The Making of a Masterpiece: An Examination of Zimen Jingxun’s Authorship

Abstract

The Chinese Buddhist anthology Zimen jingxun (Admonitions to the Black-robed Monastics 緇門警訓), a compilation believed to have originated during the Song dynasty, constitutes a Chinese Buddhist anthology containing teachings from Buddhist masters and ethical principles intended for observance by monastics. This anthology has garnered scholarly attention due to the noteworthy nature of some of its components. However, there exists a dearth of comprehensive scholarly analyses in the English language, and the precise compilers of this anthology remain shrouded in ambiguity. Nevertheless, the Zimen jingxun has exerted a profound influence on the training of monastics in China, Japan, and Korea, and has emerged as a particularly influential work on Buddhist monastic education in the Korean context. Therefore, this paper functions as an initial effort to address this scholarly gap. Utilizing the methodologies of comparative philology and historical philology, this study undertakes an analysis and comparison of the original Zimen jingxun and its foundational counterpart, the Zilin baoxun, in addition to their subsequent amended and modified versions. The primary aim of this research is to deduce its compilers and the timeframe of its compilation by examining the existing content, prefaces, citations, and any discrepancies discernible in each rendition. Furthermore, it seeks to evaluate the importance and role of each version within the broader context of the Buddhist canon.

1. Introduction

Zimen jingxun (Admonitions to the Black-robed Monastics 緇門警訓) is a Chinese Buddhist anthology consisting of 196 sections of instructions, warnings, admonitions, and aphorisms attributed to Buddhist sages, predominantly hailing from the Song dynasty’s cadre of Buddhist masters. The topics broached within this compendium span a spectrum ranging from the admonitions of Master Guishan 溈山 (771–853) to the imperial edict issued by the Liang emperor concerning the veneration of the Buddha. Housed within the 48th volume of the Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新脩大藏經, this text has permeated and informed the training regimen of monastics across the cultural and geographical expanses of China, Japan, and Korea. It has, in fact, evolved into a cornerstone of pedagogical emphasis within Korean Buddhist seminaries.1 Hence, this paper is titled “The Making of a Masterpiece”, to imply that this anthology plays a pivotal role in educating Buddhist “masters” and merits recognition as a “masterpiece” within the Buddhist canon.

Believed to have originated during the Song dynasty, the Zimen jingxun showcases seminal compositions from renowned Buddhist masters, including “Zuochan yi (Chan Etiquette 坐禪儀)” by Changlu Zongze 長蘆宗賾 (?–1106) and “Dahui Chanshi li Guanyin wen (Chan Master Dahui’s Ceremony to Guanyin 大慧禪師禮觀音文)” by Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲 (1089–1163).

Despite its antiquity, the Zimen jingxun remains extant and relevant in contemporary Buddhist praxis, particularly amongst the monastic community. For instance, the Fo Guang 佛光 Organization produced a curated edition of the Zimen jingxun, presenting select passages translated into colloquial Chinese (Zhang 1997). This undertaking aimed to accommodate the literary demands of a diverse readership, comprising both monastics and lay adherents. Additionally, Fanfu 凡夫 undertook a translation effort, rendering chosen excerpts from the Zimen jingxun into vernacular Chinese. Notably, his endeavor incorporated supplementary segments drawn from Zibo 紫柏 and Hanshan 憨山.2

Considering its rich content, the anthology has been frequently invoked by scholars. Paradoxically, despite this scholarly engagement and its significance in the history of east Asian Buddhism, a comprehensive study that delves into the depths of its content remains conspicuously absent. Furthermore, the compilers responsible for assembling this anthology remain enigmatic figures.

One noteworthy scholarly article, authored by the esteemed Japanese scholar Shiina Kōyū, delved into the compilers and versions of the Zimen jingxun, which serves as a seminal source for the present paper (Shiina 2011, pp. 623–30). While some entries in Buddhist dictionaries briefly touch upon the compilation and authorship of the Zimen jingxun, it is important to note that errors exist within these entries, which will be explored later in this paper. Furthermore, a few scholarly papers have discussed the anthology’s significance within the context of Buddhist monastic training in Korea (Zhang 1997). However, there is no other modern scholarship on the content and history of this anthology.

Given the anthology’s significance, uncovering its developmental history and the importance of its contents will bridge this scholarly gap and illuminate its relevance in academia and to Buddhist practitioners. Therefore, this study employs comparative philology and historical philology methodologies to analyze and compare the original Zimen jingxun with its foundational version, Zilin baoxun, as well as their subsequent augmented and modified iterations.

To begin, I provide an overview of the pre-modern editions of the Zimen jingxun, highlighting the discrepancies found in their documentation. Subsequently, I conduct a more comprehensive examination of these editions in chronological order, starting from their alleged foundational version, the Zilin baoxun, and progressing through to the Yuan version of the Zimen jingxun and its Ming iteration. Following this, I present a broad overview of the content within the Zimen jingxun, with the intention of embarking on an initial exploration of its extensive wealth of information.

The primary objective of this research is to infer its compilers and the time of its compilation by examining the extant content, prefaces, citations, and any variations present in each version. Additionally, it seeks to evaluate the importance and role of each version within the broader context of the Buddhist canon.

However, due to the loss of historical documents and several versions of the Zimen jingxun and Zilin baoxun, certain crucial aspects related to the compilers and versions of this anthology remain unanswered at this stage. If the lost versions can be recovered in the future, it would significantly advance the scholarship surrounding this anthology.

2. Pre-Modern Editions of the Zimen Jingxun

Upon scrutinizing the compilers of the Zimen jingxun, divergent accounts have emerged from both scholarly and popular sources. The prevailing explanation regarding the authorship of the Zimen jingxun is encapsulated in the entry within the Foguang da cidian (The Comprehensive Encyclopedia of Foguang 佛光大辭典). According to this account, the Zimen jingxun constitutes a revisitation and augmentation of the Zilin baoxun, a text traditionally attributed to Zexian Yunqi 擇賢蘊齊 (1054–1130), a Buddhist cleric from the Song dynasty who is believed to have completed this work in 1255. This renewed iteration was orchestrated by Yongzhong 永中 (14th century), a master from the Yuan dynasty, in 1373, whereas the original compilation by Zexian transpired during the Song dynasty. The edition by Yongzhong underwent further supplementation during the Ming dynasty by Rujin 如巹 (1425–?) in 1474, culminating in the rendition that currently circulates (Shi 1988). Analogously, the Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism presents a similar narrative (Buswell and Lopez 2013, pp. 1059–60).

However, disparities have manifested in alternative sources. A Korean website dedicated to introducing the Zimen jingxun posits that “According to legend, at the conclusion of the Tang dynasty, a volume titled Zilin baoxun (Precious Admonitions to the Black-robed Community 緇林寶訓” existed (치문 n.d.). This Zilin baoxun is posited as the foundational rendition of the Zimen jingxun. However, this assertion attributes the inception of the Zimen jingxun to the Tang dynasty, diverging from the consensus upheld by the majority of sources, which assert that its initial compilation occurred during the Song dynasty. The Chinese website Zhongwen baike (Chinese encyclopedia 中文百科), in contrast, designates the compiler of the Zilin baoxun as “unknown.” (Zimen jingxun n.d.) Conversely, many other references have attributed the origination of this compilation to Zexian Yunqi.

Beyond the incongruity pertaining to the temporal provenance and the compilers of distinct versions, these discrepancies extend to the number of fascicles encompassed within each rendition, varying across sources. The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism posits that the Zilin baoxun comprises a solitary scroll, while the Yongzhong edition encompasses nine scrolls and the Ming edition encompasses ten scrolls (Buswell and Lopez 2013, pp. 1059–60). In contrast, the Zhongwen baike attributes a mere two scrolls to the Yuan edition by Yongzhong (Zimen jingxun n.d.). Despite the inclusion of certain materials from popular websites, these disparities in accounts underscore the intricate challenges inherent to ascertaining the compilers and versions of the Zimen jingxun.

