A Critical Analysis of Cremation Burials Within Some of the South African Tribes: A Contextual Practical Theological View

Abstract

The colonial erosion of African traditional and cultural practices continues to dislocate the African identity in different ways. The changes and shifts made to burial practices have simply paved a way for the colonial agenda to bring about more Western ways of doing things, burial rites included. It is important to note that cremation, as another way of burying the dead, is slowly becoming a norm for black people. This paper intends to not only unveil the causes and contestations around cremation burials, but to also seek an African theological response as a way to guide black African culture moving forward.

1. Introduction

While cremation is slowly becoming an option within African culture, it is noted that in South Africa, the practice is significantly increasing in the Western Cape province, where 12% of burials are cremations. In provinces where the majority of the population constitutes of black people, the numbers are lower, as African culture in general believes in preserving the body and providing a proper send-off to the deceased so that they are welcomed into the afterlife by their ancestors (Mbaraga 2017). Despite the practice being unpopular, especially amongst Zulu-speaking people in South Africa, the KwaZulu-Natal municipality around Durban has launched a campaign encouraging people to consider cremation (Ngubane 2019). Campaigns of this nature do not make the practice more acceptable because it remains a foreign way of burying the dead amongst the Zulu people. In Zulu culture, just as with other African tribes, there is a belief that death is not the end of a person’s journey; a person who dies enters the afterlife and becomes a provider for the family as an ancestor. At this point of a person’s journey, they are referred to as idlozi (an ancestor); therefore, it is important that their body is preserved and that they receive an appropriate burial rite (Zwane 2011).

2. The Definition of Cremation

Cremation as a form of disposing of a dead body after death is an ancient practice. Zwane (2011) defines cremation as an act of disposing of a deceased person by burning their bodily remains. Zwane (2011) also mentions Masango (2005), who perceives cremation as a person’s last baptism by incandescent heat and argues that the pure flame ascending to heaven is a symbol of the Holy Spirit (Zwane 2011, p. 1). Throughout history, humanity has dealt with death through a variety of rituals and practices. Many parts of the world, through many periods of human history, from as early as the upper Paleolithic period to recent centuries, have used fire as a means of transforming and disposing of the dead, all of which archaeologists have uncovered and investigated material evidence for (Williams 2015).

According to Jones (2010, p. 335), the Encyclopedia of Cremation defines cremation as the practice of intentionally heating a deceased human body to “between 1400 and 2100 °F to consume the body’s soft tissue and reduce the skeleton to fragments and particles”. Additionally, Chitando (1999, p. 12) portrays the cremation fires of death rites as that which carries the soul to its heavenly bliss where it survives without end. Burning the dead is not an isolated activity, instead, according to Hu (2023, p. 2), the burning of human remains is often linked to beliefs about the change of the physical being into other forms and realms, and the qualities of fire are embodied as a powerful medium of change and purification. Before the advent of coffins, a dead body was put onto a stretcher and taken to a funeral pyre. A fire was lit, with logs being added until the body was reduced to ashes. The ashes were then scattered into a body of water such as a river, which is a practice that continues to thrive in Hinduism. Today, high-powered incinerators ensure speedy cremations (Chitando 1999, p. 11). Williams (2015) mentions that while archaeologists talk of cremation, this term embraces many things. Williams (2015) continues that cremation can involve complex rites of passage, which include rites of separation, liminal rites, and rites incorporating the dead and the living as participants of new states of Being. In many societies, cremation is a transition involving mourners, the deceased’s soul, and the dead body itself, which implies that cremation has ontological, social, and cosmological dimensions (Williams 2015).

