilding, interreligious dialogue, and administrative structures across the Balkans. These studies primarily focus on the broader regional dynamics and the comparative roles of Islamic institutions in different Balkan countries. However, they often lack a detailed, localized examination of how these institutions operate within the specific socio-political contexts of individual countries, particularly in North Macedonia.

Moreover, while previous research, such as that by Spasenovski (2015) and Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski (2018), highlights the legal frameworks and the historical role of religious communities within the Macedonian context, these works tend to emphasize the broader relationship between state and religion without delving deeply into the specific actions and strategies of the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia. This article fills these gaps by providing a focused analysis of the IRC’s unique role in North Macedonia. It examines how the IRC has specifically influenced religious practices, interfaith relations, and socio-political stability in a post-Yugoslav context. Unlike previous studies, this research offers a detailed exploration of the IRC’s initiatives, challenges, and controversies, particularly how it navigates its dual role as both a religious and socio-political actor. Additionally, this article critically assesses the IRC’s leadership and its impact on interfaith harmony, offering a nuanced understanding of the institution’s contribution to social cohesion and democratic governance in a diverse society. This localized, in-depth focus on the IRC within North Macedonia provides a crucial contribution to the field that is not fully addressed in existing literature.

Our article is anchored in several theoretical frameworks that provide a lens through which the role of the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia can be understood. These frameworks engage with religious pluralism, secularism, and democracy, offering insights into the complex interplay between religion and state, especially in a multicultural society like North Macedonia. First, the framework of religious pluralism plays a central role in analyzing the IRC’s interactions with other religious communities in North Macedonia. Religious pluralism refers to the acceptance and co-existence of multiple religious traditions within a single society. In the context of North Macedonia, this pluralism is not only a feature of its socio-religious landscape but also a constitutional principle, as enshrined in the country’s legal and political systems. The IRC’s role in fostering interfaith dialogue, particularly with the Macedonian Orthodox Church and other religious minorities such as the Bektashi Community, is a direct manifestation of this pluralistic framework (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018). The IRC’s efforts to mediate conflicts and promote religious tolerance illustrate its contribution to a pluralistic society. However, internal conflicts, particularly those with the Bektashi Community, highlight the challenges of religious pluralism in practice (U.S. Department of State 2021).

The second key theoretical framework is secularism, which in North Macedonia is defined by a constitutional separation of religion and state. Secularism, in this context, means that religious institutions, including the IRC, operate independently of the state while maintaining a cooperative relationship. The study draws upon Monsma and Soper’s (1997) typology of secularism, specifically the “accommodating pluralism” model, where the state recognizes and integrates religious communities into public life without granting exclusive privilege to any single religious institution. The IRC’s advocacy for Islamic holidays, its participation in public education, and its political mediation efforts all reflect the complexities of this secular framework (Spasenovski 2015). The IRC’s leadership, especially under figures like Sulejman Rexhepi, also demonstrates the tensions inherent in maintaining secularism when religious leaders exert political influence (Zarevska 2019).

A third critical framework is democratic governance, particularly the role of religious institutions in supporting or challenging democratic principles. In the case of the IRC, the organization not only represents the Muslim community’s spiritual needs but also engages in the broader socio-political processes of North Macedonia. This engagement aligns with democratic ideals, such as representation and participation, as the IRC ensures that Muslim voices are included in national policymaking. The IRC’s involvement in issues such as religious education, property rights, and religious freedom reflects its function as a socio-political actor in a democratic system (Kymlicka 1995). However, leadership controversies within the IRC, including issues of accountability, demonstrate how religious institutions can also struggle with democratic norms of transparency and accountability (Spasenovski 2015). These frameworks are crucial for understanding the IRC’s multifaceted role in North Macedonia, where it functions both as a religious authority and as a political actor. The intersections of religious pluralism, secularism, and democracy provide a structured way to analyze the IRC’s contributions and challenges, particularly in its efforts to maintain interfaith harmony, political engagement, and social cohesion. In summary, this study utilizes these frameworks to offer a nuanced analysis of how the IRC navigates its dual roles in a multicultural and multi-religious society. By applying these theories, the research critically assesses the IRC’s successes and failures, providing a comprehensive understanding of its impact on North Macedonia’s religious and socio-political landscape.

3. Methodology

The methodology employed in this study is designed to comprehensively examine the complex role of the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia. In so doing, the study has adopted a triangulation of three approaches: historical, descriptive, and analytical. The historical approach traces the IRC’s evolution from the Ottoman era to the present, contextualizing its role in North Macedonia’s modern political and religious landscape. The specific tools used in this approach are time frame (14th–21st centuries) and historiographic periodization (early Ottoman, 20th-century post-Ottoman, and post-independence Republic of North Macedonia). The descriptive approach provides a detailed examination of the IRC’s structure, objectives, and activities, offering insights into how the IRC advocates for religious freedoms and promotes democratic values within the country. The specific tools used in this approach are structural form, goal setting, scope, and action plan. And finally, the analytical approach focuses on critically assessing the IRC’s constitutional framework, policies, and initiatives to evaluate its impact on national policy and interfaith relations. The specific tools used in this approach are thematic codes, conceptual innovation, organizational transformation, efficiency, and effectiveness.

The data for this study come from both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include archival documents on the early Ottoman religious system, Official Gazettes of the Republic of Macedonia, and organizational, policy, and activity-related documents from the Islamic Religious Community headquarters in Skopje, in the Republic of North Macedonia. The secondary sources include published history books and academic research on the Islamic Religious Community in North Macedonia. Most of the data are in Turkik and local Macedonian languages, which are native to the lead author of this research and offered an added advantage in their analysis.