At present, scant academic resources in either English or Chinese have been exclusively devoted to the discourse surrounding the Zimen jingxun. One concise scholarly article, authored by the eminent Japanese scholar, Shiina Kōyū, delved into the compilers and iterations of the Zimen jingxun, which constitutes a seminal source upon which the present paper draws (Shiina 2011, pp. 623–30). In Shiina’s assessment, a solitary study on the versions of the Zimen jingxun was undertaken in Korea prior to his own investigation, conducted by the esteemed Kuroda Ryō 黑田亮. However, the Korean inquiry exhibited certain shortcomings. Yet, owing to Kuroda’s seminal exploration of this anthology, subsequent scholars have frequently turned to his work in their discussions of the Zimen jingxun, inadvertently compounding inaccuracies (Shiina 2011, p. 623).

The challenges impeding the determination of the true compilers and the analysis of the evolutionary trajectory of the Zimen jingxun are comprehensible. While the anthology was assembled by Chinese masters, it has notably gained prominence within the cultural contexts of Korea and Japan. Conversely, within the expansive domain of Greater China, the procurement of versions predating the the Taishō canon proves elusive, not to mention the scarcity of documents that chronicle the authentic compilers. Further exacerbating this situation, the presumed original rendition of the Zilin baoxun remains lost to posterity. Fortunately, glimmers of insight into the Zimen jingxun’s nature endure within earlier editions of the work conserved in Japan and Korea.

Notably, Shiina’s paper includes a table that catalogs the pre-modern versions of the Zilin baoxun and the Zimen jingxun in China, Japan, and Korea. This table serves as an invaluable resource for facilitating an understanding of the development of these varied versions (Shiina 2011, pp. 625–26). Additionally, certain Buddhist canons that allude to the Zimen jingxun offer potential avenues for unraveling the question of its compilers’ identities.

3. Zilin Baoxun and Zexian Yunqi

As previously indicated, the foundational iteration of the Zimen jingxun, namely the Zilin baoxun, has regrettably vanished from the Chinese literary landscape. Although versions of the Zimen jingxun can be located within the Chinese Buddhist canon, the complete text of the Zilin baoxun is notably missing. However, fortunately, references to its title within specific Buddhist canons provide substantial evidence for its historical existence. In the 18th century, the Japanese monk Mujaku Dōchū 無著道忠 (1653–1744) alluded to the Zilin baoxun within his work Zenrin shokisen (Encyclopedia of Zen Monasticism 禪林象器箋), articulating the following:

村寺清規云。童行方入寺。須先訓之以祖師偈頌。近世所刊緇林寶訓。及了禪師訓童行歌。溈山警策。證道歌。永安僧堂記等。是也。3

The Cunsi qinggui (Pure Rules for Village Monasteries) stipulates: “Upon the entry of novice practitioners into monasteries, they are first to receive instruction through the verses and lines of the patriarchs. Works such as Zilin baoxun, published in recent times, along with “Xun tongxing ge” (Chant for the Training of Novices) by Chan master Liao, “Guishan jingce” (Guishan’s Admonitions), “Zhengdao ge” (Song of Enlightenment), and “Yong’an’s Sengtang ji” (Memorial of the Monastic Hall), among others, adhere to this principle.”4

This passage comprises a citation from Cunsi qinggui, attributed to Jihong 繼洪 of the Yuan dynasty, a single-volume text. Notably, the excerpt underscores the pivotal role assumed by the compiled admonitions authored by Buddhist patriarchs on the instruction of monastic novices during the period. Unfortunately, Jihong’s original work has similarly been lost to history. Yet, Daozhong’s reference to this excerpt serves as compelling corroboration of the antecedent existence of the Zilin baoxun prior to Jihong’s era. The intriguing aspect here is that the prominence attributed to the Zilin baoxun is accredited by a Japanese monk, as opposed to a Chinese ecclesiastic. Although discerned from the excerpted passage, it appears that the Zilin Baoxun was also utilized by certain Chinese masters of the time; nonetheless, the enduring impact of this anthology within China appears to have waned.

An additional Yuan era Buddhist text, Shishi jigu lüe (A Concise History of Buddhist Monastics 釋氏稽古略), composed by Juean 覺岸 (1286–1356), includes a citation attributed to the Song dynasty Chan master Foyan 佛眼 (1067–1121), sourced from the Zilin baoxun. This citation stands as a further infrequent allusion to the Zilin baoxun within the Chinese Buddhist literature. With these references to hand, it can be reasonably asserted that the Zilin baoxun remained in circulation during the Yuan dynasty in China. Nonetheless, the identity of its genuine compiler remains an unresolved inquiry.

Fortuitously, the Zilin baoxun was transmitted to Japan during the Kamakura and Muromachi periods and underwent reissuance on no less than four occasions. In its second reprinted edition, an invaluable postscript penned by Zexian was included. Within this postscript, Zexian articulated his intent in compiling the Zilin baoxun, crafting it as a concise guide for fervent Buddhist practitioners committed to studying and engaging in practice. The postscript is dated to the yimao 乙卯 year of the Baoyou 寶祐 reign era, or 1255 (Shiina 2011, p. 624). Should the authenticity of this postscript be established, it follows that the compiler of the Zilin baoxun is none other than the Song dynasty monk Zexian Yunqi, who completed this work in a single scroll.

However, within the limited corpus of documents encompassed by the Chinese Buddhist canons that delineate the biography of Zexian Yunqi, none explicitly reference the Zilin baoxun as one of his authored works. The most comprehensive account of Zexian can be extracted from Shimen zhengtong (Orthodox Transmission of Buddhism 釋門正統), a work purportedly originating in the Northern Song era and subsequently being augmented during the Southern Song by the monk Zongjian 宗鑑 (13th century). It is noteworthy that Shimen zhengtong, often considered to be the precursor to the critical Tiantai lineage work, Fozu tongji (Complete Chronicle of the Buddhas and Patriarchs 佛祖統紀) (Tso 1976, pp. 149–222), expounds upon the life and accomplishments of Zexian, dedicating nearly four hundred words to this endeavor. In contrast, Fozu tongji accords him a mere two lines, merely chronicling his lineage progenitor and dharma heirs.5

Moreover, upon a meticulous comparison of diverse sources, a degree of ambiguity emerges regarding the mentorship of Zexian. In Fozu tongji, the dharma instructor of Zexian is listed as Chao Guoxian 超果賢 (d.u.), while Xu Chuandeng lu (Supplement to Records of the Transmission of the Lamp 續傳燈錄) attributes his tutelage to Yuwang Changtan 育王常坦 (Northern Song).6 In the narrative presented by Shimen zhengtong, Zexian is affiliated with two mentors, Jingming Ziyou 淨明子猷 (12th century) and Faming Huixian 法明會賢 (d.u.). Among these designations, it is plausible that Faming Huixian is synonymous with Chao Guoxian; however, the substantiating evidence is presently insufficient to validate this supposition. The biographical account of Zexian in Shimen zhengtong reads:

蘊齊字擇賢。錫號清辨。錢唐周氏。師湖山淨明子猷。二十三試經進具。傳教觀於法明會賢。慈潤靈玩。因患疫病。百藥不治。力課觀音尊號。夢大士以斤斧鑿開胸臆。易以他臟。用手捫摩。所患即愈。凡平日經服。微文奧義。靡不洞達。講唱無滯。舉筆成章。咸謂大士以辨才三昧錫之。住錢唐、道林、常熟、上方。次東靈，次南屏，次姑蘇廣化，次三衢浮石，後又住上方。老于東。方丈南屏乃蔣樞密所請。贈詩云。道人重演蓮華教。佛隴家風好諦聽。浮石疏云。坐斷頂山。悲垂廣化。酌東靈之水。潤焦穀牙。起南屏之雲。注甘露雨。政和中述菩薩戒記於上方。世號頂山記。有二十八偈贊妙經。皆囊括經旨。匪恃騷雅也。如序品云。彌勒、文殊兩饒舌。方知躳稟舊威仗。建炎四年正月十一集眾。諷彌陀經。稱彌陀號。作頌曰。七十七年機關木。逢場作戲任縱橫。如今線索俱收了。北斗藏身即便行。門人法清分舍利藏於上方方丈。高弟姑蘇景德法雲。編翻譯名義七卷。7