According to Jones (2010, p. 335), historically speaking, cremation has been sparingly practiced in cultures that have been influenced by Judeo-Christianity. Jones (2010, p. 340) further mentions that while detailed information concerning the funerary practices of all the cultures that appear in the biblical narrative is not abundant, historians are certain that Greeks and Romans favored cremation, especially among those in the upper classes. In contrast, Jewish people generally shunned cremation, with the Mishnah stipulating that cremation is an unacceptable heathen practice (Jones 2010, p. 337). As Christianity spread, many Church Fathers wrote about death and burial rites, and especially about the Christian hope of a future bodily resurrection. Jones (2010, p. 338) further asserts that it could be argued that the Church Fathers’ common emphasis on bodily resurrection had the effect of discouraging the practice of cremation. The morality of cremation was generally not debated within the medieval church; rather, the practice was simply assumed to be a pagan act. Furthermore, in later medieval Christianity, church practice stipulated that heretics were to be burned at the stake—that is, cremated—while believers were to be buried (Jones 2010, p. 339). In fact, according to Jones (2010, p. 338), with the convergence of the church and state under King Charlemagne (ad 742–814), cremation was declared to be a capital offense as written in the Paderborn Capitularies. Rebay-Salisbury (2012, p. 17) adds that the banning of cremation led to it not being practiced as a burial rite for about a millennium, after which it was slowly reintroduced over the course of the age of Enlightenment. According to Zwane (2011) up until 19 May 1886, Catholics were not allowed to join societies that believed in cremation, or have their bodies cremated. She further notes that during World War II, German Catholics favoring cremation were excommunicated (Zwane 2011, pp. 18–19). Perceptions of cremation are changing, and Jones (2010, p. 336) notes that the fact that the practice of cremation is beginning to receive attention within the evangelical community is an indication that cremation is a topic about which contemporary believers are starting to inquire.

Cremation can be the dominant rite of a society or a group, or it can be a rite performed only under exceptional circumstances, but it is almost always one among many options available for disposing of the dead at any given time (Williams 2015). Hu (2023, p. 3) mentions that a number of authors assert that examples of cremation practices that developed in Africa are rare in both archaeological and ethnographic contexts. The only other discoveries of archaeological cremations are the remains of one partial cremation from Malawi c. 9000 BP and one partially burned inhumation that is associated with charcoal in a burial pit at Nabta Playa, Egypt c. 7800–7300 BP. Further, the burned remains of five incomplete individuals from Lake Besaka in Ethiopia are tentatively dated to no earlier than 7000 BP. Hu (2023, p. 3) mentions that historic examples are likewise sporadic and include examples from the kingdom of Buganda in Uganda, and the Sundi people in the Republic of Congo, where cremation was reserved for anomalous situations such as suicide or poison consumption. In the African context, religion and culture are usually the deciding factors when decisions are made about how the deceased should be buried, but generally, cremation is not commonly practiced (Omonisi 2020, p. 1). Zwane (2011, p. 20) asserts that the concept of cremation has been received with mixed feelings by Zambians, who argue that the practice is not part of the new Christian religion to which most Zambians subscribe; further, many Kenyans still have strong objections to cremation, which they believe is not in accordance with African traditions. Concerning the perceptions of the Batswana, Zwane (2011, p. 21) argues that “Christians are not against cremation and most churches have no problem with people holding evening prayers in honour of the person about to be cremated. They believe cremation is not an issue of theological interest”. Chitando (1999, p. 13) notes that an overwhelming number of Zimbabwean Christian respondents coming from different denominations have strong views against the practice. Their preference for burial does not come from Christian conviction or theological reflection; instead, it is the cultural factors or the “traditions of the elders” that have more sway in this regard (Chitando 1999, p. 14). Zwane (2011) adds that perceptions of cremations in Zimbabwe have not changed; she asserts that the number of Zimbabweans opting for cremation is still low. In support of this assertion, Zwane (2011) references Michael Galiao of Mashfords Funeral House in Harare, who indicated that their business conducts up to eight cremations per day, most of which are of white people who believe that it is a more hygienic way of disposing of a body, whereas traditional black culture says that it is taboo for a black person to be cremated and that the culture does not allow for cremation (Zwane 2011, p. 21). In addition, according to Chitando (1999, p. 15) many Christians in Zimbabwe claim that “burning the body” is unbiblical and that it prefigures hellfire. It is argued that cremation is best reserved for criminals and outright sinners, and others argue that Jesus’ body was buried and that this should be paradigmatic for all Christians (Chitando 1999, p. 15).

Within the South African context and as far back as 2007, Leuta and Green (2011, p. 3) noted that the city of Cape Town reported a growth in cremations, whose percentage increased by up to 50%, further mentioning however that this number as a percentage of total burials is not recorded. In addition, Leuta and Green (2011, p. 3) point out that it is fortunate that some high-profile individuals in South Africa have chosen to be cremated, as their cremations can be used to set an example and help change people’s perceptions regarding alternative practices to traditional burial rites.

