Chan Gong’an and the “Flexible Method”: A Study on Xuedou Chongxian’s Classic Eulogies and Its Influence on Poetics

Abstract

This paper argues that as poetics in the Song Dynasty developed, the thinking mode and methods of written expression in Chan Buddhism provided a theoretical reference and creative practical experience for the formation of poetic theories. This point is particularly evident in the formation of the “flexible method”, which was a key theory in poetics of the Song Dynasty. The theory comprises three layers of meaning: it advocates respecting forms, changing the meaning of those forms, and retaining the inherent grace of the forms through a natural and fluent syntax and rhetoric of “defamiliarization”. This theory was highly mature in the writing of Lv Benzhong of the Southern Song Dynasty. Xuedou Chongxian (980–1052), a sixth-generation Chan Buddhist at Xuedou Temple, made a vital contribution to its development, which is highlighted by studying the “Hundred Classic Eulogies”. Xuedou Chongxian initially constructed the connotation and system of the theory of the “flexible method” in both theoretical and practical aspects. His theory of poetics is rooted in the ways of thinking and cultivating of the Yunmen sect. He incorporated his dual identity as a senior monk of the Yunmen School and a poet. He inherited Guanxiu’s view of poetry and the Chan concept of Shitou Xiqian and Zhimen Guangzuo, which greatly impacted the literati of the Northern Song Dynasty and provided a conceptual basis for maturing and improving the “flexible method” theory. Therefore, Xuedou Chongxian’s value in the theoretical construction of the “flexible method” should not be ignored.

1. Introduction

Tang poetry and Song poetry represent two peaks in the history of classical Chinese poetics. The poets of the Song Dynasty created “new themes”, “new images”, “new expressions” and “new tastes” in attempt to transcend the achievements of Tang poetry. Although it is generally accepted that the Song lyrics is the typical style of Song literature, such lyrics were produced in similar volume by a similar number of writers and achieved similar influence. In the study of Chinese poetics, the importance of Song poetry cannot be neglected.

Xuedu Chongxian, an important member of the Yunmen Sect, inherited Guanxiu’s concept of “integrating poems and Chan” in the creation of his eulogies to the past. Through analogy and association, he incorporated the Yunmen Sect’s concept of “metaphysics” into his poetic imagery and textual expression to build a text full of a sense of spirit and imagination. He inherited Shi Shiqian’s concept of “mutual dependence”, breaking down the boundaries between the physical and the metaphysical, and integrating a harmonizing style into his creations. He also inherited Zhimen Guangzuo’s approach of “enlightenment” and used everyday imagery and ordinary language into his poems so that his works show a very strong dissemination. His creative practices and concepts laid the foundation for the construction of the “flexible method”, a key concept in Song poetry. However, his contribution has long been obscured in the study of Song poetic theory. Therefore, this paper aims to reveal the value and significance of Xuedu Chongxian and his creations in the establishment of the key theories in Song poetry. At the same time, through this case, we hope to call the attention of researchers to the influence of Buddhist literary texts in the theoretical construction of Song poetry.

In previous studies, the work of Lv Benzhong (1085–1145), a poet of the Jiangxi School, was recognized as the epitome of this theory. In Preface to the Collected Works of Xia Junfu (《夏均父集序》), he wrote:

The flexible method should be acquired to learn poetic creation. The so-called flexible method means to go beyond laws with a good understanding of forms and rules and possess many skills for change in form without violating rules. This method respects the standards of poetic creation skills without being restrained by them, while maintaining reverence for the poetic tradition. With a good understanding of this principle, the flexible method can be discussed. Xie Yuanhui once said, “Good poems shall be hoops, beautiful for their smoothness and fluency”. This is an accurate description of flexible methods.

(Chen 1995, p. 414)

(学诗当识活法。所谓活法者,规矩备而能出于规矩之外,变化不测而亦不背于规矩也。是道也,盖有定法而无定法,无定法而有定法,知是者,则可以与语活法矣。谢元晖有言”,好诗流转圆美如弹丸”,此真活法也。)

The proposal of this theory has corrected the shortcomings of the excessive obscurity and rigidity of the Jiangxi School to a large extent, enabling the pursuit of pursuing variable poetic techniques without violating the fixed standards of poetic forms and adding a smooth and fluent beauty to the style of poems in the Song Dynasty.

Some believe that Hu Su (995–1067), a poet of the late period of the Xikun style, was the first to advocate for “flexible method” theory. Researchers have quoted Hu Su as saying, “There are only a few poets who know about applying flexible method, not to mention those who understand the mystery of the skill” (诗中活法无多子,眼里知音有几人). They have also confirmed that he laid the foundation for the basic declarations and characteristics of styles of “flexible method” theory through the investigation of his creation (refer to Deng and Zeng 2009; Zeng 2011).

However, this paper points out that in the exploration of the origin of “flexible method theory”, a poetic concept with conspicuous features of Chan discourse, the contribution of Chongxian (980–1052), who was a literary Chan representative in the Northern Song Dynasty, the “third person well-versed in Chan of his age” (Huhua 1994, p. 402), and a sixth-generation Zen Buddhist from Xuedou Temple, according to Japanese scholar Nukariya Kaiten, cannot be neglected.

Fang Hui (1227–1305) wrote the following in Preface to Blue Cliff Record (《碧岩录序》):

Starting from Bodhidharma, it was not until Huineng, the sixth-generation Buddhist of Chan, that Chan started to pay attention to language. Therefore, when the Southern Chan declared that ‘all things eventually become empty’ and the Northern Chan advocated that ‘hard practice is required at every moment’, the classic eulogies of Chan were passed down. Afterwards, some apprentices deliberately employed litotes in this form, abusing and criticizing Buddha or their masters to express their own ideas, which endlessly emerged in various forms. There were also people creating a deep understanding of the flexible method theory in poems.

(Chongxian’s Eulogies 1988, p. 319)

(自达摩至六祖传衣,始有言句。曰”本来无一物”为南宗,曰”时时勤拂拭”为北宗,于是有禅宗颂古行世。其徒有翻案法,呵佛骂祖,无所不为,间有深得吾诗家活法者。)

Fang Hui directly pointed out that Chongxian’s creation indicated his vast knowledge of theories on the “flexible method”, while Chongxian’s expression of poetic theories and creation of poetics indeed proved that he was an early developer and practitioner of “flexible method” theory.

Therefore, this paper addresses the three following questions: What is the connotation of “flexible method” theory as initially constructed by Xuedou Chongxian? What are the Chan origins of Chongxian’s “flexible method” theory? What are the manifestations of the spreading of Chongxian’s “flexible method” theory in the poetics of the Song Dynasty?

2. Results: Connotation of Chongxian’s “Flexible Method” Theory

As generalized by Lv Benzhong in the aforementioned “Preface to the Collected Works of Xia Junfu” (《夏均父集序》), the explanation of the “flexible method” should contain three layers of meaning: first, methods for “exceeding the rules of forms with a good understanding of them”; second, understanding of the law of textual forms, including how to make changes without losing quality in “the syntax, rhetoric and ways of distribution of poems as inheritance of the experience of poetics in former generations, and innovat[ing] by learning from, not restricting themselves to ancient” practices; and third, methods for making the style of poems “smooth,… fluent”, natural, and harmonious. Such complete theories on flexible methods were not succinctly expressed in Chongxian’s poetics; however, the distinct features can be seen in their infancy.