Yunqi, whose courtesy name was Zexian and monastic name was Qingbian, hailed from the Qiantang region and bore the Zhou surname. He received instruction under Jingming Ziyou of Mount Hu. Accomplishing the imperial examination for scriptural comprehension, he attained full ordination at the age of twenty-three. The teachings of Tiantai were transmitted to him by Faming Huixian. His compassion extended to nurturing living beings and aiding those in defiance. Encountering an epidemic illness that resisted healing despite numerous medical treatments, he diligently invoked the honored name of Guanyin. In a visionary dream, a great Bodhisattva cleaved his chest open with a hatchet, reconstituted his organs, and caressed him, resulting in the immediate alleviation of his ailment. In his daily engagements, he comprehended the subtle meanings and profound doctrines inherent in the scriptures, leading to fluent discourse and seamless chant. With the stroke of his pen, compositions flowed effortlessly. It was widely believed that he received the gift of eloquence through the Speech Samadhi bestowed by the great Bodhisattva.

He resided successively in Qiantang, Daolin, Changshu, and Shangfang. Subsequently, he dwelled at Dongling, Nanping, Gusu’s Guanghua, and Sanqu’s Fushi, followed by another sojourn at Shangfang. He aged in the eastern regions. His appointment as abbot of Nanping resulted from an invitation extended by Privy Councilor Jiang, who presented a poem lauding his revitalization of the Lotus teachings and emphasizing the attentive embrace of Buddha’s traditions.

Commentary on Fushi highlighted his enduring compassion and far-reaching influence, likening his actions to the nourishing waters of Dongling, which rejuvenated scorched grain shoots and invoked a cascade of sweet dew through the clouds of Nanping. During the Zhenghe era, he presented Notes of the Bodhisattva Precepts at Shangfang, known as Notes of Dingshan. This work comprised twenty-eight gathas praising the profundities of the Lotus Sutra, encapsulating its doctrines akin to the Sorrow of Parting and Odes. The preface eloquently noted the excess verbosity of Maitreya and Manjusri, attesting to their reliance on past authority and accomplishments.

On the eleventh day of the first month in the fourth year of Jianyan, Zexian convened a congregation to recite the Amitabha Sutra, crafting a verse that read, “Seventy-seven years, a puppet of gears and strings, performing freely upon encountering scenes. Now, all threads and ropes are collected; concealed within the Northern Dipper, it is time to depart.” His disciple, Faqing, divided and stored his relics in the abbot’s quarters at Shangfang. A notable disciple, Jingde Fayun from Jiangsu, compiled seven volumes of Compilation of Translated Buddhist Terms.

(See Note 4)

As per Shimen Zhengtong’s account, Zexian’s birth and upbringing took place in Qiantang County, a present-day locale within Hangzhou city. He achieved monastic status by passing the imperial examination at the age of twenty-three. Following his full ordination, he delved into the teachings and contemplative methodologies of Tiantai under the tutelage of Master Faming Huixian. Encountering a severe illness that eluded remedy through conventional medications, he fervently invoked the name of Guanyin (Avalokitesvara), an act that led to a vivid dream wherein Guanyin attended to his ailment. Upon awakening, Zexian found himself restored to health. This episode was instrumental in granting him a profound comprehension of intricate Buddhist texts, enabling unimpeded verbal communication, chanting, and writing. Consequently, contemporaries attributed his capabilities to “Speech Samadhi”, an ability bestowed upon him by Guanyin.

Among his notable disciples was Jingde Fayun, who authored the significant work Fanyi mingyi ji (Compilation of Translated Buddhist Terms). However, Shimen Zhengtong’s records indicate that Zexian authored just one extant work, Dingshan ji (Notes of Dingshan), a treatise on the exposition of Bodhisattva precepts. Notably, this work has since been lost.

Within the biographical accounts of Zexian, no mention is found of his role as the compiler of the Zilin baoxun. Furthermore, the Yuan and Ming dynasty compilers of the Zimen jingxun, Yongzhong and Rujin, are both associated with the Linji lineage of the Chan school, while Zexian is classified among the Tiantai masters. Moreover, the preface of the Ming version of the Zimen jingxun omits any reference to Zexian as an original compiler. Consequently, based on the available sources, the true identity of the initial compiler of the Zilin baoxun remains elusive, although certain indications suggest Zexian Yunqi as a plausible candidate for this role.

While the Zilin baoxun has been lost from the Chinese Buddhist literature, fortunately, several versions transmitted to Japan still exist, offering us insight into the content of this foundational text of the Zimen jingxun. One accessible version is the 1639 reprint preserved in Nagoya University’s library. In this version, only twenty-one articles are included in the anthology. However, it is essential to note that, since the original version transmitted to Japan is lost, and this is a reprinted edition, we cannot verify whether its content matches that of the original

Given that this paper serves as a preliminary study of the anthology, focusing on its origins, the exact source of each article and their deeper meanings remain subjects for future research. In Table 1, I enumerate these twenty-one articles and indicate whether they are also found in the Zimen jingxun. This table provides an initial overview of the content found in the Zilin baoxun.

Table 1. Articles in the Zilin baoxun.8

No	Title	Category	Included in the Zimen Jinxun
1	孤山圓法師示學徒 Master Gu Shan’s Teachings to Disciples.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
2	智覺壽禪師垂誡 Venerable Chan Master Zhijue’s Words of Guidance.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes Retitled: 永明智覺壽禪師垂誡 Guidance from Venerable Chan Master Yongming Zhijue
3	梁亡名法師息心銘 Inscription on Calming the Mind by the Venerable Master Wangming of Liang	Chan Practice	Yes Retitled: 周渭濱沙門亡名法師息心銘 Inscription on Calming the Mind by the Venerable Monk Zhou Weibin
4	明教嵩禪師尊僧篇 Venerable Chan Master Song’s Reverence for the Sangha	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
5	無盡居士僧堂記 Memorial of the Monastic Hall by Layman Wujin.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes Retitled: 撫州永安禪院僧堂記 Memorial of the Monastic Hall at the Yongan Chan Monastery in Fuzhou
6	慈雲式懺主書紳 The Book of the Repentance Master Ciyun	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
7	大智照律師比丘正名 Proper Definition of Bhikkhu by the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Monastic Precepts	Yes
8	大智照律師捨緣銘 Inscription on Abandoning Attachments by the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Daily Practice	Yes
9	大智照律師座右銘 Maxim of the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Daily Practice	Yes
10	大智照律師規繩後跋 Postscript on Regulations and Guidelines by the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Daily Practice	Yes
11	圭峯密禪師座右銘 Motto of Chan Master Guifeng Mi.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
12	破山偁法師誡小師 Instructions to the Junior Monk by Master Poshan Cheng	Admonitory Instruction	Yes Retitled: The Instructions of the Venerable Abbot Cheng of the Liang Dynasty to His Junior Disciple 梁高僧偁法主遺誡小師
13	龍門禪師三自省 Three Self-Reflections by Chan Master Longmen.	Daily Practice	Yes Retitled: 龍門佛眼遠禪師三自省察 Three Self-Reflections by Chan Master Longmen Foyan.
14	慈覺賾禪師自警文 Self-Admonition by Chan Master Cijue.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
15	白楊順禪師示眾 Teaching to the Assembly by Chan Master Baiyang Shun.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
16	藍谷信法師自鏡錄序 Preface to the Mirror Record by Master Langu Xin.	Daily Practice	Yes
17	溈山祐禪師警策文 Admonition by Chan Master Guishan You.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes 溈山大圓禪師警策 Admonition by Chan Master Guishan Dayuan
18	長蘆慈覺賾禪師龜鏡文 The Mirror Text by Chan Master Cijue of Changlu.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
19	慈受深禪師小參 Interview with Chan Master Cishou Shen.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
20	慈雲式懺主願文 Pledges of the Repentance Master Ciyun	Daily Practice	Yes
21	司馬溫公解禪偈 Verse on Chan Interpretation by Sima Wen Gong	Chan Practice	Yes