Despite the comprehensive nature of this methodology, certain limitations are inherent in the research design. One challenge lies in the qualitative nature of the study, which relies on literature analysis that may reflect an institutional bias, particularly in portraying the IRC’s actions in a more favorable light. This may obscure critical perspectives, especially from marginalized religious groups like the Bektashi Community, with whom the IRC has had long-standing disputes over issues of religious autonomy and property rights. Additionally, the case study approach limits the generalizability of the findings, as the unique cultural and political context of North Macedonia may not fully apply to other settings. The sensitivity of the subject matter, particularly in conducting interviews with IRC leaders and government officials, also poses challenges in accessing unbiased data, potentially restricting the scope of the study’s findings. Nonetheless, the multifaceted methodology ensures a nuanced and thorough understanding of the IRC’s role in promoting religious freedom, democratic engagement, and interfaith harmony in North Macedonia.

4. The Institutional Development and Historical Context of the Islamic Religious Community (IRC)

4.1. Origins and Early Institutional Formation

To develop a comprehensive understanding of the historical evolution and current legal framework of Muslim central institutions in the present Balkan states, particularly North Macedonia, it is imperative to examine three critical periods: the Ottoman era, the 20th-century post-Ottoman period, and the contemporary legal status and functionality of the Islamic community in North Macedonia. During the Ottoman rule, the European territories were administratively organized under the eyâlet (province/Governorate) of Rumelia, headed by a Beylerbey. This eyâlet was further subdivided into several sancaks, each overseen by a Sancakbey, a provincial military–administrative leader. Additionally, each district within a sancak was managed by a Qādī, who served as a judicial–administrative authority. Both the Sancakbey and the Qādī were appointed by the Porte and had various officials under their command. These officials were responsible for legal proceedings within the courts under the Qādī’s appointment and for administrative tasks outside the courts under the Sancakbey’s direction. Notably, while the Sancakbey held a higher rank, the Qādī was considered the paramount authority within a region due to the significance of their office (Idriz 2010, pp. 70–73). The Qādīs wielded extensive power over numerous facets of governance, as prescribed by the sacred Islamic texts and traditions. The role of the Qādī was fundamentally linked to the application of the sharī’ah, acting as the embodiment of its principles within their jurisdiction. Each Qādī had full religious and imperial authority to enforce the law, underscoring the unique blend of spiritual and temporal powers vested in this position (Idriz 2010, pp. 72–74; Shaw 1976, pp. 135–36).

In the Ottoman administrative system, the Qādīs enjoyed a relatively higher degree of autonomy compared to other bureaucrats or military appointees, whose roles were strictly defined by the Sultan’s decrees. The appointment of Qādīs was based on their specialized education, technical training, and practical experience rather than election, and their compensation reflected their hierarchical status. The role allowed for continuity of service across various districts, such as Skopje, Bursa, etc., without the need for additional local orientation (Ipşirli 1994, pp. 264–65). The local populace, referred to as the re‛âyâ (the governed), were entitled to lodge complaints directly to the Sultan regarding the conduct and actions of their appointed Qādīs. This right extended to any representative of the Sultan and was part of a broader system of accountability. Periodic inspections were conducted to investigate and rectify any misconduct attributed to the Qādīs. In their official capacity, Qādīs meticulously documented numerous transactions, including extensive real estate dealings, diverse sales involving various payment methods, the accrual of debts through loans, and agreements among guild members. A principal responsibility of the Qādīs was to oversee the municipal governance of the cities or towns where they were stationed, effectively fulfilling roles akin to contemporary municipal mayors. The Qādīs also played a crucial role in managing state affairs and interactions with non-Muslim communities, primarily composed of Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. The Ottoman policy, particularly through the office of the Qādī, was part of a long-standing pattern of Muslim-non-Muslim relations, shaped over centuries of Islamic governance. Non-Muslims were considered autonomous yet subordinate groups whose internal social, religious, and community affairs were governed by their respective religious organizations. However, these organizations’ leaders were appointed by and accountable to the Ottoman state. Notably, it is significant that non-Muslims often preferred the adjudication of a Qādī, not necessarily because of their legal obligation to do so, but because the Islamic courts offered assurances or alternatives to the stricter prescriptions of their own religious laws, especially in matters of marriage, divorce, and inheritance, which were traditionally under the exclusive jurisdiction of their religious authorities (Inalcık 1982, p. 437).

This analysis highlights that Ottoman Qādīs managed a wide range of interactions between the ruler and subjects, particularly in religious matters. The influence of the Qādī office in the post-Ottoman Balkans, especially in Macedonia, is debated, but its legacy persists, recognized by the autonomous yet state-regulated status of the Islamic Religious Community. This situation continued until the fall of communism in the early 1990s. From 1918 to 1992, the activities of Islamic Religious Communities in the Balkans were shaped under the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929) until 1941, and subsequently under the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia until 1992. This span included modern regions such as modern Macedonia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro. In the early Yugoslav Kingdom, the state recognized religious confessions formally. The 1930 law significantly shaped the Islamic community, placing Muslim officials under state jurisdiction, moving the Reisul-ulema’s seat from Sarajevo to Belgrade, and reducing the number of Muftis to nine, who were appointed by royal decree. This law marked a departure from Ottoman practices by instituting state-appointed leadership within the Islamic Religious Community. The Ulema councils, particularly the Skopje council, were pivotal in managing Islamic religious affairs across various regions, reflecting the state’s increased control over religious institutions. In addition to the two Ulema councils, there were also Vakuf-Mearif councils in Sarajevo and Skopje, with their boards appointed by the Ministry of Justice. These councils oversaw regional commissions and were linked to the dzemat medzlis (local congregational council), which was responsible for electing the congregational committee. In Macedonia, many local Ulema avoided involvement with this system, seeing it as a break from Ottoman tradition, leading some to emigrate or isolate themselves locally (Imamović 2006, pp. 207–8, 289–90).