Williams (2015) highlights that the type and rites associated with cremation burial can vary considerably. In some cases, this can refer to the pyre site itself as observed in Roman bustum graves, and in other instances, the majority, if not all, of the bones are collected from the pyre for burial. There are many examples where only a token sample of the ashes are retrieved from the pyre for burial (Williams 2015). If the decision is made to retrieve the ashes, their subsequent burial is one option. Other options include ashes that are scattered, immersed in water, displayed above ground, stored in dwellings of the living, interred in cemeteries and sacred sites, or used to compose effigies, statues, and portable artefacts (Williams 2015).

3. How Did Africans Conduct the Burials in Ancient Times

Burials are an integral part of African culture. People’s beliefs and views about life and what happens after death have a bearing on how death and funerals are viewed and how their associated rites are practiced. The previous section gave definitions of one of the ways in which humanity deals with the body of the deceased, which is cremation. The history of this practice was also mentioned in relation to the Christian church. Different perceptions were discussed including the use of cremation in parts of Africa, including South Africa. The following sections will detail how Africans conducted their funerals in ancient times, and what cultural beliefs influenced the choices made in dealing with bereavement and the deceased. Every culture has its own worldview, with beliefs about the meaning and purpose of life and what happens after death. These beliefs determine how people interact with death. For example, people who believe in life after death may find the loss of a loved one more bearable due to their belief that they may see their loved one again (Boateng and Anngela-Cole 2016, p. 36). Chitando (1999, p. 11) argues that the ritual of burying the dead is an attested feature of human culture dating back to Paleolithic times. The history of burial is also noted by Murigu (2020, p. 1965), who mentions that the act of burying is estimated to have begun around 200,000 years ago during the Paleolithic period.

Chitando (1999, p. 11) asserts that according to Mbiti (1975), while burial is the usual means of disposing of the dead in Africa, it is not the only option. Adding to this, Chitando (1999, p. 11) writes “formerly other methods of disposal were used in some places, such as throwing the body in the bush to be eaten by animals and birds, throwing it into a running stream or river, or keeping it in a small house nearby so that it would decompose completely until the bare skeleton was left”. Murigu (2020, p. 1965) also mentions that mounds of earth, temples, and underground caverns were used to store the dead bodies.

Formal burials, defined as the interment of a dead body into an excavated grave, may have been preceded by more elusive practices in the genus Homo. Testing this scenario is difficult, particularly in Africa, due to the scarcity of sites with clear and well-dated evidence for the treatment of dead bodies (Martinón-Torres et al. 2021, p. 95). Evidence for burial practices among early modern humans in Africa is scant, the three burial sites that have been found are in Taramsa and Nazlet-Khater in North Africa, and in the Border Cave in Southern Africa (d’Errico and Backwell 2016; Martinón-Torres et al. 2021). The two earliest possible burials in Africa are found at Taramsa in Egypt and the Border Cave in South Africa (Martinón-Torres et al. 2021, p. 99). The remains of a 4–6-month-old infant was excavated from the Border Cave, and were found with a perforated conus shell in a pit excavated in Howiesons Poort (HP) dated to 74 ± 4 BP. These are thought to represent the oldest instance of a modern human burial from Africa, and the earliest example of a deceased human interred with a personal ornament (Martinón-Torres et al. 2021, p. 99). Omonisi (2020, p, 1) notes that there are diverse burial rites in Africa that have been practiced for decades depending on the deceased’s place of origin, their culture, religion, and the position they held in their community.

In Africa, death is regarded as a dreaded event and is seen as the beginning of the communication between the visible and the invisible worlds. Some communities in Africa believe that the goal of life is to become an ancestor after death (Omonisi 2020). Ngubane (2004, p. 171) notes that in Zulu culture, dying according to traditional beliefs is a homecoming of sorts, because you go where you belong; thus, the phrases ukugoduka (to go home), ukuya kobabamkhulu (going to meet the ancestors), ukudlula (passing), and ukuya kwelamathongo (ascend to the land of ancestors) are used, as they imply that when one dies, one rejoins old relatives and friends who have gone before (Ngubane 2004, p. 171). This is one of the major reasons why Africans believe that every person who dies must be given a befitting funeral, accompanied by several traditional and religious rites and ceremonies, as the deceased joins the ancestors in the invisible world (Omonisi 2020, p. 2). If these rites are not observed, it is generally believed that the dead person may become a wandering ghost who will torment those who are still living, especially members of their family who ought to have given them a befitting funeral (Omonisi 2020, p. 2). The notion of proper burials and rituals being practiced and their impact on the spirit of the departed and their family is mentioned by Chitando (1999, p. 14) who asserts that it is believed that if proper procedures are not observed, the deceased will cause misfortune in the family. For example, extreme care is taken to ensure that the right posture is assumed. Close relatives close the eyes of the deceased, wash the dead body, and dress it. All in all, meticulous care is taken to avoid arousing the displeasure of the dead (Chitando 1999, p. 14), as it is believed that when going home, they need respect, dignity, and a proper burial. Ngubane (2004, p. 172) notes that in traditional Zulu culture, any respectable Zulu person is buried at home, at the back or sides of their respective family huts irrespective of age or gender, except for the head of the family, who is buried at the top of the cattle kraal. In biblical times, as recorded in Genesis 23:3–18, we see that Abraham went to great lengths to secure a tomb in which to bury his wife, Sarah; this is the first formal burial recorded in Scripture. In fact, for three generations, the patriarchs in Abraham’s family, along with their wives, were buried in the same tomb. This cave, according to (Jones 2010, p. 340) later became known as the tomb of the patriarchs, as it is the final resting place for Abraham and Sarah (Genesis 25:9), Isaac and Rebekah (Genesis 35:29; 49:31), and Jacob and Leah (Genesis 50:13).