Table 1. Articles in the Zilin baoxun.8

No	Title	Category	Included in the Zimen Jinxun
1	孤山圓法師示學徒 Master Gu Shan’s Teachings to Disciples.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
2	智覺壽禪師垂誡 Venerable Chan Master Zhijue’s Words of Guidance.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes Retitled: 永明智覺壽禪師垂誡 Guidance from Venerable Chan Master Yongming Zhijue
3	梁亡名法師息心銘 Inscription on Calming the Mind by the Venerable Master Wangming of Liang	Chan Practice	Yes Retitled: 周渭濱沙門亡名法師息心銘 Inscription on Calming the Mind by the Venerable Monk Zhou Weibin
4	明教嵩禪師尊僧篇 Venerable Chan Master Song’s Reverence for the Sangha	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
5	無盡居士僧堂記 Memorial of the Monastic Hall by Layman Wujin.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes Retitled: 撫州永安禪院僧堂記 Memorial of the Monastic Hall at the Yongan Chan Monastery in Fuzhou
6	慈雲式懺主書紳 The Book of the Repentance Master Ciyun	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
7	大智照律師比丘正名 Proper Definition of Bhikkhu by the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Monastic Precepts	Yes
8	大智照律師捨緣銘 Inscription on Abandoning Attachments by the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Daily Practice	Yes
9	大智照律師座右銘 Maxim of the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Daily Practice	Yes
10	大智照律師規繩後跋 Postscript on Regulations and Guidelines by the Venerable Vinaya Master Dazhizhao	Daily Practice	Yes
11	圭峯密禪師座右銘 Motto of Chan Master Guifeng Mi.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
12	破山偁法師誡小師 Instructions to the Junior Monk by Master Poshan Cheng	Admonitory Instruction	Yes Retitled: The Instructions of the Venerable Abbot Cheng of the Liang Dynasty to His Junior Disciple 梁高僧偁法主遺誡小師
13	龍門禪師三自省 Three Self-Reflections by Chan Master Longmen.	Daily Practice	Yes Retitled: 龍門佛眼遠禪師三自省察 Three Self-Reflections by Chan Master Longmen Foyan.
14	慈覺賾禪師自警文 Self-Admonition by Chan Master Cijue.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
15	白楊順禪師示眾 Teaching to the Assembly by Chan Master Baiyang Shun.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
16	藍谷信法師自鏡錄序 Preface to the Mirror Record by Master Langu Xin.	Daily Practice	Yes
17	溈山祐禪師警策文 Admonition by Chan Master Guishan You.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes 溈山大圓禪師警策 Admonition by Chan Master Guishan Dayuan
18	長蘆慈覺賾禪師龜鏡文 The Mirror Text by Chan Master Cijue of Changlu.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
19	慈受深禪師小參 Interview with Chan Master Cishou Shen.	Admonitory Instruction	Yes
20	慈雲式懺主願文 Pledges of the Repentance Master Ciyun	Daily Practice	Yes
21	司馬溫公解禪偈 Verse on Chan Interpretation by Sima Wen Gong	Chan Practice	Yes

It is important to highlight that the table of contents for the Zilin baoxun lists “Nine Chapters of Legacy Instructions 遺誡九章” after “Admonition by Chan Master Guishan You 溈山祐禪師警策文”; however, this specific text is noticeably absent from the actual content. In contrast, the Zimen jingxun does include this text. This inconsistency between the table of contents and the actual content in this version of the Zilin baoxun is likely a result of transcription errors from previous versions.

Furthermore, in the Zimen jingxun, the sequence of articles has been rearranged, and some have been given new titles. Notably, the Zimen jingxun incorporates all the articles found in the existing version of the Zilin baoxun, affirming the assertion that the Zilin baoxun serves as the foundational version of the Zimen jingxun. However, the reasoning behind the new sequence and the legitimacy of the new titles will require further research for a comprehensive exploration.

4. The Yuan Edition of Zimen Jingxun and Yongzhong

Compared to Zexian Yunqi, the biographical information on the purported Yuan compiler, Yongzhong, is even scarcer within the Chinese Buddhist canon. It is reliably documented in the Qianlong dazangjing (Qianlong Edition of the Canon 乾隆大藏經) that Yongzhong engaged in the expansion of an earlier rendition of the text during the Yuan dynasty.9 Notably, Shiina Kōyū observed that precise details regarding Yongzhong’s birth and demise remain elusive. He does, however, note that Yongzhong received his Dharma transmission from the esteemed Linji master Zhongfeng Mingben 中峰明本 (1263–1323). Additionally, Shiina attributed four works to Yongzhong’s authorship or compilation (Shiina 2011, p. 627). However, scrutiny of the Chinese Buddhist canon reveals that these four compositions are either attributed to different authors or remain untraceable.

According to the entry within the Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, Yongzhong’s edition comprised nine scrolls.10 Conversely, Shiina’s scholarship suggested that this version was actually assembled with a mere two scrolls (Shiina 2011, p. 623). Therefore, the inclusion of the nine-scroll specification may have arisen from their reliance on Kuroda Ryō’s research. Taking into account that all the purported republished versions of Yongzhong’s work in Japan and Korea encompassed a mere two scrolls, it appears more plausible that Yongzhong concluded his endeavor within this two-fascicle framework. The earliest Korean iteration, believed to have emerged in 1378, incorporated a preface penned by Yongzhong himself. In this preface, he elucidated that he meticulously gathered dispersed texts from the Zilin baoxun, restructured them, and supplemented the compilation with admonitory passages sourced from emperors, monks, and laypersons (Shiina 2011, p. 626).

Within the Chinese Buddhist canon, the potential existence of a preface authored by Yongzhong remains unverifiable due to its loss. Additionally, a comprehensive biography of Yongzhong remains notably absent from any compiled hagiographies dedicated to Buddhist monastics. Nevertheless, glimpses of his presence are discernible in the discourse records of Gaofeng Yuanmiao 高峰原妙 (1238–1296) and Zhongfeng Mingben. In the preface of Gaofeng heshang Chanyao (Master Gaofeng’s Essentials of Chan 高峰和尚禪要), it is recounted that Hong Qiaozu 洪喬祖, a lay practitioner who practiced with Gaofeng and documented his teachings, aspired to have his master’s discourses published. On sharing his intent with Yongzhong, the latter readily assumed the initiative to mobilize resources for the publication of these discourses.11 In the Tianmu Zhongfeng guanglu (The Extended Recordings of Tianmu Zhongfeng 天目中峰廣錄), Yongzhong is depicted as an assistant within the abode of Zhongfeng.12 Furthermore, the Xitianmu zushan zhi (Records of the West Tianmu Mountain of the Ancestors 西天目祖山志) purports that Zhongfeng composed a Chan verse dedicated to Yongzhong.13 In the scant canonical references to Yongzhong, he is variably identified as “Venerable Jueji 絕際上人”, “Chan Master Jueji 絕際禪師”, and “Yougzhong of Huanzhu cottage 幻住庵永中.” Notably, Kaplan stands alone among scholars in designating him as Zhixian Yongzhong 智賢永中 (Kaplan 2020, p. 14). It is pertinent to underscore, however, that no substantive evidence has substantiated Zhixian as one of Yongzhong’s monastic appellations.