The 1936 Constitution abolished the muftis’ offices and restructured the Islamic Religious Community by forming a single Ulema Medzlis and a unified Vakuf directorate, increasing lay influence in its administration. A new electoral body was created in 1937 to elect the Reisul-Ulema. However, these changes were brief as World War II disrupted them when Yugoslavia was attacked in 1941 (Imamović 2006, pp. 330–41). After World War II, under the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Muslims in the region navigated a new communist framework. Despite challenges, the Islamic Religious Community reorganized and resumed activities in 1947. Key communist policies included disassociating Muslim communities from state and political affairs, eliminating religious studies from schools, abolishing Shari’ah courts, and nationalizing property, which stripped the community of its traditional revenue sources. The community sought new funding, leveraging Yugoslavia’s membership in the Non-Aligned Movement to connect with the broader Islamic world. From its re-establishment in 1947 until Yugoslavia’s dissolution in 1992, the Islamic Religious Community was headquartered in Sarajevo, with regional councils in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia, and Serbia. These councils were part of a Supreme Council that elected the Reisul-Ulema, with all but one holder from Bosnia during this period. The community also managed regional mufti districts, educational programs, and publishing houses, maintaining this structure until 1992. (Fazlić 2011, pp. 52–53). This overview describes the development of Islamic Religious Communities in the post-Ottoman Balkans from 1918–1992 before focusing on Macedonia post-1992.

4.2. Post-Yugoslav Transition and Constitutional Role

North Macedonia is characterized by a highly diverse population, both ethnically and religiously. Ethnic Macedonians constitute the largest group, comprising 58.4% of the population. They are primarily associated with the Macedonian Orthodox Church and Slavic traditions. The second-largest group, Albanians, makes up 24.3% of the population, predominantly residing in the western and northern regions of the country. Albanians are predominantly Muslim and have significant cultural and political influence within North Macedonia. Other notable ethnic groups include the Turkish population (3.9%), Romani (2.5%), and Serbs (1.3%). These groups maintain their distinct cultural identities, contributing to the nation’s multicultural character. An additional 7.2% of the population does not specify any ethnic affiliation, reflecting the complexity of North Macedonia’s demographic landscape. Religiously, Macedonian society is primarily Christian, with 46.1% adhering to the Macedonian Orthodox Church. Islam is the second-largest religion, practiced by 32.2% of the population, including ethnic Albanians, Turks, and some Romani. Other Christian denominations make up 13.8% of the population, while a small portion identifies as non-believers or followers of other faiths, with 7.4% remaining unspecified. This religious diversity mirrors the country’s complex history and cultural heritage (Central Intelligence Agency 2024).

Map of the religious landscape in the Republic of North Macedonia.

The Republic of North Macedonia is established as a sovereign, independent, democratic, and social state, embodying the principles of parliamentary democracy structured around the separation of powers into legislative, executive, and judicial branches—a foundational value of its constitutional order. The constitution of the Republic of North Macedonia mandates that all citizens are afforded equal freedoms and rights, irrespective of gender, race, skin color, national and social origin, political and religious beliefs, property, or social status. It particularly safeguards the inviolability of personal freedom, which can only be curtailed through a judicial process in specific cases as defined by law. The constitution emphatically prohibits any actions that could violently undermine the state’s constitutional order or foster national, racial, or religious hatred and intolerance. Regarding religious rights and freedoms, the legal framework, including the constitution and specific legislation concerning the status of churches, religious communities, and groups, governs these aspects. The state is constitutionally defined as secular, maintaining a neutral stance towards all religions, churches, and religious communities or groups, irrespective of their size or the religious and cultural traditions of the state. This neutrality is a constitutionally sanctioned principle, ensuring that the state, while cooperating with religious institutions, supports the autonomy of each entity. Under Article 19 of the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia (1991, no. 52) and Amendment 7 (2001, no. 91), several religious freedoms are enshrined: The guarantee of freedom of religion, the assurance of free and public expression of religion, whether individually or in community, the establishment of separation between the state and various religious entities including the Macedonian Orthodox Church, the Islamic Religious Community in Macedonia, the Catholic Church, the Evangelical Methodist Church, the Jewish Community, and other religious groups, ensuring their equality before the law, and the freedom for these religious organizations to establish religious schools and charitable and social institutions as prescribed by law (Sekulovski 2019).

The legal status of religious entities is further detailed in the Law on the Legal Position of the Church, Religious Community, and Religious Group (Official Gazette of the Republic of Macedonia 2007, pp. 113–17). Specifically, Article 9, Point 1, and the Constitution of the Islamic Religious Community, Article 2 (2008) delineate the Islamic Religious Community as a legal entity endowed with autonomy. This organization uniquely orchestrates the Islamic religious life for Muslims within the nation and for those temporarily abroad, encompassing religious education, the management of waqfs, and various administrative and financial activities. The operations of this community are based on several foundational texts and legal frameworks: The Holy Qur’an, the Sunnah of Muhammad, its constitution, normative acts derived from its constitution, the aforementioned national law concerning the legal status of religious entities, the application of the Hanafi school of law in matters of worship, and applicable legal provisions of the Republic of North Macedonia; International declarations and conventions on freedom of religion and expression.