Rites and rituals are not the only important factor during burials, especially in Africa. Burying has been defined as the act of placing a corpse in the grave and covering it with earth (Murigu 2020, p. 1966). Generally, in African culture, the belief about where a person’s body is buried is very important; therefore, black families prefer to bury their loved ones in their backyards, especially in the villages. African culture dictates that the burial should be at a place connected to the family. The grave, where the deceased is said to be wakavata (asleep), is the place where his or her spirit is taken from to be brought into the afterlife. The grave is therefore an important ritual place, which is why burial and its associated rites are such a crucial feature in traditional religion (Chitando 1999, p. 14). In addition, there are a lot of cultural issues and beliefs attached to where deceased bodies are buried in Africa. In most African cultures, for a burial to be considered proper, honorable, meaningful, and acceptable, it must be performed in the deceased’s ancestral land (Omonisi 2020, p. 2).

Most Africans believe in life after death, and many make provision for the continuation of life beyond death. During burial rites, many communities provide for the needs of the dead, while others visibly express a part of the person’s social personality or bury them with objects to which they had particular emotional connections (Rebay-Salisbury 2012, p. 15). This is also mentioned by Omonisi (2020, p. 2) who indicates that most African traditional believers respect the transitional period of the deceased, where the incorporation of the deceased into the afterlife to unite with their ancestors occurs. Personal belongings are often buried with the deceased to assist them in their journey (Omonisi 2020, p. 2). Intentional burial, particularly with personal belongings, is one of the earliest detectable forms of religious practice, since it signifies a concern for the dead that transcends daily life (Murigu 2020, p. 1966). Chitando (1999) notes that ancient Egyptian funerary practices are well known for their reflection of belief in the afterlife. The body was preserved by mummifying the corpse, and other artefacts such as utensils were provided for use in the afterlife (Chitando 1999, p. 12).

Funerals in most African nations are an organized means to mourn and celebrate the life of the deceased. They are very elaborate and are often central-to-life cycle events that are unparalleled in cost and importance, for which families harness vast amounts of resources to lavishly host multitudes of people, which can create monetary ramifications that go well beyond the event. The number and class of people present during a funeral may be an indication of the character, financial status, and position of the deceased, it can also show how sociable the deceased was before death (Omonisi 2020, p. 2). In relation to the cost associated with burials, Murigu (2020) notes that families normally overspend because they feel compelled to purchase elaborate caskets, flowers, and headstones to honor their loved ones. Going into debt because of the cost of a funeral is not uncommon (Murigu 2020, p. 1966).

In addition to the various religions, many cultures believe that burial is the most respectful and dignified way to treat the body, as it allows for loved ones to find comfort in having a specific gravesite to visit (Leuta and Green 2011, p. 1).

There has been increasing dialogue about interment as a form of burial, considering that many urban centers are running out of burial space in cemeteries due to the amount of space that a body takes, as well as other environmentally related matters. The following section aims to explore cremation as an alternative means of burial. The advantages and disadvantages thereof will be discussed.