Chongxian’s viewpoints on poetics are succinctly manifested in his Eulogies (Songgu) by Monk Xuedou Chongxian, also referred to as the Hundred Classic Eulogies. The so-called eulogy explains and comments on quotations from eminent monks’ Chan gong’an, along with rhythmic poems and Buddhist verses, and explains why Chan gong’an can be hard to understand in spoken and written languages while adhering to the principle of “telling the original meaning in an indirect way” in Buddhism and adopting a “proclamation of the principles of Chan by beating around the bush”. As an important form of “literary Chan” (文字禅), Xuedou Chongxian’s eulogies reflect his Chan ideas, thereby revealing his poetic ideas as he “talks about Chan through poems”. The following section discusses and analyses the construction of Xuedou Chongxian’s “flexible method” theory in the Hundred Classic Eulogies.

2.1. Comprehending Sentences Flexibly, Not Rigidly

When Chan was first established, its basic proposals included “not referring to words” (不立文字) and “approaching Buddha through understanding the nature of Buddha in man himself” (见性成佛). However, during its development, intermediary channels suitable for theoretical dissemination had to be found due to the desire to participate in political affairs. Therefore, “literary Chan” emerged out of necessity. Oral and written languages became intermediaries in the understanding of Buddhist doctrines. Thus, the way to treat words and absorb the meanings contained in them without being restricted in expression by the words themselves or being hampered from entering the state of comprehending Buddhist doctrines has become a critical issue. Huihong (1071–1128) said, “Comprehension of the truth of Buddhist doctrines cannot be expressed, but only presented in language. Language can help one approach the truth of Buddhism and is a marker in grasping the truth. Clear and specific markers indicate the comprehension of truth; therefore, people learning and comprehending Buddhist doctrines always mark the degree of their comprehension level with language” (心之妙不可以语言传,而可以语言见。盖语言者,心之缘,道之标帜也。标帜审则心契,故学者每以语言为得道浅深之候) (Shi 1987, p. 700). It can be concluded that “language” has become important for expressing the level of comprehension of Buddhist doctrines. In Xuedou Chongxian’s view, while attempting to comprehend Chan through poems, emphasis should be placed on “comprehending the connotative meaning of profound Chan doctrines, instead of the denotative meaning of dead and rigid sentences” (参活句,不参死句). Puji recorded the following quotation from Yuanming, a Chan master of Deshan Yuanmi, in the 15th volume of Wu Deng Hui Yuan: “One shall comprehend the meaning between the lines of a sentence, instead of being restricted to the literal meaning of it. If sentences are comprehended flexibly, one can be free from barriers on the road to comprehending the nature of Buddha. The sentence ‘There is a land purified by Buddhism in a grain of dust, and a Buddha in every leaf’ is a dead and rigid sentence. So is ‘raise your eyebrows, glare, lift up your hands, and point at Buddha’. The same with ‘no mistakes are made in the big country’. At that time, a monk asked: ‘What are flexible sentences?’ The master said: ‘Raise your head and look at Persia’” (但参活句,莫参死句。活句下荐得,永劫无滞。一尘一佛国,一叶一释迦,是死句。扬眉瞬目,举指竖拂,是死句。山河大地,更无誵讹,是死句。时有僧问:‘如何是活句?’师曰:‘波斯仰面看’) (Puji 1975–1989, p. 308). Therefore, it can be concluded that the so-called “denotative sentences” (活句) are illogical expressions with a meaning beyond words and point to disposition directly. “Dead and rigid sentences” are expressed by rigorously observation of literal meaning without breaking rules. “Comprehending the connotative meaning of sentences with profound meaning” (参活句) means exceeding the barriers in the textual meaning and entering the state of Chan comprehension—“free from external barriers” through the understanding and expression of purposes beyond words. Xuedou Chongxian inherited this concept and developed it in the form of the eulogy.

His 41st eulogy read:

Although people who have died but awakened again after breathing their last look like dead men, as long as their eyes have life, how can they act like dead men? Just like experimenting with the taboos deliberately after knowing them, so as to examine those who with true comprehension. Making dead men alive again is in no way a state achieved by catering to logical thinking. Even Sakya and Dharma, let alone the Buddhist monks in the world, would have to consider this carefully. How can this be explained in words? Profound sentences with traps are as good as dead and rigid ones, so why turn to writers for medical taboos? Even ancient Buddha failed to become thoroughly enlightened, so who can uncover the myth?

(活中有眼还同死,药忌何须鉴作家。古佛尚言曾未到,不知谁解撤尘沙。)

This is a keen eulogy about the question Monk Zhao Zhou raised to the Chan Master, Touzi: “How can a dead person be revived?” To which Touzi responded, “Don’t hurry on with your journey at night, and you will arrive immediately at daybreak. “Yuanwu Keqin illustrated this in Volume 5 of the “Blue Cliff Record” as follows:

Although people who have died but awakened again after breathing their last look like dead men, as long as their eyes have life, how can they act like dead men?” Xuedou was a man with a thorough understanding of his life; therefore, he could chant the sentence to the point. Xuedou said, “Some flexible people were rigid, and there were also energetic people among the rigid ones. According to the ancient, only when all rigid men were killed could the flexible ones be seen, and only when all rigid men were saved could truly rigid men be seen. Monk Zhao Zhou was a flexible person, and that was why he inquired about death to test Chan Master Touzi, similar to experimenting with medicines with taboos in properties elaborately”. Therefore, Xuedou said, “It is just like experimenting with the taboos deliberately after knowing them so as to examine those who with true comprehension”. The former part of this eulogy was about the questions raised by Monk Zhao Zhou, followed by a comment on Chan Master Touzi’s answer”.

(Chongxian’s Eulogies 1988, p. 179)

This is a precise and excellent comment for examination. Xuedou Chongxian believed that only when one was cornered could one “fight to live in the confrontation of the danger of death” (置之死地而后生); only when breakthroughs are made in one’s way of thinking, the connecting channels between the meaning of language and daily experience are shut off, and textual barriers are broken can the truth about Buddhist doctrines be acquired through instinctive comprehension.

Thus, it can be concluded that Xuedou Chongxian borrowed the textual words and forms of expression in Chan gong’an but also placed the comprehension of argumentation above textual meaning, pursued the exquisite image and transcendence of ideology, integrated illogical means of integration with poetic beauty, developed new ways of expressing ideology, and promoted the combination of “interpretation” and “comprehension”, thus greatly expanding the ideological space of the eulogy. This method was the manifestation of the idea of “moving beyond rules without breaking them” pursued by in the theories of the “flexible method”.

2.2. Unexpected Forms of Language Organization and Ways of Expression

In his eulogies, Xuedou Chongxian emphasized unraveling the gist of Chan gong’an through novel vehicles and the expression of defamiliarization.

Take the 39th eulogy as an example:

Look at the flowers and grasses in the fence, see that pure dharmakaya is everywhere, and stop being careless. Our sight is on the scale, which measures everything, but not on the plates? Whether the meaning contained here can be understood should depend on whether the person raising the doubt truly understands the spiritual essence of golden-haired lions.