The Islamic Religious Community in the Republic of North Macedonia, headquartered in Skopje, is distinguished by its unique flag and emblem. This marks a significant presence in the country’s religious landscape. The legal framework that governs religious entities, including churches, religious communities, and groups, is comprehensively outlined in the Law on the Legal Position of the Religious Community, Church, and Religious Groups. This pivotal legislation encompasses provisions concerning legal status, as well as regulations governing prayers, religious services, ceremonies, and educational activities. This legislation explicitly establishes the independence and legal status of religious entities, affirming their autonomy from state interference and ensuring their equality before the law. It robustly guarantees the right to liberty and the free expression of belief, thought, and conscience. Furthermore, it facilitates both individual and communal public expressions of religion, strictly prohibiting any discrimination based on religious beliefs. The law mandates that the state must respect the identities of religious communities, engage in continuous dialogue, and foster enduring cooperation, thus nurturing a harmonious relationship between diverse religious groups and the secular state.

Moreover, religious communities are authorized to operate in accordance with both the national legal provisions of the Republic of North Macedonia and international norms, including various declarations and conventions on freedom of religion and expression. The law specifies conditions under which the freedom to express religious beliefs may be limited, stating such measures are permissible only when they are necessary to protect public safety, order, morals, health, or the rights and freedoms of others, as detailed in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Macedonia (2007, p. 113).

In addition to the legal framework, the Republic of North Macedonia has also established the Commission for Relations between Religious Communities and Religious Groups. This body serves as an independent state administrative entity, created specifically to oversee and manage the interactions between the state and religious communities. Its primary function is to address and resolve any issues that arise between religious communities and state bodies. By doing so, it acts as a crucial intermediary, ensuring that the state respects and accommodates the diverse religious landscape within its jurisdiction. The Commission’s activities are pivotal in maintaining a balanced and respectful dialogue between the state and its religious entities, thereby promoting a stable and inclusive society. This role is particularly important in a culturally and religiously diverse country like North Macedonia, where the peaceful coexistence of different religious groups underpins social cohesion and national unity (Official Gazette of the Republic of Macedonia 2007).

5. The IRC’s Role in Religious Education and Cultural Integration

5.1. Development of Religious Educational Institutions

The late 14th and early 15th centuries marked a significant era in the Balkans with the widespread expansion of the Ottoman Empire. Alongside constructing fortifications, marketplaces, public baths, and traveler accommodations, the Ottomans also established mosques, religious schools (madrasas), elementary schools (maktabs), and Sufi lodges (tekkes). This strategic investment in both the political and cultural infrastructure fostered a rich environment for intellectual and cultural growth in the region. Following the annexation of Skopje in 1391, Macedonia emerged as a prominent hub for religious, cultural, and scientific pursuits within the Balkans, a reputation it upheld throughout Ottoman rule. Historical records, such as those by the renowned traveler Evliya Çelebi, attest to the abundance of madrasas and maktabs in 17th-century Macedonia. While detailed curricular information remains scarce, research suggests that beyond religious studies, subjects such as Arabic language, calligraphy, and mathematics were integral components of the educational curriculum (Asım 2004, p. 31). However, the dissolution of Ottoman rule in the early 20th century ushered in a period of political and economic upheaval for educational institutions in Macedonia. Despite facing challenges imposed by the new ruling power, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Muslim community of Macedonia steadfastly safeguarded its religious and cultural heritage. Through substantial spiritual and financial backing, particularly in the maintenance of madrasas, the Muslim population continued to uphold its traditions amidst shifting political landscapes. Throughout the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s rule from 1912 to 1940, a total of 12 madrasas remained operational, serving as bastions of religious and cultural resilience. Notably, the dedication of educators and alumni from these institutions played a pivotal role in defending national and religious values against anti-Muslim sentiments prevalent in the preceding century. During the first half of the 20th century, madrasas operated in all major cities of North Macedonia, with teachers often holding qualifications from domestic or international institutions. The duration of study was typically flexible, culminating in the attainment of an icazetname (diploma) (Zekaj 1997).

On the other hand, maktabs, an integral part of mosques in North Macedonia, play a crucial role in disseminating essential Islamic knowledge, including ilmihal (basic Islamic teachings) and Qur’anic recitation, to both children and older generations within the Muslim community. It is important to note that maktabs have traditionally operated actively among North Macedonian Muslims, with attendance in their classes being entirely voluntary. According to the educational policies of the Islamic Religious Community of North Macedonia, maktabs are encouraged to prioritize practical teachings of Islam, while theoretical aspects are addressed in religious education.

5.2. Modernization and Reform in Educational Practices

The end of the Cold War and the subsequent transition from a bipolar to a monopolar global paradigm instigated significant shifts in international strategic dynamics, particularly impacting the Balkans and Macedonia. The early 1990s witnessed the fragmentation of Yugoslavia, of which Macedonia was an integral part, culminating in the declaration of independence by this country in 1991. This pivotal moment heralded the commencement of a transition towards a democratic, pluralist system, notwithstanding the numerous challenges faced by the Muslim community. Against this backdrop of transformation, the establishment of the Faculty of Islamic Sciences emerged as a cornerstone institution, emblematic of the burgeoning democratic ethos and the collaborative efforts of religious authorities within the Islamic Religious Community of Macedonia. Subsequently, the inception of the above-mentioned institution in 1997, operating under the auspices of the Islamic Religious Community of Macedonia (ICNM), marked a significant milestone in the region’s Islamic education landscape. A defining moment in the institution’s history transpired during the 2008/2009 academic year when it obtained accreditation as a public-private faculty from the Ministry of Education of Macedonia (Pajaziti 2011, p. 41). Currently, the faculty comprises distinguished lecturers, each renowned for their expertise and holding esteemed scientific titles in various fields of Islamic studies. Their collective knowledge and experience contribute significantly to the academic excellence of the institution. Moreover, the faculty actively engages in collaborative initiatives with both local and international universities, fostering a rich environment for academic exchange and cooperation.