4. A Critical Analysis of Cremation Burials within the African Context—A Practical Theological View

4.1. The Advantages of Cremation as a Method of Burial

4.1.1. The Scarcity of Land for Burial Sites

Some of the advantages of cremation include solving the problem of scarcity of land and burial sites in urban centers, the reduction of the cost of burial, and the prevention of environmental pollution and health hazards. The HIV/AIDS and COVID-19 pandemics (amongst others) have caused countless deaths, leading to major concerns about municipal burial sites, since this land is limited. It is claimed that in many cities, there is currently a shortage of burial sites, and there is not enough room to accommodate the vast numbers of deaths that take place daily. For example, COVID-19 mortality rates in Zimbabwe grew from less than 500 deaths in December 2020 to 4500 deaths by October 2021, and as a result, the continuous rise in death rates when compared to the constant land size put a strain on the availability of municipal burial sites (Afla 2020). According to Dennie (2003, p. 186), “the economic argument rested on the amount of land needed to support a cemetery as opposed to a crematorium”. Masango (2005, p. 1292) adds that “African people need to face the issue of cremation because graveyards are getting full”. The land issue in relation to burial spaces in cities creates competition for land between the living and the dead. The land that is needed “for housing, business, recreation, agriculture, and other institutions that service the population” is the same land required for cemeteries (Zwane 2011, p. 11). Consequently, the scarcity of land for burial sites in urban centers causes burial to become more expensive due to the land fees that are charged by municipalities for its use and upkeep (Shoko 2008). The only alternative means to circumvent the challenge of land, which is leading to higher burial costs, is cremation. This form of burial does not need large pieces of land that have to be managed; it does not need to be secured or be maintained by municipalities.

4.1.2. Costs of Burial vs. Cremation

Cremation has an important economic component that needs consideration when one is making the choice between burial and cremation. In most rural areas in Africa, burial sites are free, which leaves room for flexibility in terms of the cost of burial. Land is readily available for people to bury their loved ones; hence, they easily reject cremation in preference for traditional burials (Zwane 2011). However, in urban centers, securing a grave site involves costs that depend on the scarcity or availability of burial space. Research has shown that in circumstances of land scarcity, cremation becomes a far less expensive choice (Shoko 2008). Zwane (2011, p. 54) posits that

“The cost associated with burying someone is very high when compared with cremating that person, as one must pay for the gravesite, the ceremony, the flowers, an expensive casket and the tombstone, whereas in cremation only a simple container is needed to contain the ashes of dead person’s body”.

The lower costs of cremation make it the more favorable and ideal option when there is financial instability in the deceased’s family, especially when it is the breadwinner who passes on. Ngubane (2004) argues that the high costs involved in burial procedures have denied some members of the community the opportunity to bury their loved one in a more befitting manner as many opt for cremation due to affordability. When cremation is the only option available, it brings aspects of cost saving, which enables available resources to be saved for future use, rather than spending a fortune on burial.

4.1.3. Reduction of Environmental Pollution and Health Hazards

Throughout the world, cemeteries and graveyards have become a major environmental health concern. They have become a major source of pollution in many cities (Decker Junior et al. 2018). Studies in Brazil have revealed that cemeteries together with sewers, septic tanks, landfills, industrial activities, storage facilities, and fuel distribution centers are some of the main anthropogenic causes of pollution in major cities (Żychowski 2012). An increased acceptance of cremation is a result of growing environmental consciousness and the green movement (Glass and Samuel 2011). Decker Junior et al. (2018, p. 377) emphasize that

“It has been observed that the use of crematories can be considered a viable and healthy option for the environment, due to the simple fact that this process causes much lower impact. Since bodies become dust as they are processed by evaporation at higher temperatures. Considering this, a new service concept for cremation, called ‘Mobile Crematorium’ was developed to contribute to the reduction of environmental impacts caused by the decomposition of bodies in soils”.

Cremation is not only cheaper than traditional burial, but it also promotes a healthy environment by reducing the continuous silent pollution and contamination that comes from the decomposition of dead bodies. With embalming substances such as formaldehyde and bacteria found during the decomposition process, cemeteries are known to have a harmful impact on soil and water quality (Kim and Kim 2017). Other contributing factors to environmental pollution include byproducts of chemotherapy, cosmetics, dyes, and stiffeners (used in makeup and corpse preparation), viruses from infectious and contagious disease fatalities, and metal oxides such as titanium (Ti), chromium (Cr), and cadmium (Cd) (Silva 1995). “For these reasons, cremation has been an important mechanism in the elimination of viruses, germs and bacteria, helping to improve sanitary conditions for mankind”, Decker Junior et al. (2018, p. 364). Environmental contamination has created health hazards for humans and animals alike. One may argue that the only way to avert these challenges is to adopt cremation as the only other option to traditional burials.