(花药栏,莫颟顸,星在秤兮不在盘。便恁么,太无端,金毛狮子大家看。)

This eulogy concerns the questions in the School of Yunmen, some of which are as follows: “A monk asked Chan master Yunmen, ‘What is pure dharma maya?’ Yunmen answered, ‘Anther bar’. The monk said, ‘What will happen in the end?’ Menyun said, ‘A golden-haired lion’”. These questions all concern the key links between reality and thought, but the answers employ daily language and seemingly irrelevant images. Xuedou Chongxian’s explanation of this is fairly interesting: “The stars are in the scales, not in the plates”, meaning that the real truth lies in one’s mind, not in words. Just like a balance with a small bead on the beam but not in the scales, “golden-haired lions differ from person to person”, meaning that the comprehension of aloofness from world affairs and within society lies in the cultivation of every meditator and that differences arise despite common aims. Undoubtedly, Xuedou Chongxian was versed in the Chan sayings of the Yunmen School and described practicing using plain words: running away from persistence with images and exploring truth from the depth of one’s mind.

Therefore, Xuedou Chongxian broke with traditional rhetorical forms and incorporated Chan doctrines and the heart of the Way through flexible metaphors and ordinary language. Such “foreignization” in his expression broke the restrictions on form in traditional poetic and presented new aesthetic scenes. In particular, the rhetorical devices of turning vulgarity into elegance and the method of integrating ordinary objects into poetic conceptions showed the viewpoint of “fixed and unfixed methods” in “flexible method” theory.

2.3. Harmonious with Flowing Beauty, Natural and Flexible

Xuedou Chongxian loved using grand expressions or abruptly describing the natural landscape and spirit of life in one sentence that appeared irrelevant to the preceding Chan sentence but was natural, flexible, lively, and full of energy. This brought readers subconsciously into a realm shaped by the author and allowed endless imagination in this realm.

For example, in his seventh eulogy, he wrote:

The vernal wind won’t blow past the surface of the river, and the partridges cry to the depth of the flowers. In rolling waves, carp have become dragons. I have to scoop up water from the pond at night with unreasoning passion, since I want to make some gains.

(江国春风吹不起,鹧鸪啼在深花里。三级浪高鱼化龙,痴人犹戽夜塘水。)

This is a perfect four-line poem with seven characters to a line and emotions in the scenery and a realm beyond the images. The question asked in Chan gong’an is a traditional proposition. What is Buddhism? According to the Fa-yen School, it is the absence of Buddhism beyond the flesh; Buddhism is in the mind. Yuanwu Keqin explained that “only Chan masters of Fa-yen School with congenial coincidence can answer in this way. This is the so-called transcendence of the restriction of specific images and grants maximum freedom. I can let go or grab depending on timing. The right to make decisions about life and death is in my hands. Anything unusual can be left well undone” (Chongxian’s Eulogies 1988, p. 319). The “transcendence of specific images” here is achieved by discarding the interruption of images and directly pointing to their origin in the mind. The eulogies of Xuedou Chongxian happened to symbolize Chan with landscapes in order to highlight the true meaning he wanted to convey. The first line, “The vernal wind blows past the surface of the river”, makes the reader feel vastness, omnipresence, warmth and softness and concordance with everything; “but can’t move it” indicates heaviness, which creates an awe-inspiring experience in readers. What on earth are the images that will not be melted by the vernal wind? The second line, “Partridges cry in blossoming bushes. In rolling wind and waves”, referring to flying in the sky, is neither sticky nor stagnant. Partridges’ cries in the depth of flowers can be heard while their form is invisible, as if the sound came from the sky. The two lines appear irrelevant, similar. Different enjoyable aspects beyond form and colors are introduced. To determine the truth, one should reject self-centeredness. The third and fourth lines further elucidate this through the use of comparison and allude to the tale of carp becoming dragons at Yu Door.

The following is found in “Extensive Records Compiled in the Taiping Years”: “Mount Dragon gate is to the east of Yellow River. Dayu cut mountains to make stone gates over 500 m wide. The Yellow River flows from it. There is no traffic on either bank. Every late spring, yellow carp go up against the stream, and those passing the gate become dragons” (Li et al. 2011, p. 389). The carp had left after becoming dragons, yet the unreasonably passionate person was still bailing water and trying to fish and thus naturally ended up empty-handed. Compared to that in the two preceding lines, the meaning of this passage is clearer: the nature of Buddhism cannot be comprehended without going beyond images. Xuedou Chongxian built a state where everything was forgotten and void of words and meaning by shaping different objects with different descriptions. The poem was tactful and flowing with beauty, nature and naivety.

According to the preface of Tianqi Zhizhu Xuedou Songgu (天奇直註雪竇頌古) composed by Shoudeng Pantan in the Qing Dynasty, “Eulogies are set to express the concepts comprehended in mind. They either narrate facts directly, or clarify the theme through metaphors, or raise questions so as to create good understanding in people, who will take the spiritual world as the origin, and words with an appropriate syllabus as the ways of expression, taking ideas as the key in expression. But fluency and naturalness can’t be attained, and the original meaning can’t be clarified, nor can the front and the back parts be connected, dominated by wisdom, namely, the supreme state can’t be achieved” (Shi 1976, p. 506). The textual style of Xuedou Chongxian’s eulogies was clearly generalized as being complete, fluent, and directly reaching people’s minds. Therefore, Xuedou Chongxian deeply understood the aesthetic style declared by “flexible method” theory.

Above all, by analyzing Xuedou Chongxian’s eulogies, we can find that, he based this form on “asamskrta-dharmah” (无为法), dealt with opportunities flexibly, and broke free from self-centeredness so that poems and Chan could reinforce each other. By “comprehending sentences flexibly instead of rigidly” (参活句不参死句), capping phrases in a flexible way and being smart and pliable, among other skills, Xuedou Chongxian preliminarily established the relevant theoretical scope and basic systems of “flexible method” theory. Of course, Xuedou Chongxian did not propose the concept of the “flexible method”, and the emphasis in his theory was on “talking about Chan”; therefore, we cannot define him as the father of “flexible method” theory. Instead, we should regard him as a forerunner establishing this theory.

3. Discussion: Chan Origin of Chongxian’s “Flexible Method” Theory

The formation of the poetic theories proposed by Xuedou Chongxian benefitted from the nourishment of concepts in Chan Buddhism and poetic traditions. Guanxiu, Xiqian and Guangzuo were the direct influencers.

3.1. Guanxiu’s Influence: Analogical Thinking

Juefan said the following in the 11th volume of “Famous Chan Masters in Buddhist Temples: Biography of Chan Master Xuedou Chongxian”: “Chongxian was good at literary creation in his youth. He was good at writing Chan poems and admired Monk Guanxiu” (显盛年工翰墨、作为法句。追慕禅月休公。) (Shi 1975–1989, p. 514); Xuedou Chongxian specifically quoted Guanxiu’s poetic lines in his “Hundred Classic Eulogies”; Xuedou Chongxian specially quoted Guanxiu’s poetic lines in “Hundred Classic Eulogies”:

To show ordinary things with extraordinary words, the greatest trick is, on the contrary, manifested as naturalness. The sword of prajna appears either above fingers or in palms, presenting the splendor of supporting the blue sky and dazzling ice and snow. Such a sword can’t be cast and refined even in the largest melting pot, nor can it be polished even by the most excellent swordsmith. How can it be compared? Only the bright light of corals in the ocean reflected against the bright moon are comparable to it” (要平不平，大巧若拙。或指或掌，倚天照雪。大冶兮磨砻不下，良工兮拂拭未歇。别，别，珊瑚枝枝撑着月。).