Moreover, among the paramount educational institutions in Macedonia dedicated to imparting Islamic religious education stands the Isa Beg Madrasa, its origins dating back to 1469. This esteemed establishment played a pivotal role in molding successive generations of Muslim religious leaders across the Balkans, with a particular focus on North Macedonia during the Ottoman Empire era. However, its illustrious history was marred by periods of upheaval. In 1689, during the tumult of war, the city of Skopje, including the madrasa, faced devastation at the hands of Pikolomini, commander of the Austro-Hungarian army, only to be reinstated later by the Ottomans. Subsequent disruptions followed, including the closure by the Bulgarians in 1941, leaving the madrasa dormant until its revival. In 1984, spurred by proactive efforts from the Office of the Islamic Religious Community of Macedonia, the Isa Beg Madrasa was revitalized, marking a significant resurgence in Islamic education within the region. Formal educational activities resumed during the academic year 1984/1985, signifying a pivotal milestone in restoring religious education in the country. Recognized as an Islamic private high school institution accredited by the state and financially supported by the Islamic Religious Community of North Macedonia, the madrasa has since served as a bastion of religious education in the country (Nexhipi 2011, p. 24). The period spanning from 2000 to the present represents a crucial juncture in the evolution of the Isa Beg Madrasa. Increased interest in enrollment, coupled with legislative developments such as the implementation of compulsory secondary education in North Macedonia and the official state recognition of the madrasa in 2024, have contributed to a surge in prospective candidates seeking admission. Responding to these changing dynamics, the Islamic Religious Community of North Macedonia has undertaken proactive measures to address the educational needs of the Muslim population, including the establishment of branch campuses in other cities across the country, such as Tetovo and Gostivar. These initiatives deserve commendation for their positive impact on the promotion of Islamic education within the region. With regard to curriculum development, significant revisions were initiated in 1996, resulting in the restructuring of subjects and the incorporation of mathematics for the first time. Subsequent reforms in 2010 further enriched the curriculum with the establishment of a commission tasked with modernizing course offerings to align with contemporary educational trends. Notably, new subjects such as Chemistry, Physics, and Didactics were introduced, reflecting a commitment to providing a comprehensive and relevant educational experience (Ali 2012, p. 209).

The society of the Republic of North Macedonia embodies a rich mosaic of religious, cultural, linguistic, and ethnic diversity. While this diversity is often lauded as a valuable asset to be nurtured and advanced, it can also serve as a potential source of conflict among different segments of the population. Within this multi-religious and multi-ethnic milieu, promoting mutual recognition among individuals and social groups is crucial for advancing interethnic and interreligious relations and mitigating conflicts. The introduction of religious education in elementary schools has sparked debates regarding its necessity and implementation. Nevertheless, a majority of citizens advocate for its inclusion, citing reasons such as the preservation of religious heritage and the promotion of mutual tolerance and respect for human rights and freedoms. Subjects such as the ethics of religions and the introduction of religions and classical culture in European civilization have been integrated into the educational curriculum of the Republic of North Macedonia. This initiative aims to reinforce and uphold religious and democratic values within society while also nurturing awareness among future generations expected to become citizens of the European Union. The manner in which these subjects have been endorsed by governmental institutions, as well as their content and implementation within the educational system, warrants exploration. In the academic year 2002–2003, the introduction of “Catechism/Islamiyat” taught by theologians of the respective religion elicited division among students along religious lines. However, the Constitutional Court of Macedonia intervened the following year, ruling that teaching such subjects in public schools amounted to religious activity within state institutions, contravening constitutional guarantees of freedom of religious belief. Consequently, the subject was suspended. In 2008, legislative amendments paved the way for the introduction of “Religious Education” and “History of Religions” as elective subjects in public elementary schools. This move reflects the ongoing efforts to navigate the complexities of religious education within the framework of Macedonia’s diverse society, with a focus on promoting understanding and tolerance among its citizens (Koceva and Vlado 2015, pp. 137–41; BBC 2007).

Following the Constitutional Court’s 2009 decision to abolish Catechism/Islamiyat education, the Bureau for Development of Education persisted in its efforts to introduce religious education into schools. To this end, the Bureau initiated a competition to assemble a team of experts tasked with developing a curriculum focused on the Ethics of Religions, aimed at exploring the ethical values inherent in various religious traditions. Effective 1 September 2010, religious education, alongside two other subjects, was incorporated into Grade 6 as an optional elementary school subject (Mirascieva et al. 2011, pp. 1404–9).

The regulation of Catechism/Islamiyat education in North Macedonia’s elementary schools is grounded in the Constitution. Article 44 ensures that elementary education is compulsory and free, while Article 45 allows citizens to establish private educational institutions, except for elementary schools, under certain conditions. These constitutional mandates are supported by various laws that have evolved over time. Since independence, the legal approach to Catechism/Islamiyat education has been uncertain, with multiple attempts to introduce religious instruction into the curriculum. From 1991 to 2002, religious education was not part of the elementary curriculum, as reinforced by the 1995 Law on Elementary Education, which prohibited religious and political organization and instruction in schools. In 2002, religious education was briefly introduced as an optional subject for third graders through a Ministry of Education bylaw. However, in 2003, the Constitutional Court nullified this bylaw, removing religious education from the curriculum. The Court emphasized that the state must remain neutral in religious matters, allowing citizens to choose their beliefs freely, and that religious education should be conducted within religious communities, not in public schools. In 2008, the Macedonian Assembly passed a new law allowing religious education as an elective subject, effective from September of that year. This marked a shift, as the introduction of religious education was now legislated. However, in 2009, the Constitutional Court abolished Article 26 of the Law on Elementary Education, once again banning religious education in elementary schools. The Court’s decision was based on principles of equality, religious freedom, and the separation of church and state, asserting that religious instruction should not be organized by the state in public schools. Following these developments, the “Ethics of Religions” subject was introduced as an elective for fifth graders. This course examines the moral aspects of recognized religions from a secular perspective, ensuring that the education system remains neutral and respects the constitutional separation between church and state. Over the years, North Macedonia’s approach to religious education in public schools has fluctuated. However, a balance has been reached, allowing for the study of religions in elementary education while maintaining the constitutional separation between the state and religious organizations (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018).