Based on an assessment of these sources, it becomes evident that Yongzhong likely maintained affiliations with the Linji Gaofeng lineage. This is grounded in our knowledge that Zhongfeng indisputably inherited the dharma from Gaofeng, and it appears that Yongzhong may have functioned as a disciple under Zhongfeng’s tutelage. Nonetheless, it is notable that Yongzhong’s name does not appear among the recorded successors within the lineage accounts of the Gaofeng tradition. While Shiina asserted Yongzhong’s status as a dharma heir of Zhongfeng, the evidence at our disposal remains inadequate to substantiate this claim (Shiina 2011, p. 627). However, even in the absence of comprehensive materials that would weave a coherent narrative around Yongzhong, there is a compelling case to be made that he played a pivotal role in reorganizing and expanding the scattered contents of the Zilin baoxun during the Yuan dynasty, ultimately rechristening it as the Zimen jingxun. Should Shiina’s contention hold true and the Korean publication and preservation of this version materialize, the future may unveil additional insights into Yongzhong and this edition through Korean sources.

5. The Ming Zimen Jingxun and Rujin

Records pertaining to Rujin are not abundant either. Nonetheless, it seems unequivocal that Rujin is the compiler responsible for the reorganization of the Yuan era Zimen jingxun by Yongzhong, resulting in the publication of a new version during the Ming dynasty. Furthermore, a consensus exists among most sources that this Ming era re-composition represents the definitive rendition of the Zimen jingxun and aligns closely with the versions currently in circulation.

The Bu Xu Gaoseng zhuan (A Supplement of the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks 補續高僧傳) presents the most comprehensive account of Rujin’s biography:

如巹。號蔤菴。嘉禾姜氏子。母殷氏。感吉夢而娠。師生而秀異。不樂處俗。依真如衡宗繼公為師。繼故。義苑白眉。師深造堂奧。徐知文字非究竟法。以景泰庚午。至杭。參空谷隆公於修吉山。問露柱因緣。谷良久曰。此是說不得底自會去。久之。谷亡。自惟失怙。始專心淨土法門。自利利人。一歸乎是。以至勸人念佛。數以米一粒一聲。積二百斛。炊飯以供眾。散施佛圖若干萬。如此多歷年所。師甞以五燈會元。篇帙浩重。未攝略機。遂銳意抄簡。以為務使攬要知歸。不在繁文也。書成。目曰禪宗正脉。學者便之。閱覧之次。至杜鴻漸謁無住禪師庭樹鵶鳴處。似有省。曰果然是說不得底。師素有琢磨靜行。無浮濫之習。雖年老而進道益力。不以略有所見。便自休歇。道無盡。吾不可有盡求也。晚年罄衣鉢。刻緇門警訓。與年相若者共之。意可見矣。後終於本山。14

Rujin, also known by his monastic name Mi’an, hailed from the Jiang family of Jiahe. His mother, surnamed Yin, conceived him after an auspicious dream. Displaying an innate intelligence and remarkable qualities from birth, he held no ambitions for worldly matters. He apprenticed under Zhenru Hengzong Jigong as his mentor. After Master Ji’s passing, he continued his studies under Master Baimei in Yiyuan. Immersing himself deeply in the teachings, Rujin gradually realized that the essence of the Dharma could not be fully expressed in written words.

In the year of Jiatai, during the Gengwu era, he arrived in Hangzhou and sought guidance from Master Konggu Longgong on Mt. Xiuji, inquiring about the essence of the ultimate truth. After a prolonged silence, Konggu remarked, “This is something that cannot be explained in words; it can only be personally experienced.” After some time, Konggu passed away, and Rujin felt that he had lost a reliable source of support. This prompted him to focus exclusively on the Pure Land teachings, benefiting both himself and others and embracing a singular dedication. He counted each recitation as a grain of rice, and, upon accumulating two hundred sacks, he cooked the rice to distribute it among the congregation. He generously supported the construction of several thousand stupas at various intervals, thus spanning numerous years.

Recognizing the bulk and weight of the chapters and volumes within the Compendium of the Five Lamps, Rujin concluded that its essence was not adequately distilled. With resolute determination, he embarked on the task of compiling a concise version, aiming to provide seekers with an essential understanding, free from unnecessary complexities. Upon its completion, he titled the work The Authentic Lineage of the Chan School, which students found to be a valuable resource. As they read through its contents sequentially, they came across the account of Du Hongjian visiting Chan master Wuzhu under the crowing tree. Rujin himself seemed to glean insight from this passage, uttering, “Indeed, words are insufficient for this!”

Rujin had always engaged in contemplative practice and austere living, free from frivolous habits. Despite his advanced age, his spiritual cultivation remained robust, and he did not pause or rest upon a mere semblance of understanding, recognizing that the path had no end. He humbly acknowledged that his own seeking had its limitations: “The Way is endless; my pursuit should not be limited.” In his later years, he exhausted his material possessions to meticulously carve Admonitions to the Black-robed Monastics, which he shared with those of similar age. His intent was clear. Eventually, he passed away at his home temple, bringing his journey to a close.

(See Note 4)

This biography documented the birthplace of Rujin as Jiahe, now situated in the Zhejiang province. Displaying an early aversion to worldly matters, he exhibited a strong scholarly disposition as a monk. Consequently, he gradually arrived at the realization that the ultimate verity transcended the confines of textual composition. This realization prompted his decision to engage in the study of the Chan teachings under the guidance of Konggu Jinglong (1393–1471). Following Konggu’s demise, Rujin experienced a sense of bereavement at the absence of a mentor upon whom he could rely. This catalyst led him to redirect his focus toward dedicated practice in the realm of Pure Land Buddhism. Furthermore, he advocated the practice of reciting the name of the Amitabha Buddha, encouraging others to do the same.

Sensing an overabundance of length and intricacy within the Wudeng huiyuan (Compendium of the Five Lamp Records), he surmised that distilled, concise works hold the key to unveiling the essence. It was with this perspective that he embarked upon the compilation of a streamlined rendition, titled Chanzong zhengmo (The Authentic Lineage of the Chan School), which, in its brevity, emerged as a convenient pedagogical resource. Subsequent to this endeavor, Rujin appeared to have encountered an enlightening experience upon his further perusal of scriptures. Despite his advanced age, his dedication to diligent practice remained unwavering. Moreover, he invested the entirety of his financial resources into the creation of the Zimen jingxun.

The compiled Zimen jingxun, authored by Rujin, incorporated a preface composed by his lineage predecessor, Konggu.15 In this preface, Konggu elucidated that the purpose behind the compilation of the Zimen jingxun was to document the diverse methodologies employed by masters in the training of Chan practitioners. The publication of this work by Rujin was intended to facilitate a comprehensive understanding of dharma through recorded discourse. With this heightened comprehension of dharma, individuals would be poised to engage in the cultivation of their mental faculties. This transformative process would culminate in the realization of one’s innate Buddha nature.16

Evidently, Rujin emerges as the compiler of the Ming rendition of the Zimen jingxun. Nevertheless, certain disparities persist regarding the extent of his compilation. Notably, the extant Zimen jingxun within the various versions of Chinese Buddhist canons is uniformly attributed to Rujin, encompassing a total of ten scrolls. Paradoxically, findings from Shiina’s research indicated that the original version initially published by Rujin was limited to a mere two scrolls (Shiina 2011, p. 625).