(Chongxian’s Eulogies 1988, p. 223)

Yuanwu Keqin said, “This is Chanyue’s poem in memory of his friend: ‘A fairy is as thick and heavy as the iron pieces on Tiewei Mountain (铁围山) surrounding the Aral Sea, and as thin as the figured silk wrapping Dong Shuangcheng. A young phoenix in Sichuan circled and danced, and the corals in the ocean dazzled against the reflection of the bright moon in the branches. Wang Kai had countless treasures at home that were difficult to even appreciate, while Yan Hui came from a poor family, and life became especially dismal for his family on snowy days. Ancient junipers had straight branches and trunks that were not bent by thunder and lightning. A parrot pecked a hole in their peaches. Walking into the Dragon King’s Palace, how uneven the splendid curtains and extravagant pillow mats seemed, but I don’t know whether the black dragon has discoveredthat he has lost his pearl” (此语是禅月怀友人诗曰:‘厚似铁围山上铁,薄似双成仙体缬。蜀机凤雏动蹶蹩,珊瑚枝枝撑着月。王凯家中藏难掘,颜回饥汉愁天雪。古桧笔直雷不折,雪衣石女蟠桃缺。佩入龙宫步迟迟,绣帘银簟何参差。即不知骊龙失珠知不知’。)

Xuedou’s eulogies began with a Chan gong’an describing a “state of great enlightenment without distinction between mortals and saints” (廓然无圣) and quoted Bodhi Dharma in his reply to the question of Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty: “What is the essence of Buddhist doctrines?” (如何是圣谛第一义). The eulogy is as follows:

“There is no distinction of great enlightenment between mortals and saints. Is there any need to make distinctions again? I don’t know who I am facing. I will cross the Yangtze River to avoid more impediments. People no longer catch up, and there will only be memory for a long time. They don’t have to miss me, since everything seems as if cool breezes have blown past!” (圣谛廓然，何当辨的？对朕者谁，还云不识。因兹暗渡江，岂免生荆棘。阖国人追不再来，千古万古空中相忆。休相忆，清风匝地有何极！)

As this eulogy clearly shows, Xuedou Chongxian took Bodhi Dharma as a Chan master and carried forward his concept of understanding the primitive disposition and dismissing the differences between mortals and saints, others and the ego through self-justification, we can regard it as the root of the Chan doctrines of Xuedou. In the concluding Chan gong’an on “Sharp Sword”, Guanxiu’s poetic lines read as follows, showing the way of enlightenment: “People who don’t know the way of comprehension only explore the sentences instead of their meaning; people who know how to comprehend, on the other hand, explore meaning instead of sentences” (未透底人，参句不如参意；透得底人，参意不如参句). In other words, we must put meaning before sentences to find our true selves. This represents the intention of Xuedou Chongxian: to talk about Chan through poems. Both can show Xuedou Chongxian’s conceptual origin and methods of practicing perfection. The two eulogies carry the greatest weight among all of the Hundred Classic Eulogies. Overall, we can detect Chongxian’s familiarity with and recommendation of Guanxiu’s works.

Guanxiu (832~912), a monk during the Five Dynasties period under the late Tang Dynasty, had the surname Jiang when he was a secular individual. He came from Lanxi, Jinhua, and was known for his poems and paintings. He was good at painting Buddhist figures, especially ink paintings of arhat without colors, as recorded in the List of Famous Paintings in Yizhou as follows:

“Sixteen pictures of arhats are painted. They have long eyebrows, big eyes, bulging cheeks and high noses. Some of them lean against the stones under pines, and others sit among mountains and rivers. They look like people in the western region or India. The painting is so vivid. When he was asked where he had seen the arhats. He answered, ‘I saw them in my dream’” (画罗汉十六帧，庞眉大目者，朵颐隆鼻者，倚松石者，坐山水者，胡貌梵相，曲尽其态。或问之，云：‘休(贯休自称)自梦中所睹尔’).

(Huang 2011, p. 4)

His poems were also cited by the literati. Biographies of Talents in the Tang Dynasty described him as follows: “upright, integrated and almost peerless. He has an elegant and open bearing as an erudite person. He is endowed with keen talent by God and contains a fierce and upright spirit in his writings. The Yuefu poems and pre-Tang poems he wrote were admired by his contemporaries…He was a hero among monks. There were few that could match him in history. Among his predecessors, only Zhi Daolin was a match for him” (一条直气，海内无双。意度高疏，学问丛脞。天赋敏速之才，笔吐猛锐之气。乐府古律，当时所宗……果僧中之一豪也。后少其比者，前以方支道林不过矣). (Xin 1647, vol. II, p. 94)

Guanxiu was also good at writing in a cursive script. According to the List of Famous Paintings in Yizhou, “Guanxiu was good at cursive script and painting. His contemporaries compared him to Huaisu, and he learned painting from Yan Liben” (善草书图画，时人比诸怀素，画师阎立本。) (Huang 2011, p. 4).

Guanxiu was initially respected by the King of Wuyue, but later on, he infuriated on Chengrui with the poems he dedicated to Chengrui for his birthday. He was sent under guard to Gong’an County (a county in Jingzhou, Hubei Province) and was persuaded by his apprentices to enter Shu (Sichuan Province). He was received by Wang Jian, the King of Former Shu State and his son, Wang Yan. Then, he was given the religious name of Master Chanyue. Chongxian came from Suizhou in Shu State: “He proclaimed himself a Buddhist in Pu’an Temple, Yizhou. Chan Master Renxian was his teacher who shaved and tonsured for him. After leaving Shu State, he traveled in the area of Hubei” (依益州普安院。沙门仁铣为师、落发受具。出蜀浮沈、荆渚间历年。) (Juefan 1071–1128). His early activity highly coincided with that of Guanxiu; therefore, he admired and respected his senior, who was a master of poems, calligraphic works and paintings, and the influence that Renxian exerted on Guanxiu was natural.

Thus, where can we see Guanxiu’s influence on Xuedou Chongxian? It is demonstrated in a poem titled “Unintentional Great Realm Is the Most Precious” (大道贵无心) conveying Guanxiu’s poetic concepts:

The state of great awakening lies in casualness starting with admiration for men of virtue; the autumnal sky is clear, and the beautiful jade is pure and simple. What a great man the prefecture chief of Tongjiang is! He can talk eloquently. In writing articles, he can determine the rise and fall of the world. When he talks about Buddhist doctrines, he can dismiss empty rumors. He sits in a dry forest after snowing and listens quietly to Mother Nature for a long time on a stone. The gold body is doubted again and lives with fate forever.