Presently, Islamic education in North Macedonia stands as one of the region’s most organized and structured religious educational systems. Oversight and management of Islamic education fall under the purview of the Islamic Religious Community in North Macedonia (ICNM), established in 1994 to regulate relations between the state and the Muslim community. The Islamic education system in North Macedonia encompasses a range of institutions, including madrasas, faculties, religious education within public schools, and maktabs, collectively contributing to the preservation and dissemination of Islamic traditions within the country.

5.3. Interfaith Cooperation and Political Engagement in North Macedonia

Advancing tolerance within diverse societies, particularly in the Balkans and North Macedonia, presents a formidable challenge. It is imperative to address these challenges to promote values of tolerance, peace, and dialogue within our multi-religious society. According to Scanlon (1996), tolerance denotes the disposition to accommodate the beliefs and practices of others, even in the presence of disagreement, without fully embracing or outright opposing them. It embodies a nuanced stance between wholehearted acceptance and unmitigated opposition. Contrary to popular belief, tolerance is not synonymous with the absence of prejudice. Eisenstein (2008) contends that individuals may exhibit tolerance even in the presence of prejudice by allowing the expression of beliefs they oppose. This underscores the complexity of tolerance beyond mere agreement or disagreement. Moreover, tolerance should not be conflated with indifference. It requires a genuine concern for the perspectives and actions of others, irrespective of one’s personal convictions. Cohen (2004) underscores that genuine tolerance necessitates deliberate consideration and principled action. In the Western context, tolerance is intricately linked with liberalization, with religious tolerance serving as a cornerstone for individual freedom of conscience. This tradition upholds the inherent human right to religious freedom and rejects any imposition of religious beliefs on others. Similar principles are evident in the Ottoman Empire’s “Millet system”, where religious communities were acknowledged as self-governing entities, fostering a federation of theocracies. However, individuals within these communities did not enjoy rights beyond their religious affiliations (Kymlicka 1995). Within Islamic civilization, coexistence, understanding, and religious tolerance have been fundamental tenets of social and spiritual organization. These principles have played a pivotal role in Islam’s global dissemination, as underscored in Qur’anic verses emphasizing faith diversity and the freedom to believe or abstain (11:118; 10:99; 28:56; 18:29; 2.256).

In the realm of cohabitation and interfaith discourse within North Macedonian society, the intricate interplay between politics and religion merits attention. Political sway often infiltrates existing dynamics among individuals from diverse religious backgrounds, with political factions frequently leveraging religious rhetoric in their electoral endeavors. As emphasized by Gallup (Gallup Organization 2017), North Macedonia ranks as the second most religious country in Europe and among the top 20 globally, with a significant majority identifying as religious adherents. This religiosity often intersects with political dialogue, with conservative right-wing parties typically more prone to employing religious vernacular. Notably, left-social democrats have also engaged in similar rhetoric, underscoring the pervasive influence of religion in the political arena. Instances of interfaith discord have arisen, evident in debates surrounding issues such as the positioning of prominent crosses on Mount Vodno, alongside discussions concerning the potential restoration of historical landmarks like the Burmali Mosque, erected in 1495 and razed by Serbs in 1925, and the Prilep Mosque, which fell victim to destruction by Macedonian Orthodox extremists in 2001. These controversies underscore a contest among faithful adherents seeking exclusive rights over specific territories or structures traditionally shared among various religious communities. Despite localized tensions, the overall atmosphere of religious tolerance in the country has remained resilient. Leaders from both the Islamic Religious Community and the Macedonian Orthodox Church have consistently urged their followers to shun conflicts and embrace understanding and dialogue as instruments for nurturing peaceful coexistence. The leaders of the Islamic Religious Community of North Macedonia underscored the significance of peace and tolerance during Eid al-Fitr, emphasizing the crucial role of inter-religious and inter-ethnic harmony in a multi-ethnic state with diverse religious affiliations (Jajaga 2018), June 15.

Moreover, the Faculty of Islamic Sciences, in collaboration with the Orthodox Theological Faculty “St. Clement of Ohrid”, orchestrated a webinar with the backing of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. This initiative aimed to engage the two paramount religious institutions and students, providing a platform to express views on tolerance and coexistence, thus fostering interfaith dialogue among the youth (Revista Hëna e Re 2021, p. 24). In response to this landscape, in 2003–2004, the Centre for International Cooperation partnered with the Islamic Religious Community (IRC), the Faculty of Islamic Sciences, the Macedonian Orthodox Church, the Faculty of Theology, the Catholic Church, the Evangelical Methodist Church, and the Jewish Community in North Macedonia to initiate a pilot program known as the Religious Union in Macedonia. The program, which was slated to span three years (2005–2007) but extended until October 2008, garnered active involvement from professors, students, and community members, yielding positive outcomes. Targeting the general public, with a particular emphasis on students from both theological faculties (Faculty of Islamic Sciences and Faculty of Theology) and members of various religious communities the Islamic Religious Community, the Macedonian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church, the Evangelical Methodist Church, and the Jewish Community in North Macedonia, the program aimed to deepen the understanding of diverse religions, foster cultural awareness, promote tolerance, and enhance communal awareness, both internally and externally (Nesimi 2020, p. 16).