The rendition of the Zimen jingxun attributed to Rujin is believed to have been transmitted to Japan approximately fifty years subsequent to its initial publication in China. Its comprehensive text has primarily been preserved within the Kanbun 寬文 edition, published in Japan circa 1666. This particular edition encompassed a postscript composed by Rujin, wherein he explicated the motives behind his efforts toward restructuring and reissuing the Ming Zimen jingxun. He delineated his encounter with the antiquated version of the Zimen jingxun, recognizing its potential as an invaluable guide for novice practitioners of Buddhism. However, the minuscule characters of the original rendition posed challenges for readers. Consequently, he resolved to undertake the republication of this work, enlisting the assistance of his associate Shen Junjie 沈君節 to transcribe the content in larger script, thus facilitating its recasting into wooden scripts by an experienced publishing establishment. This collaborative endeavor reached fruition in the tenth year of the Chenghua 成化 reign period (1465–1487). Notably, this revised edition purportedly incorporated an additional twenty-four pieces of admonitory content into the anthology, culminating in a total of 196 entries (Shiina 2011, p. 629).

It is noteworthy that Rujin’s mentor, Konggu, composed the preface for the Zimen jingxun in the sixth year of Chenghua, despite the book’s publication transpiring in the tenth year. A plausible rationale for this temporal incongruity lies in the demise of Konggu shortly after he crafted the preface. As per accounts within Chanzong zhengmo and Zongtong biannian, Konggu passed away in the same year as the preface’s drafting, further bolstering the notion that his death may have contributed to the postponement of the Zimen jingxun’s publication, possibly due to funerary and related proceedings.

The Japanese Kanbun edition exclusively contained two scrolls, a characteristic shared by all extant versions of the Zimen jingxun attributed to Rujin in Japan prior to the 19th century. Conversely, each of the Rujin-authored Zimen jingxun editions within the Chinese canon encompassed ten scrolls. Although the comparative analysis conducted by Shiina indicated content parity between the ten-scroll and two-scroll renditions, the former demonstrated a restructured sequence in contrast to the latter. This alteration could conceivably be attributed to the formatting requirements for inclusion within published canon (Shiina 2011, p. 630). The inaugural instance of a ten-scroll Zimen jingxun version integrated into the Chinese canon materialized within the Beizang 北藏 edition of 1586 (Shiina 2011, p. 625). Considering that the Beizang laid the foundational template for both the Jiaxingzang 嘉興藏 edition and the Qianlongzang 乾隆藏, with Jiaxingzang serving as one of the primary sources for the Taishō canon, the reason behind the prevalence of the ten-scroll version derived from the Taishō canon becomes evident.17

The preceding deliberations contribute insights into the compilers of the Zimen jingxun and the corresponding chapter quantities within each compilation. Conventionally, the compilers of literary works often express their perspectives by curating specific materials for inclusion. Thus, investigating the ascription of authorship to the compilers of the Zimen jingxun holds scholarly significance. Drawing upon the available materials and corroborating evidence, we can begin to formulate an initial comprehension of the compilers’ identities and the historical epoch of the Zimen jingxun’s publication. This preliminary analysis is visually represented in

Table 2. Essential information about the Zilin baoxun and the Zimen jingxun.

Version	Zilin Baoxun	Zimen Jingxun	Zimen Jingxun	Zimen Jingxun
Compiler	Zexian Yunqi	Yongzhong	Rujin	Rujin
Scrolls	1	2	2	10
Entries	151	172	196	196
Year	1255, Song	1313, Yuan	1474, Ming	1586, Ming
Origins of authorship and compilation period	Postscript of Ooi gossan 覆五山 edition, Japan, early Muromachi period	Postscript of the Korean edition, Korea, 1378	Postscript of Kanbun edition, Japan, around 1666	Beizang edition, Ming, 1586
Outstanding questions	The authenticity of the compiler	Number of scrolls in this version	Number of scrolls in this version	Reason for division into ten scrolls

below:

6. Contents of the Zimen Jingxun

The Zimen jingxun is often regarded by many Korean scholars and Buddhist practitioners as a fundamental instructional manual for novice monastics. For instance, Kaplan argued that the Zimen jingxun is a pivotal text employed by Korean monastic seminaries for the training of monks and nuns (Kaplan 2020, p. 14). Notably, within the context of Chinese Buddhist communities, there is a shortage of records that recognize the Zimen jingxun as a crucial monastic textbook. This absence of documentation warrants further research to uncover its significance. Kaplan cited the Yuan work Cunsi qinggui, which was transmitted from China to Korea, suggesting that novice monks should be educated using the Zimen jingxun (Kaplan 2020, p. 15). However, the Cunsi qinggui appears to have been lost within the Chinese Buddhist canon, with only minimal references, if any.

Contemporary scholars often reference the Zimen jingxun for research purposes due to its preservation of critical writings by Buddhist masters. However, within the curricula of both pre-modern and modern Chinese Buddhist monastic institutions, scarcely any documentation has been discovered that incorporates the Zimen jingxun into these teachings. While historical records do indicate that a layperson named Yang Jingchao 楊淨超 funded the printing and dissemination of the Zimen jingxun during the late Qing dynasty, his motivation was primarily to accumulate personal merit. This act was motivated by the common Buddhist belief that printing scriptures or works of masters would contribute to positive karma in future lives. Consequently, this event did not garner significant attention within Buddhist communities (Zhang 1997, p. 4).

The reasons for the popularity of the Zimen jingxun in Korea and Japan, as well as its omission from Chinese Buddhist training programs, remain intriguing questions warranting further exploration. Additionally, the identities of readers within the Chinese Buddhist sphere subsequent to its publication present a thought-provoking subject for discussion, albeit beyond the scope of this present paper.

It is feasible to conduct an analysis of the content encompassed within the Zimen jingxun based on the available sources. Both the Zilin baoxun and Zimen jingxun employ the term xun (admonition 訓) within their titles, signifying the intention of offering guidance or caution to Buddhist practitioners regarding the appropriate conduct and ethical behavior. This text specifically addresses individuals within the zimen 緇門, which pertains to those within the ranks of monastics, commonly referred to as the community of black robes.

While the compilation of the Zimen jingxun spanned from the Song to the Ming dynasty, the genre of Buddhist admonition literature predates the Song era and gained prominence during the Ming period, particularly due to the challenges faced by Buddhist communities. A prime example of this genre during the Ming era is the Zimen chongxing lu 緇門崇行錄, compiled by Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲祩宏 (Zhang 1997, p. 4). It is worth noting that the Zimen jingxun underwent multiple rounds of editing, possibly resulting in a lack of apparent structural coherence in the arrangement of its content. Conversely, other admonition works, such as the Zimen chongxing lu, exhibit well-defined categorization and organization.

Furthermore, the Zimen jingxun incorporated Buddhist texts that espouse Confucian and Daoist teachings. While many of these Confucian and Daoist works can trace their origins back to the Song or pre-Song periods, it is challenging to ascertain whether they were part of the initial edition or were subsequently added in later versions. Nevertheless, these inclusions align with the overarching theme from the Song dynasty onward, emphasizing the imperative for Buddhism to establish avenues of communication and mutual understanding with Confucian and Daoist schools, as well as contemporary literati circles (Schlütter 2008, p. 179).

Based on the Taishō edition of the Zimen jingxun, the extant and commonly circulated version, the book comprises a total of 196 articles. In comparison to the Zilin baoxun, the foundational version containing only 21 articles, the Zimen jingxun exhibits a substantial expansion. Notably, this edition is organized into ten distinct chapters, although the rationale behind this division remains enigmatic. The arrangement does not follow a systematic categorization based on content, nor does it ensure an equitable distribution of articles or word count across each chapter. For instance, while the ninth chapter encompasses 38 pieces, the initial chapter contains a mere 9. A closer examination of the number of characters reveals significant disparities among the chapters. Specifically, chapter seven spans 9044 characters, in stark contrast to chapter five, which contains a mere 4778 words—just slightly over half the number of characters of the former.