(Shi 2011a, p. 434)

(大道贵无心,圣贤为始慕。秋空共澄洁,美玉同贞素。伟哉桐江守,雌黄出金口。

为文能废兴,谈道弭空有。雪林槁枯者,坐石听亦久。还疑紫磨身,成居灵运后。)

This poem reflects all of Guanxiu’s poetic viewpoints. He believed that “being unintentional” (无心) was the foundation of his poems, and he pursued the “great realm” (道) presented in the momentary encounter between emotions of the theme and natural images. He advocated eliminating the “vain” contrast to capture the origin of “chastity” and “cleanness” in textual aesthetics. In the concluding line of the poem, he compares Xie Lingyun to “Zimo” (紫磨), which is high-grade gold. Kong Rong of the Han Dynasty stated the following in On the Advantages and Disadvantages of Saints: “Gold of top quality is called zimo, like saints in the crowd” (金之优者，名曰紫磨，犹人之有圣也。) (Yan 1999). Li Daoyuan wrote the following in Notes on the Waterways (Shuijingzhu): “Chinese people call top-quality gold zimo gold, while aliens call it Yangmai Gold” (华俗谓上金为紫磨金，夷俗谓上金为阳迈金) (Li 2009, p. 291). There are 48 wishes of Amitabha in the Buddha Speaks Infinite Life sutra, and the third wish is as follows: “Turning golden all over the body; if I were to become a Buddha, I’m not willing to enter the state of the highest level of consciousness unless everyone in my state can turn golden in their bodies” (身真金色愿，设我得佛，国中天人不悉真金色者，不取正觉。) (Kang 1988, p. 2). In Meeting Gods with Bunshin Volume II of the Bunshin Ksitigarbha Sutra, it is stated that “at that time, Sakyamuni stretched out his golden Buddhist arms and ordained countless Buddhist monks of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva” (尔时世尊舒金色臂，摩百千万亿不可思、不可议、不可量、不可说无量阿僧祇世界) (Shicha 1988, p. 779), proving that the Buddha’s body is golden in color. Zimo gold is top-grade gold, showing the supreme nature of Buddha’s body. In Guanxiu’s view, if poets can thoroughly understand poetic conceptions and have a meditative mind full of calmness and silence, they can enter the realm of truth.

Guanxiu’s poetic viewpoints that “integrate poems and Chan” (诗禅一体) were inherited by Xuedou Chongxian. The ambiguity, inclusiveness, vagueness, and aesthetic interest of the poem’s imagery are consistent with Xuedu Chongxian’s role as an heir of the Yunmen Sect who adhered to the sect’s teachings and emphasized the concept of metaphysics (玄) (Shi 2011b, vol. 3, p. 280a). “Metaphysics” is something that is impossible to guess or measure, and one can only use one’s mind to perceive the world’s richness and versatility and find emotional communication and ideological recognition from it. When the imagery and expression of a poem has such characteristics, the reader can derive a wide range of meaning from it and realize the teachings embraced in it. This is the role of analytical association: “Vast areas of human life cannot be experienced vicariously but only be learned or known or accomplished firsthand” (Hori 2003, p. 22). The experience and realization sought by Chan unfolds in a poetic manner. Poetry becomes the vehicle for comprehending Chan.

As with Guanxiu, Chongxian uses poetic forms to draw analogies between sensual imagery and Chan teachings. Through association, Chan principles can be conveyed in a vivid form and understood by the public.

Chongxian’s eulogies are typical works that transplant poetry into Chan. Traces of Guanxiu’s poetics can be discerned clearly in the “flexible method” Chongxian advocated that is unlimitedly flexible, goes beyond rules, and is natural and mild.

3.2. Xiqian Heritage Site: Interpenetration

Xuedou had many mentors throughout his lifetime. Therefore, there are different explanations for his development. According to the record of Jingde Chuandenglu, the Yunmen and Fayan schools were part of the Qingyuan-Stone lineage, and Chongxian was part of the Yunmen School. He was among the ninth generation working in Qingyuan and the third generation of Yunmen followers. In this lineage, the most influential individuals included Xiqian (700–790), ancestor of the Caodong, Yunmen and Fayan Chan schools and Xuedou’s most important supervisor; the heir to Xianglin Chengyuan; and Guangzuo of the second generation of the Yunmen School (the years of his birth and death are unknown).

Xiqian became an apprentice of Huineng of the Southern Chan, was tonsured, and became a novice monk. As recorded in Volume V of Jingde Chuandenglu, after the nirvana of Huineng, Xiqian went to the Jingju Temple on Qingyuan Mountain in Jizhou and became an apprentice of the Xingsi Chan Master studying Cao Xi’s mental cultivation methods. He was favored by master Xingsi due to his linguistic fluency and agility. Xingsi said, “Although there are many outstanding people, one kylin would be enough” (众角虽多，一麟已足) (Shi 1988b, p. 240). Before long, Xingsi asked Xiqian to write works praising Huairang of Mount Heng in Hunan Province, an apprentice of Cao Xi. After a period of training, he returned to the Jingju Temple again and finally began training directly with Master Xingsi.

In the first year of Tianbao during the reign of Xuanzong in the Tang Dynasty (713), Xiqian went to stay in the Southern Hengshan Temple. There was a giant stone to the east of the temple that formed a flat platform. Xiqian built a Buddhist convent on the stone and lived on it; therefore, many people called him Monk Stone. Xiqian once wrote “Can Tong Qi” (参同契) to display his knowledge of Chan doctrines, taking “mutual dependence” (回互) as the key and illustrating the relationship between one mind and all phenomena that did not violate each other and involved each other. The chapter reads as follows:

Buddhism originated from Sakyamuni Buddha. The inheritance from teachers to apprentices is accomplished through secret exhortation. People may have different qualifications, but both Southern and Northern schools share the same goals and reach the same goal by different means.

The ontology of mind is solitary and crystal clear. Although there are different schools, these schools have all kinds of connections between each other. Paranoia about the facts or reasons can’t lead to true comprehension.

All phenomena share the same body, and there is no difference in mind; all kinds of causes have independent properties and functions, but they are interconnected.

Things have different shapes, and sound can be sad or happy, but in talking about their origin, there is no difference.

Earth, water, fire and wind display different characteristics. The eyes, ears, nose and tongue display different functions. All these differences are inseparable from disposition in essence, just like the relationship between mother and son, root and leaves. One can see an ontological face in various shapes inside and outside the body and mind.

Grasp the root through minor details, and don’t be confused by the superficial face of language. Brightness and darkness are a comparative existence, just like “front and back”. All contrastive existences are interconnected and supplement each other.

Daily behaviors should be well-grounded instead of deliberately mystifying; to explore truth, one must be brave, diligent and resolute. One can’t practice Buddhism without conscience, and one will be misled without advice from the masters.

A true grasp of the “mutually dependent” essence of everything will help accomplish harmony without obstruction. On the contrary, persistence with contrastive existence will cause obstacles everywhere, as if one were living in a prison.

Therefore, practicing Buddhism shall not involve the misuse of the mind so as not to be wholly removed from the way of liberation.

(灵源明皎洁,枝派暗流注。执事元是迷,契理亦非悟。

门门一切境,回互不回互。回而更相涉,不尔依位住。

色本殊质象,声元异乐苦。暗合上中言,明明清浊句。

四大性自复,如子得其母。火热风动摇,水湿地坚固。

眼色耳音声,鼻香舌碱醋。然依一一法,依根叶分布。

本末须归宗,尊卑用其语。当明中有暗,勿以暗相遇。

当暗中有明,勿以明相睹。明暗各相对,比如前后步。

万物自有功,当言用及处。事存函盖合,理应箭锋拄。

承言须会宗,勿自立规矩。触目不会道,运足焉知路。

进步非近远,迷隔山河固。谨白参玄人,光阴莫虚度。)

In his view, all different means lead to the same goal. Instead of being excessively obstinate and looking at all things individually, one should comprehend the relationship of “mutual involvement” (相涉) and understand the relationship between changes in static and dynamic interactions and conversion between brightness and darkness. Only in this way can one attain sufficient control over reason and rules. This concept shows that in addition to the traditional Buddhist view that the relationships among all things are “interdependent” (Heine and Wright 2000, p. 70), Xiqian attaches more importance to the interpenetration and integration of all things, breaking the boundary between “things” and “me” and achieving a state of harmony and freedom.