Furthermore, religious communities in North Macedonia maintain positive relationships and collaboration with state institutions, as well as with foreign ambassadors and representatives of the international community. This cooperation extends to periodic meetings with government authorities on matters of public interest, notably amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Over the past two years, representatives from all religious communities in North Macedonia have convened with health authorities to raise awareness among their members about adhering to health protocols and the importance of widespread vaccination against COVID-19. In April 2021, representatives of religious communities met with President Stevo Pendarovski to address the critical situation resulting from the surge in COVID-19 cases. Discussions centered on adhering to health authority recommendations during the celebration of religious holidays such as Eid and Easter. Additionally, religious leaders engaged in meetings with the Prime Minister and the Health Minister for the same purpose. Another significant event of public interest was the census conducted in 2021. Religious community representatives were invited by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to leverage their influence and support the registration process for compatriots residing abroad. During the census campaign, religious leaders issued a call to the diaspora in Western countries, urging them to participate in the registration process (President Pendarovski Meets with the Leaders and Representatives of the Religious Communities 2021).

6. Governance, Leadership Accountability, and Internal Challenges in the Islamic Religious Community of North Macedonia

The Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia, a crucial institution for the country’s Muslim population, faces significant challenges concerning leadership accountability, institutional transparency, and internal conflicts. These governance issues have diminished its capacity to mediate interfaith relations and strained its ties with minority religious groups such as the Bektashi Community. Moreover, these challenges have undermined the IRC’s credibility as both a religious and socio-political actor. Additionally, leadership controversies and internal divisions have hindered the IRC’s ability to serve as a unifying force within North Macedonia’s multi-religious society.

6.1. Leadership Accountability and Institutional Shortcomings

One of the IRC’s most pressing issues has been the lack of leadership accountability, particularly under the tenure of its former leader, Sulejman Rexhepi. Rexhepi’s leadership was marked by a centralization of power and numerous controversial public statements that heightened tensions both within the IRC and in the broader society. His rhetoric often undermined the IRC’s efforts to foster religious tolerance and interfaith dialogue. For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, Rexhepi made inflammatory remarks that amplified hate speech against non-Muslims, further escalating religious tensions in North Macedonia (Musliu 2020). Despite widespread public criticism and calls for accountability, Rexhepi faced minimal consequences for his actions, reflecting the absence of robust accountability mechanisms within the IRC (U.S. Department of State 2021; Zarevska 2019). Rexhepi also made repeated calls for the redrawing of national borders to favor Muslim-majority regions, which were widely criticized for inciting ethnic and religious discord in an already fragile Balkan region (Marusic 2012). These statements conflicted with the IRC’s mission of promoting peaceful coexistence and exposed its leadership’s failure to act as a mediator between different religious communities. His 2019 speeches, which promoted exclusionary views, presented a significant challenge to the IRC’s efforts to position itself as a champion of interfaith dialogue and social stability (Zarevska 2019). These incidents underscored the need for consistent, accountable leadership in religious institutions to uphold values of tolerance and unity. The internal divisions within the IRC deepened as various factions criticized Rexhepi’s authoritarian leadership and handling of financial resources. Despite demands from different groups within the IRC for greater transparency and reform, Rexhepi remained in power, with ineffective internal mechanisms to hold him accountable (Spasenovski 2015). This internal discord further weakened the IRC’s ability to address societal issues and to effectively represent the Muslim community.

6.2. Conflict with the Bektashi Community and Minority Rights

The IRC’s governance issues are further illustrated by its ongoing conflict with the Bektashi Community, a Sufi order in North Macedonia. Tensions between these religious groups have centered on the ownership and use of the Harabati Baba Teqe complex in Tetovo, which the Bektashi Community considers its spiritual center. The IRC claims ownership of the site and has announced plans to renovate it with financial backing from Turkey, which the Bektashi Community strongly opposes. Bektashi leaders are concerned that these renovations will displace them from the site and erase their cultural and religious heritage (U.S. Department of State 2021). The conflict is further complicated by the unregistered legal status of the Bektashi Community, which limits its ability to assert legal claims over the property. This has led to harassment of Bektashi leaders and attempts to evict them from the complex, often with the involvement of local authorities sympathetic to the IRC (U.S. Department of State 2021). The Bektashi Community perceives the IRC’s actions as efforts to marginalize their religious presence and undermine their rights. Critics argue that this conflict highlights broader issues of religious freedom and minority rights in North Macedonia, particularly the challenges faced by smaller, non-mainstream religious groups in protecting their autonomy and heritage from larger, state-supported institutions like the IRC (Karakamisheva-Jovanovska and Spasenovski 2018).

6.3. Political Tensions and Interfaith Relations

The IRC’s internal governance problems, particularly under Rexhepi’s leadership, have not only strained relations with minority religious groups but have also led to tensions with the government. In 2019, Rexhepi sent a letter to Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, accusing the government of religious discrimination and threatening to mobilize the Muslim community to influence upcoming elections. In his letter, Rexhepi demanded the resolution of long-standing issues such as the denationalization of religious properties and the construction of religious buildings. Analysts saw this as an attempt to exert political pressure under the guise of addressing religious grievances (Zarevska 2019). The government responded swiftly, accusing the IRC of issuing threats and blackmail, exposing the fragile relationship between the state and the IRC. This public confrontation highlighted the potential for such conflicts to stoke interfaith intolerance, particularly during politically sensitive periods (Zarevska 2019). While some analysts argued that the conflict between the government and the IRC was primarily institutional, the potential for these disputes to aggravate religious and ethnic tensions remained a significant concern (Zarevska 2019). The IRC’s threats to mobilize believers and raise issues of discrimination during election periods posed a risk to social cohesion, deepening divisions within North Macedonia’s multi-religious society. This reflects broader challenges in managing interfaith relations when religious and political agendas are intertwined. The Islamic Religious Community of North Macedonia faces critical governance challenges, including leadership accountability failures, institutional transparency deficits, and ongoing conflicts with minority religious groups like the Bektashi Community. Without substantial reforms aimed at improving leadership accountability, enhancing transparency, and engaging in constructive dialogue with minority religious groups, the IRC risks further internal fragmentation and a diminished role as a religious and socio-political institution in North Macedonia. Strengthening governance structures and fostering inclusive dialogue are essential steps toward restoring trust and promoting interfaith harmony.