Table 3. Chapter lengths in the Zimen jingxun.

Chapter	Number of Articles	Number of Characters
One	10	8044
Two	24	7451
Three	24	7977
Four	27	8784
Five	12	4778
Six	13	7361
Seven	18	9044
Eight	17	7637
Nine	38	8172
Ten	13	7268

offers a comprehensive overview of the length of each of the ten chapters comprising the Zimen jingxun:

Nevertheless, taking into account that the majority of the chapters encompass from approximately 7300 to 8000 words each, it is conceivable, as posited by Shiina, that the compiler of the Chinese Buddhist canon partitioned Rujin’s two volumes of the Zimen jingxun into ten segments to align with the formatting of the canon.

The Taishō version of the Zimen jingxun features an initial table of contents within the anthology. However, the order of articles in this table of contents slightly deviates from that of the anthology itself. Furthermore, one piece within the book is conspicuously absent from the table of contents. The four articles arranged differently are: “Han xianzong kai fohuafa bennei zhuan (Emperor Han Xianzong’s Promotion of Buddhism 漢顯宗開佛化法本內傳)”, “Shiwuqi chanshi song qingshizhe huili xingshi (Master Shiwu Qi’s Farewell to Attendant Qing on his Return to his Provincial Teacher 石屋琪禪師送慶侍者回里省師)”, “Jiezhi xiaocan (A Concise Guide to Monastic Regulations 結制小參)”, and “Shang tang (Lecture Hall Discourse 上堂).” In the table of contents, “Han xianzong kai fohuafa bennei zhuan” is positioned under chapter five, while the other three articles are assigned to chapter ten. In contrast, in the actual sequence of the anthology, this arrangement is reversed. Hence, the last three articles pertain to chapter five, and the first one is found under chapter ten. Notably absent from the table of contents is the article “Zan fushafo jie (Gāthā praising of the Puṣya Buddha 讚弗沙佛偈).”

Although the articles within the Zimen jingxun lack categorical organization, certain predominant themes become evident upon scrutiny of their titles and contents. Consequently, for enhanced clarity in comprehending this content, I have classified them into three overarching categories and eight sub-categories in

Table 4. Categorizations of content within the Zimen jingxun.

Category	Sub-Category	Articles	Total
Admonitory Instructions	Admonitory discourses and letters	1.1; 1.2; 1.3; 1.6; 1.9; 1.10; 2.2; 2.4; 2.7; 2.10; 2.11; 2.12; 2.14; 2.15; 2.18; 2.19; 2.20; 2.21; 3.1; 3.2; 3.5; 3.7; 3.8; 4.14; 4.18; 4.19; 5.1; 5.2; 5.3; 5.4; 5.5; 5.6; 5.7; 5.8; 6.1; 6.2; 6.3; 6.4; 6.5; 6.6; 6.11; 7.1; 7.4; 7.6; 7.8; 7.9; 7.10; 7.12; 7.13; 7.16; 8.1; 8.14; 9.1; 9.8; 9.12; 9.14; 9.15; 9.17; 9.18; 9.19; 9.20; 9.24; 9.30; 9.32; 9.35; 10.6; 10.7; 10.11	68
	Maxims of patriarchs	2.5; 2.6; 2.9; 2.16; 2.17; 2.22; 2.23; 4.13; 4.15; 4.24; 4.25; 4.26; 6.7; 6.8; 6.9; 6.12; 6.13; 7.2; 7.5; 7.7; 7.11; 7.17; 8.3; 8.12; 8.13; 8.15; 8.16; 9.2; 9.3; 9.5; 9.7; 9.16; 9.22; 9.23; 9.28; 9.29; 10.12; 10.13	38
	Monastic precepts	3.9; 3.10; 3.11; 3.11; 3.12; 3.13; 3.14; 3.15; 3.16; 3.17; 3.18; 3.19; 3.20; 3.21; 3.22; 3.23; 3.24; 4.1; 4.2; 4.3; 4.4; 4.5; 4.6; 4.7; 4.8; 4.9; 4.10; 4.11; 4.12; 4.16; 4.17; 4.20; 4.21; 4.22; 4.23; 5.12; 7.15; 8.6; 8.7; 8.8; 8.9; 8.10; 9.37; 10.1; 10.2; 10.3; 10.4; 10.9	48
Daily Practices	Chan Practice	1.7; 1.8; 2.1; 2.3; 2.13; 3.4; 3.6; 4.27; 7.18; 8.17; 9.4; 9.9; 9.10; 9.11; 9.13; 9.21; 9.36	17
	Pure land Practice	5.9; 5.10; 5.11; 9.6	4
	Assorted Practices	7.14; 8.2; 8.4; 8.5; 8.11; 9.25; 9.26; 9.27; 9.31; 9.38; 10.10	11
The Three Teachings	Confucian Thought	1.4; 1.5; 2.24; 6.10; 10.5; 10.8	6
	The Three Teachings	2.8; 3.3; 7.3; 9.34	4

Note: the numbers provided in Table 4 correspond to the chapter and article identifiers for each respective piece. For instance, 1.3 represents Chapter 1, Article 3.

. Notably, the category designated as “admonitions” alone encompasses 154 articles. Significantly, despite both Yongzhong and Rujin belonging to the Linji lineage of Chan, the Zimen jingxun incorporates teachings and admonitions spanning various sects of Chinese Buddhism, even including pieces that underscore the Three Teachings. This phenomenon reflects the trend prevailing since the Song dynasty, which emphasizes the interplay and, at times, fusion of the Three Teachings—Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. These categories are presented in the chart below.

All the entries within the Zimen jingxun have distinctive titles. While many titles offer insights into their speakers or authors, certain titles lack such attributions. Therefore, delving into the origins of these unattributed pieces could yield valuable insights through future research. Based on the current state of this investigation, it is conceivable that there exist articles within this anthology that possess unique value, as they cannot be located elsewhere.

Another salient aspect is the substantial presence of works composed by literati during medieval China, as opposed to monastics. Notably, some of these works can even be traced back to the emperors of the time. Among them, a selection of letters exchanged between monks and literati is also present. In the Zimen jingxun, 17 articles are authored by secular figures, while 6 consist of correspondence between monks and literati. An example of this phenomenon is the inclusion of the piece “Hongzhou baofeng chanyuan xuanfotang ji (Record of the Selection of the Buddha Hall at Hongzhou Baofeng Chan Monastery 洪州寶峯禪院選佛堂記)” by the renowned prime minister Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1121), alongside an ode composed by Pang Yun 龐蘊 (740–808), or Layman Pang. This distinct emphasis on works by literati and emperors sets the Zimen jingxun apart, as other admonition compilations, such as the Zimen chongxing lu, predominantly feature contributions from monastics. The burgeoning interactions between Buddhist clergy and literati during the Song dynasty are palpably mirrored in the compilation of the Zimen jingxun.

Interestingly, while the Zimen jingxun explicitly integrates at least ten articles that exemplify Confucian thought and the Three Teachings, such inclusions are relatively rare in the Zilin baoxun. Nonetheless, we can already observe a trend in the Zilin baoxun to incorporate the ideas of literati such as Layman Wujin 無盡居士, or Zhang Shangying, and Sima Wen Gong 司馬溫公, or Sima Guang 司馬光. Certainly, the Zimen jingxun contains even more inclusions of works from secular figures. Nevertheless, a more comprehensive comparative analysis of the contents of the Zimen jingxun and Zilin baoxun, in terms of their incorporation of literati works, awaits further scholarly exploration.