4.2. The Disadvantages of Cremation According to African People and Their Belief Systems

4.2.1. Religious Beliefs: Christianity, African Traditional Religion, and Islam

The disadvantages of cremation include challenges to religious beliefs, implied cultural collusion, and fears about the concealment of crime. Christianity, African traditional religion, and Islam are the most commonly found religions on the African continent. These religious beliefs have a bearing when it comes to the rejection or adoption of cremation. In fact, religion is one of the core factors that influence a person’s attitudes and behaviors on issues of death, burial, and cremation (Ladd 2007; Gwisai and Masona 2023). Religion and spirituality have an important influence on a person’s regard for the afterlife (Glass and Samuel 2011). In this section, we will focus on how Christianity, traditional African belief systems, and Islam have influenced people in making decisions about cremation. Among these major religions, “burial is the most respectful and dignified way to treat the body, and for loved ones to find comfort in having a specific gravesite to visit” (Leuta and Green 2011, p. 1). Christian ministers (clergy), theologians, and Christians in general have resisted cremation in preference of burial (Masango 2005). According to Masango (2005) early Christians preferred burial to cremation as a way of following the traditional form of burial, which was also modelled after the burial of Christ. For these early Christians, cremation was akin to transgressing and forsaking the footsteps of Christ, whose death, burial, and resurrection are central to the faith. However, Zwane (2011) argues that some Christians have no problems with cremations since they assume that it does not have any theological implications. “Mainline and generally liberal groups tend to accept the practice, but conservative denominations either reject it or discourage it” (Zwane 2011, p. 19). Consequently, cremation tends to divide believers, as some accept it and others outrightly reject it, as cremation is viewed by some as a way of undermining Christian beliefs about the resurrection.

Similar to the early Church’s persecutors, cremationists pushed their cause in an effort to demonstrate their power over God and undermine the resurrection of the dead (Prothero 2001). Therefore, it can be argued that cremation is a blasphemy against the resurrection of Christ and the dead, since Christ is said to be the first born of the resurrection of the dead (Colossians 1:18). Cremation is understood as the highest dishonor, not only to the dead but to God, who created the body (Genesis 1:27; 2:7). The body that God created in goodness and honor cannot be dishonored in death. It shows that cremation creates a theological debate and is problematic among Christians of all walks of life.

Besides the question of undermining the resurrection of the body, some have argued that cremation can be likened to the destruction of the body. “This older cohort was raised to view the body as the ‘temple of the soul’ and therefore it should not be destroyed by fire” (Depaola et al. 2003, p. 350). The fear of hellfire is frequently associated with the desire to escape being burned; hence, the thought that if the body is burnt during cremation, it may not rise again when Christ returns (Glass and Samuel 2011). Glass and Samuel (2011, p. 386) further argue that “traditionally, Christians believe that the human body is the temple of Christ, and it should be prepared for a proper religious burial”. In the same vein Masango (2005, p. 1290) avers that

“In other words, opponents of cremation were concerned that cremation would render less convincing the popular beliefs, behaviours, attitudes, and metaphors that created and sustained the credibility of the resurrection of the body, such as beliefs in the self as amalgamation of the body and the soul; fear of hell and fire; and prayers for the dead, cemetery visiting, and the metaphor of dead as sleep and body as temple”.

Christians reject cremation because they consider the body a gift from God, and the temple of God; hence, burning the temple is unacceptable (Eze 2021). The African Christian understanding and response to cremation is shaped by traditional African culture, belief systems, and practices (Chitando 1999). This has left cremation in a problematic space within Christian beliefs and practices.

Africans’ beliefs about death will always affect their decision on cremation. In most cases, Africans remain conservative and reject cremation. Masango (2005, p. 1292) argues that unless one performed “atrocious deeds”, cremation remains unacceptable among Africans. The dead need respect and a decent burial; hence, cremation is a form of dishonor that attracts bad luck to the living from the spirit of the deceased (Zwane 2011). It is a great honor to bury the dead over cremating them. “It is a religious and family tradition; burial offers a place to return to and care for, which gives comfort to the bereaved; a grave is a permanent memorial for the deceased” (Shoko 2008, p. 20). Among the Karanga in Zimbabwe, the grave is regarded as a resting place or “imba (hut) in which a dead person lives even after death” (Shoko 2008, p. 12). This confirms their belief that even if one dies, they continue to live and have influence on the lives of others. Therefore, cremation harms both the living and the dead, because the body is destroyed, breaking communication and access between the living and the dead.