Xuedou obviously approved of Xiqian’s viewpoints, as he commented, “I used to read the article and was inspired a lot. It was illustrative and used accurate words. The author wrote it down according to his own comprehension, not to seek widespread influence. His comprehension of truth can shine through the ages. He didn’t invest his personal feelings in it. Few scholars in the past could comprehend it. When gold is mixed with sand and stone, gold can be obtained only by washing it repeatedly to eliminate the sand and gravel. Therefore, only people like Xiqian can always make gold” (予尝览斯作，颇见开士。皆摛辞肇极，成赞厥道。因亦随兴以拟之，匪求蚀木于文也。噫先觉洪规，可洞照遐古。岂复情谓逾越于其间哉。盖往往学者，抑问勉意不获而已。其或金沙混流，淘之汰之。固必存彼匠手明矣。) (Wei 1988, p. 697). Chongxian believed that Master Xiqian’s words could result in “enlightenment”, inspiring generations to come. From Xuedou Chongxian’s view of “flexible method” poetry, we can see the obvious influence on him of Xiqian’s “mutual dependence” concept—a breakthrough made in the limitations on cognition contained in the saying, “Obstinacy with both truth and reasons is not true comprehension of the Way” (执事元是迷，契理亦非悟), liberation from the obstinacy with language standards advocated in the saying, “One can’t practice Buddhism without conscience; and one will be misled without the advice from masters (承言须会宗，勿自立规矩), and roundness without barriers emphasized by the saying, “brightness and darkness are a comparative existence, just like “front and back” (明暗各相对，比如前后步). These ideas have all clearly influenced the construction of his circular poetic theories in terms of language style.

3.3. Guangzuo’s Successor: Enlightenment and Transmission

Zhimen Guangzuo’s influence cannot be neglected when considering Xuedou Chongxian’s practice of Chan doctrines. Chan Master Guangzuo was a spiritual leader in the Yunmen School in the early Song Dynasty. Starting during the Song Dynasty, all apprentices of Yunmen School regarded Guangzuo as the ancestor of Yunmen School and regarded Zhimen Temple in Suizhou as its ancestral court. Zhimen Guangzuo was regarded as a Buddhist patriarch of the 42nd generation in Authentic Buddhism compiled by Shouyi Kongcheng in the Qing Dynasty (Shouyi 2008, p. 302). As stated in “General Records of Buddha” (佛祖通载), Chongxian “visited North Tower in Fuzhou in the north. Zhimen Guangzuo was a direct descendant of Chan Master Xianglin Chengyuan and a successor of the Yunmen School. Guangzuo and Chengyuan were both from Shu and had insights unattainable by ordinary people. Chongxian was handsome and elegant. Guangzuo appreciated him and kept him nearby for five years, imparting all personal knowledge to him” (北游至复州北塔。祚公香林之嫡嗣，云门之孙也。祚远皆蜀人。知见高莫能觏其机。显俊迈。祚爱之。遂留五年。尽得其道。) (Shi 1988c, p. 665). During those years, Chongxian benefitted greatly while learning from Guangzuo. “Non-Tathagata Teaching” notes the following:

Xuedou Chongxian was a Chan Master in Mingzhou, the son of Li’s family in Suining Prefecture. He argued about scripture, talked about Buddhist doctrines, and explored the mysteries of Buddhist doctrines with sharp words. He was good at argumentation and was incomparable. Everybody thought that he would surely become an eminent monk. He toured around the south. First, he visited Zhimen Guangzuo. Chongxian asked: ‘What’s wrong with there being no distraction in mind?’ Monk Zhimen didn’t say anything but beckoned him to come over. Just at the moment Chan Master Chongxian approached him, Monk Zhimen suddenly took out a fly swatter and hit the other man’s mouth. Chan Master Chongxian wanted to defend himself, but Monk Zhimen hit him again. Chongxian was finally awakened” (明州雪窦重显禅师,遂宁府李氏子。横经讲席,究理穷玄,诘问锋驰,机辩无敌,咸知法器。佥指南游。首造智门,即伸问曰:‘不起一念,云何有过?’智门召师近前。师才近前。智门以拂子蓦口打。师拟开口。智门又打,师豁然开悟。).

(Li 1975–1989, p. 308)

Thus, it is clear that Guangzuo “enlightened” Chongxian using the method of “koan” (棒喝) in Chan Buddhism. The question Chongxian raised seemed to conform to the view that there are “no doctrines to talk about” (无法可说) in Chan; however, as long as there is “ekacitta” (开悟) in one’s mind, one has not entered the realm of naturalness without barriers. Through the enlightenment of Guangzuo, Chongxian apparently realized the rigidity of this question and suddenly became clear-minded.

The 39th volume of “Quotations of Ancient People of Virtue” recorded quotations from Chan Master Zhimen Guangzuo, as narrated and recorded by Xuedou Chongxian. The work’s preface reads as follows:

Open the region where the universe and human beings can communicate with each other. Revitalize the ancient and modern times and achieve grand plans. Set up a convenient way to transform all sentient beings and spread ideas all over the country so that his quotations can be widespread for people to comprehend. How can I freely edit, delete and correct these quotations? I’m just compiling them for the ease of reading. Heavens, since the founder came from the west, Chan ideas have been widespread. But some Chan masters interpreting classics have stained the truth of Buddhist doctrines with their superficial knowledge. Some people would teach posterities by mixing poems and Chan truths. They spread different ideas of the right way through articles and words and show their unruliness through language, while taunting Chan Masters of the Yunmen School about enlightening people with only three sentences and rebuking the three groups of Mahāyāna precepts advocated by Buddha that restricted monks’ behaviors and purified the mind. How can false words bewilder the hearts and minds and the practice of seeking interests through false reputation be tolerated? To suppress these common practices, one should first of all understand their secret, or else, one will be deeply harmed for no reason. Confucius said that gentlemen would say nothing that couldn’t be found in classics of poetry and do nothing that didn’t conform to interests. Therefore, virtuous men would often remain silent in the past to restrain themselves in mind. Not to mention Buddhist believers like us—shouldn’t we take helping the public as our goal when we establish a will and do things? If important articles can be ruined randomly, won’t one be afraid of being punished? So those who understand me will give up libels on reading the quotations, and reading this collection can teach you the essence of Buddhist doctrines”.

(Yi 1975–1989a, p. 258)

(辟天人之深域,振今古之洪谟。建化度门高运寰海,既编联而互出。致流落以交参。敢议窥班辄形删定。但贵其简略而已。于戏,祖胄之来,星布攸广。或局一方一师之解,玷渎先知。蕴半禅半律之宜,加诸后进。起异端于笔舌,固狂狷于辞锋,讥圆明有三句接人,指净慧列三聚之语,既非摭实颇共传虚,启惑见闻盗求声利,盖丛室之巨蠹也,岂堪忍乎?夫欲抑其宗,必先入其奥,傥未甄别,徒自伤残。鲁语所谓。君子非诗书不言。非礼乐不动。故昔贤人。三缄其口。以诫于心。况吾徒萌一意立一事。得不务于弘济。而恣销金销骨之毁说。宁不畏慎灭身之斧耶。可为龟鉴矣。庶知我者。观斯文而绝其谤。阅于集而味其道。)

Thus, it is clear that on the one hand, Chongxian highlighted Guangzuo’s Chan doctrines through quotations, and on the other hand, he infused his determination to activate people’s minds and correct misunderstandings regarding the doctrines of the Yunmen School. This is because “Xuedou and many other Song Chan leaders who regarded Yunmen as the single major role model for the prototypical Chan adept 作家 (literally, ‘one accomplished in the ways of a house or school’) (Steven 2016, p. 7).