Given that this anthology is believed to have originated during the Song dynasty, it is understandable that certain articles related to precepts may appear to be antiquated from a contemporary standpoint. For instance, while some ancient Indian monastic precepts may no longer apply and necessitate reinterpretation, the entry “Jie wei fozhi butong yuren (Buddha-Imposed Precepts Unshakeable by Others 戒唯佛制不通餘人)” from Chapter Three underscores that precepts were exclusively established by the Buddha and should thus not be subject to debate or alteration. Moreover, regarding the perspective on Buddhist nuns, the anthology’s articles uphold a conservative stance that asserts female practitioners to be physically and mentally inferior to their male counterparts, thereby advocating their adherence to the Eight Garudhammas, or the Eight Rules to be Respected.

Here, I provide the translation of an article found on the second scroll of the compendium, titled “Liang gaoseng chengfazhu yijie xiaoshi (The Instructions of the Venerable Abbot Cheng of the Liang Dynasty to His Junior Disciple 梁高僧稱法主遺誡小師).” This serves as an illustrative instance of how Buddhist masters in medieval China amalgamated Confucian teachings with prominent Buddhist ethical principles.

梁高僧偁法主遺誡小師：

塵世匪堅浮生不久。我光陰以謝。汝齒髮漸高。無以世利下其身。無以虛名苟其利。莫輕仁賤義。莫嫉善妬才。莫抑遏無辜。莫沈埋有德。莫疎慵人事。莫懶墮焚修。莫耽湎睡眠。莫強知他事。莫空腹高心。莫營私利己。莫恃強欺弱。莫利己損他。無以長而慢後生。無以少而欺老宿。無以財華下視物。無以意氣高揖人。無以不善苦相親。無以善而却憎惡。無以片能稱我是。無以少解道他非。無以在客慢主人。無以為主輕旅客。無以在事失綱紀。無以㑃眾破條章。無以誹謗怪他人。無以穿鑿覓他過。好向佛法中用意。多於塵境上除情。袈裟下失却人身。實為苦也。捺落裡受諸異報。可謂屈焉。況端拱無為。安閑不役。徐行金地高坐華堂。足不履泥手不彈水。身上衣而口中食。豈易消乎。圓却頂而方却袍為何事也。其或剛柔得所。進退含容。堪行即行。可止即止。無貪眼下。數省時中。一點相當萬金消得。予以千叮萬囑。苦口甘言。依余言者。來世相逢。若不依予言者。擬向何處出頭。珍重珍重。18

The Instructions of the Venerable Abbot Cheng of the Liang Dynasty to His Junior Disciple:

The worldly realm is not enduring, and the transient life is short-lived. My time here is coming to an end. As your years advance, do not lower yourself for worldly gain, nor compromise genuine virtue for empty fame. Do not underestimate benevolence or belittle righteousness. Do not envy goodness or begrudge talent. Do not suppress the innocent or bury the virtuous. Do not neglect your duties to others or become sluggish in your responsibilities. Do not indulge in excess or negligence while cultivating your practice. Do not succumb to indulgence in sleep and idleness. Do not impose your knowledge on others forcibly. Do not let an empty stomach lead to arrogance. Do not pursue self-interest at the expense of others. Do not take advantage of the strong and oppress the weak. Do not gain for yourself while causing loss to others.

Do not behave arrogantly toward the younger generation due to your seniority. Do not disrespect the elderly due to their age. Do not belittle others due to your talents. Do not condescend to others due to your own virtues. Do not approach those who are unkind with unkindness. Do not reject those who are virtuous with aversion. Do not claim perfection based on limited abilities. Do not hastily dismiss the teachings of others as erroneous. Do not be impolite to your host as a guest. Do not treat your guests lightly as a host. Do not lose your sense of propriety in your affairs. Do not disrupt the harmony of the assembly. Do not slander or find fault with others unjustly. Do not nitpick or search for others’ shortcomings. Make earnest use of the Buddha’s teachings and strive to eliminate attachments within the mundane realm.

Wearing the monastic robe but losing your true self underneath is indeed a hardship, to endure adverse retribution in purgatory could be deemed unfortunate. Moreover, the practice of simply adhering to your nature without undue effort or unnecessary labor, walking leisurely on the golden ground, sitting tranquilly in the adorned hall, with feet untouched by mud and hands unsullied by water, adorning the body with clothing and nourishing the mouth with food—how can it be effortless? What is the significance of your shaven head and monastic robe? If only you could appropriately balance strength and flexibility, advancing and retreating with restraint, embodying a demeanor of tolerance. Act when action is appropriate, cease when cessation is fitting. Do not covet what is immediately before your eyes; frequently scrutinize the time that passes. A single moment proportionally expended is worth more than countless treasures.

I offer these words repeatedly and emphatically, employing both stern admonition and gentle persuasion. Those who follow my words shall meet again in the future. As for those who do not heed my words, where will they find refuge? Be mindful, be mindful.

(See Note 4)

This composition is attributed to a Buddhist master from the tenth century Later Liang dynasty (907–923). While the emphasis on the amalgamation of the Three Teachings became conspicuous during the Song dynasty, we discern traces of this inclination in earlier epochs through this piece. From the line “Do not underestimate benevolence or belittle righteousness. Do not envy goodness or begrudge talent 莫輕仁賤義” to “Do not nitpick or search for others’ shortcomings 無以穿鑿覓他過”, with the exception of “Do not indulge in excess or negligence while cultivating your practice 莫懶墮焚修”, all other lines resonate with Confucian teachings. In essence, within this composition spanning 341 characters, 153 characters are consonant with Confucius’ principles. The Confucian doctrine is underscored by the emphasized values of “benevolence 仁” and “righteousness 義”, emblematic of Confucianism’s distinct attributes. Furthermore, the virtues of gracious hospitality to guests, refraining from exploiting individuals due to their age, and upholding proper conduct are all aligned with the tenets of Confucian teachings.

Concerning Buddhist monastic conduct, this article underscores the imperative for Buddhist clergy to diligently engage in the study and practice of Buddha dharma. Otherwise, they will lack the means to reciprocate the support extended by patrons, possibly leading to rebirth in lower realms of existence. These themes similarly permeate numerous other articles within the Zimen jingxun. Nevertheless, for a deeper comprehension of the moral focal points within the selections of this anthology, a more comprehensive investigation is warranted.

7. Conclusions

This paper explored the diverse editions of the Zimen jingxun and the potential compilers involved. Based on available resources, it appears reasonable to attribute the compilation of the Zimen jingxun to Yongzhong during the Yuan dynasty and to Rujin during the Song dynasty. However, the original compiler of the foundational work, the Zilin baoxun, upon which the Zimen jingxun is based, remains unidentified due to a lack of extant documentation. Consequently, the conventional attribution of Zexian Yunqi as its author lacks definitive verification. Additionally, the discrepancies observed in various sources regarding the number of scrolls in the Zimen jingxun may stem from layout adjustments during the text’s incorporation into the Buddhist canon.

Beyond compiler attribution, this study also delved into the content of the Zilin baoxun and Zimen jingxun, highlighting the discernible emphasis on a harmonized pursuit of the Three Teachings within the Zimen jingxun. Furthermore, the notable inclusion of numerous contributions from literati warrants attention.

Although the Zimen jingxun has been extensively examined in Korea (Shiina 2011, p. 623; Kang 2004, p. 302), and many of its earlier editions are preserved in Japan, a comprehensive analysis of the anthology remains absent. Furthermore, while the Zimen jingxun continues to exert its influence in contemporary Chinese Buddhism, with vernacular Chinese translations and interpretations being published and reprinted, its historical usage in late Imperial China remains obscure. Despite the anthology’s alleged compilation during the Song dynasty and completion in the Ming dynasty, aside from the Ming version’s preface briefly emphasizing the anthology’s significance for Buddhist practitioners, there are few documented accounts detailing how Buddhists have incorporated this anthology into their practice. Consequently, further research is imperative to comprehensively fathom the impact of the Zimen jingxun on east Asian Buddhism and its significance within the realm of Chinese Buddhist canon.