As with black Africans and Christians, Muslims believe that the dead and the living should be equally respected (Setsiba 2012). In Islam “…cremation is prohibited. Instead, the dead body is washed, cleansed, covered with white shroud, prayed for forgiveness, and buried on earth as soon as possible” (Hariyono 2015, p. 204). As the living continue to make pilgrims to Mecca, the body is positioned with the right side of the dug earth facing the direction of Mecca (Dodge 2009). In doing so, death does not disconnect them from their religion and significant place of worship. They are believed to be attached to Mecca, which is why cremation is problematic. If the body is to be buried facing Mecca, those who are cremated lose the opportunity of being connected to Mecca in death.

Although it is not important for this article to go deeper into explaining how African tradition thinks of ancestry or life after death, the basic agreement that African and Christianity has is that there is life after this present life. This makes the eschatological expectation of the kingdom of God—which is both a present reality, as well as future expectation—a supported one. This is what one also learns from the research of Amevenku and Boaheng (2021) entitled “Introducing Eschatology in the African Context Vol 1”. It is very remarkable that African Christians should understand that despite the heresies that have been taught about the future, the ultimate reality is that Christ’s second coming is the beginning of the future life and is a Biblical reality into which everyone must be prepared for the upcoming judgement of God. The hope is that even if the current life is imperfect, with all its challenges, a perfect life is coming after all this.

4.2.2. Cultural Collusion

In African culture and particularly with the Zulu and Karanga people, graves and cemeteries are homes and places of rest for the dead (Chitando 1999; Zwane 2011). Burial sites are symbols of the presence of the dead among the living. Graves are as sacred as the bodies of the dead because they are the residence of the dead (Shoko 2008). They are sacred and revered places where the living and the dead can interact, where individuals and families share their concerns with their deceased loved ones (Zwane 2011), and it is for that reason that graves are referred to as Abapansi (those of the underground) in Zulu and Vari pasi (those below) in Karanga. They are very significant sites in African culture, which is why cremation creates a crisis among Africans, as it completely removes loved ones when they die. Cremation removes the living from the dead by removing the sacred spaces in which the living use to consult with the dead in times of joy and pain. To become an ancestor, in order to watch over one’s descendants, requires that a person have a proper burial as opposed to being cremated (Gwisai and Masona 2023). In short, it is believed that cremation causes the “extinction of all members of that family” (Ngubane 2004, p. 174). Cremation also affects the African post-burial ritual of bringing the spirit of the dead to care for the living. It is crucial to understand the connection of people with their loved ones whether they are dead or alive (Glass and Samuel 2011). Understanding these connections and indigenous knowledge helps to create respect for and promote healing through the safeguarding of indigenous belief systems and heritages through burial rites.

The mishandling of the bodies of the deceased (including cremation), is believed to bring about curses and misfortunes to those who performed these rites on their deceased (Chitando 1999; Ngcece 2019) and unless one is cleansed, they will be followed by misfortune throughout their life (Zwane 2011). These misfortunes include sickness, a lack of success, and mysterious deaths in the family. “To the Zulu people, cremation is a shameful thing and something that contradicts their culture” (Zwane 2011, p. 17). According to Baur (2002), some of the African cultural clashes with cremation are due to the destruction of the body and the spirit of the dead, which God condemns to hell after cremation. Masango (2005, p. 1286) also argues that “Africans and Afrikaners traditionally hold the view that the sacredness of the body belongs to God, and one does not tamper with God’s creation”. There is a belief that by destroying the body, one will end up destroying the spirit (Shoko 2008). This leaves Africans in an uncomfortable state, because cremation brings about uncertainty of their future in the afterlife because of the permanent disconnection between the living and the dead. Just as with the Zulu and the Karanga people, other African cultures do not accept cremation because it goes against their culture.

4.2.3. Concealment of Crimes

Cremation makes it difficult to trace suspected foul play, “one of the disadvantages of cremation is that it can help to conceal murder”, since the cremated body cannot be recovered for further examination for poison or for any other causes of death (Shoko 2008, p. 20). Therefore, it can be used to cover up a crime. If the person is buried, the body can easily be exhumed and taken for forensic examination to trace the cause of death. One may argue that there is a need to be well informed about the advantages and disadvantages of cremation, in order to decide whether it can be used as an option within the African context alongside traditional burials, depending on the situation and choices of the bereaved.