7. Concluding Remarks

The article Building Bridges: The Influence of the Islamic Religious Community on North Macedonia’s Interfaith and Socio-Political Dynamics thoroughly examines the pivotal role played by the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia. The IRC has been instrumental in redefining the public role of Islam in the country, particularly in the wake of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The 1994 constitution was a turning point, granting the IRC the authority to reclaim religious rights for Muslims, thereby positioning it as a central figure in the democratic and socio-political framework of North Macedonia. The IRC’s influence extends beyond mere religious governance; it actively engages in political mediation and has established various educational programs aimed at promoting multiculturalism, respect, and tolerance—values essential for the maintenance of a pluralistic society. The article emphasizes that the IRC’s contributions are not limited to religious leadership; it has also emerged as a formidable socio-political actor, crucial for fostering interfaith understanding and ensuring national stability. Through its educational initiatives, the IRC has played a significant role in shaping the narrative around coexistence in a diverse society. These efforts are particularly important in a region historically marked by ethnic and religious tensions.

However, the IRC’s role is not without controversy. The leadership of the IRC, particularly under the former head Sulejman Rexhepi, has been criticized for exacerbating interreligious tensions through inflammatory rhetoric. Rexhepi’s public statements, which often promoted divisive and exclusionary views, have undermined the IRC’s mission to foster interfaith harmony. This contradiction between the IRC’s official stance on promoting peace and the actions of its leadership highlights a significant challenge in the organization’s role as a mediator in North Macedonia’s complex religious landscape.

While the IRC’s efforts in promoting religious freedoms and democratic values are commendable, the organization faces significant challenges in maintaining its role as a unifying force in North Macedonia. The article raises important questions about the accountability of religious leadership in maintaining the values of tolerance and inclusivity. The controversial actions and statements of the IRC’s leadership reveal a dissonance between the organization’s stated goals and its actual practices, which could potentially destabilize the interfaith relations it seeks to strengthen. Moreover, the IRC’s involvement in political mediation, while necessary for ensuring the inclusion of Muslim perspectives in national policymaking, also exposes it to the risk of politicization. The IRC’s dual role as a religious and political actor requires a delicate balance; its actions must be carefully calibrated to avoid exacerbating existing tensions. The case of Rexhepi’s leadership illustrates the potential pitfalls of this dual role, where personal and political agendas may overshadow the broader mission of promoting interfaith harmony. One of the key challenges for the IRC in fostering coexistence and harmony is its strained relationship with the Bektashi Community. This tension, centered around the disputed ownership of the Harabati Baba Teqe complex in Tetovo, highlights broader issues of religious autonomy and minority rights. The Bektashi Community’s concerns over displacement and cultural heritage, compounded by their unregistered status, have led to ongoing conflicts, including harassment and eviction attempts. These challenges reflect the difficulties minority religious groups face in asserting their rights within a landscape dominated by larger, state-supported institutions like the IRC. This analysis of the IRC’s role in North Macedonia offers valuable insights into the complexities of religious leadership in a multicultural and multi-religious society. The IRC’s experience underscores the importance of consistent and principled leadership in religious institutions, particularly in regions with a history of ethnic and religious conflict. The article serves as a case study for understanding how religious organizations can contribute to or detract from social cohesion and democratic governance. The IRC’s contributions to North Macedonia’s socio-political and religious landscape are significant yet fraught with challenges. The organization’s ability to navigate these challenges will be crucial for its continued role as a mediator and promoter of interfaith harmony. For similar institutions in other culturally and religiously diverse societies, the IRC’s experience provides both a model and a cautionary tale. The future effectiveness of the IRC in promoting peace and tolerance will depend on its capacity to align its leadership’s actions with its foundational values, ensuring that internal contradictions do not undermine its mission. To effectively address the challenges highlighted in this analysis, the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) must prioritize transparent governance and strengthen leadership accountability to ensure its actions align with its mission of fostering interfaith harmony. Future research should focus on developing mechanisms for leadership accountability within religious institutions, exploring strategies that enable them to maintain consistent and principled leadership while avoiding internal contradictions. Additionally, investigating the effects of political engagement on religious organizations could provide important insights into how institutions like the IRC can navigate the delicate balance between religious authority and political influence without exacerbating existing tensions. A valuable avenue for further research would be a comparative study of the IRC with other religious institutions in multicultural societies, particularly in regions with similar ethnic and religious diversity, such as the Balkans or the Middle East. Such research could identify best practices from the IRC’s experiences in promoting multicultural education and social cohesion. By analyzing both successes and challenges, these studies could help formulate frameworks that other religious institutions can adopt to maintain religious freedom while safeguarding the rights of minority religious groups.

On the policy front, the IRC, in collaboration with state authorities, should establish formal mechanisms to engage with minority religious communities to ensure their rights and cultural heritage are recognized and protected. Additionally, the IRC’s successful educational initiatives that emphasize interreligious understanding and dialogue could be adapted by similar institutions in other culturally diverse societies, thereby contributing to peacebuilding and social cohesion. In conclusion, while the IRC has played a pivotal role in North Macedonia’s interfaith and socio-political landscape, its future effectiveness will depend on its ability to resolve internal leadership challenges and align its actions with its foundational values. By drawing lessons from the IRC’s experience, other religious institutions in diverse contexts can enhance their contributions to democratic governance and social stability, avoiding the potential pitfalls of politicization and fostering a more inclusive and tolerant society.