5. Suggested Guidelines as a Way Forward

In the absence of one theological dogma on burial because of varying theologies and religions, it not easy to make prescriptions as to whether people should stop burying their deceased in favor of cremation. Each situation should be dealt with on its own merit. Death, burial, and mourning have been, and always will be defined or practiced within particular and culturally prescribed traditions and norms. This implies that the issue of cremation cannot be generalized to be applicable to people of diverse cultures.

African pastoral thoughts on burial are that the body of the deceased is treated with the same respect as a living human being. This stems from the notion that African people do not die, but they depart into the afterlife. The word “death” can only be used to refer to animals and plants, and not to human beings (Tjibeba 1997; Makhubu 1988). This notion is emphasized by the general African belief that death is a transition from the visible into the invisible world (Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014). Terms such as corpse and body are understood to be disrespectful to the departed. It is from this background that the general understanding that the body of the deceased, from the date of death until the date of burial, would be respected by the whole village and clan. Talking badly about the deceased should be avoided at all costs, and even speeches during the funeral should try to show respect to the deceased, even if they were a problem for the family and clan. The avoidance of curses and misfortunes that are believed to be caused by the mishandling of deceased bodies, as argued by Chitando (1999) and Ngcece (2019), demands that serious consideration be taken before decisions are made on how the burial occurs. Grave sites are treated as sacred places where people often visit, perform rituals, or go to cleanse themselves. In many cases, when a tombstone is erected, the motivation behind it is to have a sign to indicate who was buried there, to make it easy for the next generation who did not meet the deceased person in life to know where their ancestors are buried. In an article entitled “Walls of remembrance at Braamfontein Cemetery destroyed by callous vandals”, Mphatsoe (of The Citizen, Mphatsoe 2023) reported the concern of a community because the gravesites of their loved ones were vandalized. The implication is that protecting graves for Africans is often equal to protecting their heritage. This does not imply that traditional burials are the only means of creating these sacred sites, but there is an argument to be made that gravesites for black people are where the buried, and not cremated remains of the dead, are laid to rest. Therefore, without a gravesite or tombstone to mark the deceased’s final resting place, grandchildren or relatives who come to pay their last respects after the burial will not know where their loved ones are buried. For those who want to use graves as a place to perform rituals, it must be noted that their cultural right to do so is protected by the constitution of South Africa. This means that if the family has the space to bury their loved ones, they are at liberty to do so. The fact that the South African constitution does not discriminate and protects every culture affords those who use traditional cultural arguments to avoid cremation the permission to continue with traditional burial. The mere fact that some graves are protected as heritage sites by the National Department of Arts and Culture (DAC) makes it difficult for the same ruling to be enforced for the cremation of bodies (South African Heritage Resources Agency 2020).

It is from this perspective that one can understand the arguments made against the cremation of a respected person. It should be noted that burning is often referenced with the disposal of items that are rendered useless and unwanted (i.e., burning a rubbish plie); hence, being equated to an act where refuse is thrown into what can described as a dirty and mostly unwanted place for disposal makes it difficult if not impossible to give singular advice for all African people in terms of the use of cremation as a burial method. There are pressures of space in urban towns and metropolitan cities, but this is where most of the population resides, and they may view the concepts of life and death differently from rural traditional people. If it happens that a pastor is faced with a burial in which cremation is the ideal, they have to be more sensitive when discussing the topic with the deceased’s family (Masango 2005, p. 1295).

6. Conclusions

The cremation of the deceased in Africa is met with mixed emotions and contestations. This is because of African traditional beliefs about respecting the body of the deceased. The belief that death is a transition into the afterlife also plays a role. Despite the many factors indicated in support of cremation, it remains very difficult to give a recommendation for the practice. It is also noted that the South African Heritage Resource Agency (SAHRA 2020) with the support of Department of Arts and Culture have measures in place to protect graves as heritage sites. It can be inferred that not only the graves of so-called politically important people should be protected, but the graves of ordinary people should on the same note be protected. It is better to allow those who understand and support it to use it as a burial method, and those who resist it to carry on with their traditional ways of burial. This is to conclude by mentioning that it will be slippery ground to make a one-way ruling on whether to cremate or not, but, to the authors of this article, openness to the views of those who are against cremation is equally important as openness to those who are for it. Of course, the challenge for those who do not want it while also not having space to bury their loved ones would be another research focus for the future. This is in line with the new earth and new life that is explained in the vision of John in Revelation 21:1–27.