By “taking everything as ‘real’ as recorded in ‘Quotations’, Buddha will become like ordinary people. By taking everything as ‘unreality’, even Samantabhadra will lose his realm. At this moment, where shall Bodhisattva Manjusri free himself? If even the Bodhisattva can’t free himself, even the golden-haired lion will also bow and lower its head” (一法若有。毗卢堕在凡夫。万法若无。普贤失其境界。正当与么时。文殊向什么处出头。若也出头不得。金毛师子腰折) (Yi 1975–1989b, p. 254). Guangzuo’s cognition of “unconditioned dharma” is clearly expressed here. Only when one realizes the unification of everything and refuses to be disturbed by various “convenient methods” can one comprehend the origins of something. This concept had a deep influence on Chongxian. Volume XV of Wu Deng Hui Yuan contains the following passage: “The monk asked: ‘What is the origin of Buddhism?’ [Chongxian] answered, ‘Rounding ranges of hills and beautiful scenery’” (僧问:‘如何是诸佛本源?’师曰:‘千峰秀色。’) (Puji 1988, p. 322). This statement clearly shows his full comprehension of Guangzuo’s ideas, clarifying that all colors and methods are unified and that this is the only way forward.

Discourses in Guangzuo’s quotations showing distinctive mundane flavors of life also appeared frequently in Chongxian’s eulogies. For example, the 90th eulogy includes the following passage: “This pool of light with deficient brightness and quietness doesn’t have to be found in the heaven or on the earth. It transcends languages, abandons ways of the world, and is presented naturally. Clamshell wraps up the moon. This tale has profound meaning and is used to trigger the common comprehension of those practicing Chan doctrines” (一片虚凝绝谓情,人天从此见空生。蚌含玄兔深深意,曾与禅家作战争。). Guangzuo’s keen words were employed here:

The monk asked: “What is wisdom?” The Chan master said, “Clamshell wrapping up the moon”. The monk further asked, “What is the application of wisdom?” The Chan master answered, “The rabbit gets pregnant”. The monk asked, “Spring is over, and summer has come. I don’t understand it, could you instruct me?” The Chan master said, “Break your head”. The monk said, “I know you are worried about your apprentices’ inability to find the way, but I really can’t comprehend it”. The Chan master said, “This is not the fault of the sun and the moon”.

(Yi 1975–1989a, p. 256)

(问:”如何是般若体?”师云:”蚌含明月。”进云:”如何是般若用?”师云:”兔子怀胎。”问:”三春已去九夏又临。学人未明乞师直指?”师云:”打你头破作七分。”僧云:”也知师为迷徒切。争柰学人未晓何?”师云:”非日月咎。”)

Yuanwu Keqin explained the following: “Clamshells are produced in the Han River, and there are bright pearls in clamshells. On a mid-autumn day, the moon will appear, and the clamshell will float on the surface of water, open up its shell, huffing and puffing moonlight, thereby producing bright pearls. This is the well-known Hepu Bright Pearl. If the moon is not shadowed on this mid-autumn day, then there will be a lot of pearls, but if the moon is shadowed, then there will be few pearls. ‘What is the application of wisdom?’ the apprentice said, to which the master responded, ‘The rabbit gets pregnant’. There is no distinction between their meaning. The rabbit belongs to yin. When the moon rises on a mid-autumn day, it opens up its mouth, swallows his splendor and then gets pregnant. The kid will be born in his mouth. Productivity is in proportion to moonlight. He is just referring to the meaning of ancient people’s answer to prove that wisdom is light. However, his intention didn’t lie in his words; only posterity has focused on the words“ (汉江出蚌，蚌中有明珠，到中秋月出，蚌于水面浮，开口含月光，感而产珠，合浦珠是也。若中秋有月则珠多，无月则珠少。‘如何是般若用？’门云：“兔子怀胎。”此意亦无异。兔属阴，中秋月生，开口吞其光，便乃怀胎，口中产儿，亦是有月则多，无月则少。他古人答处，无许多事，他只借其意，而答般若光也。虽然恁么，他意不在言句上，自是后人，去言句上作活计。) (Chongxian’s Eulogies 1988, p. 214).

Zhimen Guangzuo’s quotations are characterized by the secularization of the language and the mundane nature of the imagery, with the aim of disseminating teachings in a way that is more understandable to students. In his time, Chan Buddhism had begun to gradually shift from the principle of “no establishment based on words” to words being “indispensable”. As a master, he needed to respect a new mode of convention: “Enlightenment experience as the culmination of Ch’an practice, confirmation of one’s realization by a recognized master as a legitimate criteria for succession, and the transmission verse as a poetic account of one’s experience” (Heine and Wright 2000, p. 83). Therefore, the acceptability, comprehensibility and interest of the text language becomes very important.

Thus, it is clear that Xuedou Chongxian accepted Zhimen Guangzuo’s intention of showing that Buddhist doctrines do not violate worldly laws through linguistic expression in the form of daily experience, highlighting the amiability of Chan doctrines and enabling people to comprehend the profound and broad meaning behind daily images.

Chongxian’s poetic theories advocate means of conception and ingenious changes in instinctive comprehension. They are free from the restriction of traditional poetic linguistic standards and employ daily language and worldly images, among other means of expression, showing the influence of Zhimen Guangzuo’s Chan doctrines.

Above all, we can see that the formation of Xuedou Chongxian’s “flexible method” was closely related to the development of Chan ideas after the Five Dynasties period in the late Tang Dynasty, especially the way of thinking and the development of Chan language skills.

3.4. Communication and Influence of Chongxian’s “Flexible Method” Theory

Xuedou Chongxian’s poetic viewpoints directly influenced the completion of the theoretical system of the “flexible method” in the poetry of the Song Dynasty. As an influential monk in charge of a famous temple for years, Xuedou Chongxian closely interacted with contemporary literati and monks. By investigating his circle of friends and circle of affinity, we can determine how he opened up communication and built up influence.

Xuedou Chongxian had a close relationship with many literati. His closest friend was Zeng Hui (952–1033). Hui was a successful candidate for imperial employment, winning second place in the highest imperial examination held in the second year of Duangong (989); he became a historiographer of Jixian Hall. He was granted titles such as head of the secretariat and chief imperial secretary and was eventually given the dukedom of the Chu state. He was a famous subject in the early Northern Song Dynasty. He and Xuedou Chongxian were childhood friends. The following was recorded in Volume XVI of Wu Deng Hui Yuan:

Zeng Hui, a lay Buddhist and historiographer of the Imperial Academy. When he was an adolescent, he used to live in the same room as Chan Master Mingjue. When both became adults, they chose different roads of development. During the reign of Emperor Tianxi, Zeng Hui worked as chief of Chizhou Prefecture. One day, Zenghui met Chongxian in Jingde Temple. Zeng Hui quoted classics in “The Doctrine of the Mean” and “The Great Learning”, referred to “Luoyan Scripture”, and made analogies between Confucian theory and Buddhist sects. Mingjue said, “This is out of line with the doctrines. Could this be in line with the concept in The Doctrine of the Mean and The Great Learning? You have to understand this”. Therefore, he snapped his fingers and said, “You should comprehend it this way”. Zeng Hui comprehended this upon hearing it. During the first year of the reign of Emperor Tiansheng (1023), Zeng Hui became the prefecture chief of Siming (formerly called Ningbo, Sichuan) and invited Chan Master Mingjue to be the abbot of Xuedou Temple. After the arrival of Chan Master Mingjue, Zeng Hui said, “Recently, Master Qing discussed the Chan gong’an of the Zhaozhou monk’s ‘Investigation on old Woman’; have you comprehended it?” Mingjue asked, “What did he say?” Zeng Hui answered, “Just this way”. Mingjue said, “Qing doesn’t mind it, and you should know that it is difficult for a monk to find answers to this question”. Zeng Hui said, “Here are the ropes. If Monk Zhaozhou doesn’t tell the truth, nobody can understand the meaning of the old woman”. Mingjue said, “You’ve comprehended!” Zeng Hui guffawed. (修撰曾会居士，幼与明觉同舍，及冠异途。天禧间，公守池州，一日会于景德寺。公遂引中庸大学，参以楞严符宗门语句，质明觉。觉曰：“这个尚不与教乘合，况中庸大学邪？学士要径捷理会此事。”乃弹指一下曰：“但恁么荐取。”公于言下领旨。天圣初，公守四明，以书币迎师补雪窦。既至，公曰：“某近与清长老商量赵州勘婆子话，未审端的有勘破处也无？”觉曰：“清长老道个甚么？”公曰：“又与么去也。”觉曰：“清长老且放过一著，学士还知天下衲僧出这婆子圈不得么？”公曰：“这里别有个道处。赵州若不勘破，婆子一生受屈。”觉曰：“勘破了也。”公大笑。).

(Puji 1988, p. 329)

Thus, it is clear that Xuedou was on good terms with Zeng Hui. The two cited from classic and ancient works and learned about one another’s ways of thinking and academic knowledge through cross-examination. Chongxian also visited Xuedou Temple at the invitation of Zeng Hui. Chongxian said the following in “To Scholar Zeng in Chiyang”: “Among the peaks rising one above the other in the distance there are ten thousand streams. The verdant color seems to be flowing, smelling of chilliness. At a rough estimate, we haven’t seen each other for a long time, but there is no need to be bound by grief of parting, and let’s devote all our emotions to the learning of truth about Buddhism” (山万重兮水万枝,堆青流碧冷便宜, 筭来免得生遥恨,不在诗情在祖师。) (Shi 1988d, p. 698). This passage shows the mutual understanding between the two men.

Zeng Hui had a good reputation in the literary world and officialdom. He was held in high esteem by his contemporaries. Zhang Fangping wrote in “Zeng Hui’s Stone Tablet”: “Zeng Hui stuck to the way of sincerity and magnanimity, out of line with the atmosphere of the time. He had the fortune of meeting with a lot of obstacles in his official career. He worked as an official in a county for 45 years. Although he was not gregarious, he stuck to his ethical codes of conduct” (唯诚与恕，不务世求，乃与时忤，往蹇来连，多踬少迁，郎潜一郡，四十五年，外虽不偶，中全所守。). Being intimate with such a man of letters with an extraordinary reputation and superior learning, Xuedou Chongxian could easily gain the attention and acceptance of mainstream cultural circles.

Notably, Zeng Hui was the father of Zeng Gongliang. Zeng’s family had been devoted to producing literature for generations, writing outstanding and beautiful articles and boasting excellent performance in the imperial examinations. Zeng Gongliang became a jinshi (by passing the highest imperial examination) in the second year of Tiansheng (1024). In the sixth year of Jiayou (1061), he became Assistant Minister of Ministry of Personnel and Vice Prime Minister, ranking among the most famous ministers. According to the collected biography in Volume VIIXI of the History of the Song Dynasty, “After serving for a year, he was granted an official position in the Imperial Academy. Zeng Gongliang dedicated an article he wrote to the emperor and was granted the positions of proofreader of Jixian Hall and Imperial Tutoring Scholar of Tianzhang Pavilion. He was also asked to compile a record of the emperor’s daily activities. Afterward, he was promoted to be an adviser to the Tianzhang Pavilion and won the honor of wearing a purple gown with goldfish decorations. At the beginning, when he was appointed as an adviser, Zeng Gongliang was still wearing his old official uniform. Emperor Renzong praised him: ‘I will award you with the responsibilities of preaching on classics to show the praise for a minister proficient with Confucian doctrines’. Therefore, the emperor appointed him as an official responsible for composing imperial edicts and founding the Historiographers’ Institute. Meanwhile, he also worked as a member of the Imperial Academy and executive director of Sanban Court… Zeng Gongliang was an excellent writer, and he was familiar with the decrees of the royal court through long-term practice. Han Qi, the then prime minister, always consulted him”. (“岁满，当用故事试馆职，独献所为文，授集贤校理、天章阁侍讲、修起居注。擢天章阁待制，赐金紫。先是，待制不改服。仁宗面锡之，曰:‘朕自讲席赐卿，所以尊宠儒臣也。’遂知制诰兼史馆修撰，为翰林学士、判三班院。……公亮明练文法，更践久，习知朝廷台阁典宪，首相韩琦每咨访焉。”) Thus, it is clear that his articles were outstanding, and his knowledge profound.

There was much talent among the officials in charge of academic affairs in literary circles. Whether it was in writing poetry or essays at the emperor’s order or responding to poems from colleagues, many elites participated the literary arena. During chanting and assembly, the creation styles and viewpoints of the scholars influenced each other and imperceptibly guided and transformed literary fashion. As an important member of the literati, Zeng Gongliang’s gravitational force should not be overlooked.

Hu Su, one of Zeng Gongliang’s friends, became jinshi in the same year and is particularly worthy of attention. The two men had many interactions and were quite intimate. As recorded in Compilation of Compendium in the Song Dynasty· Selection I, “On Jan. 20th, the fifth year during the reign of Emperor Huangyou, Wang Gongchen, a member of the Imperial Academy, acted as the examiner. Zeng Gongliang, who was also a member of the academy; Hu Xu, a royal tutor in the Imperial Academy; and Cai Xiang and Wang Gui, officials in charge of secretarial matters, were also vice-examiners” (五年正月十二日，以翰林学士承旨王拱辰权知贡举，翰林学士曾公亮、翰林侍读学士胡宿、知制诰蔡襄、王珪并权同知贡举). As recorded in An Overview of the General Inspections of the Past Dynasties Approved by the Royal Government: “Zeng Gongliang acted as the vice prime minister, Zhang Bian worked as a president of the Privy Council, and Hu Su worked as its vice-president (曾公亮同平章事，张昪为枢密使，胡宿为副使)”. Hu Su kept many imperial decrees, imperial edicts, and replies to Zeng Gongliang. Although these works were composed on the emperor’s order, Zeng’s notable literary talent and academic depth could be detected in these works. For example, according to the Order of Zeng Gongliang as Compiler of Historiographers’ Institute, “Zeng Gongliang is firm in spreading the ideas of saints, sticks to laws and doesn’t cover vices. He can inherit the honor of his predecessors and become a good example of his posterity. Isn’t this praiseworthy?” (立言不朽，书法无隐，传言后世勉济前人，岂不美欤) (Hu 2011a, vol. 11, p. 711). According to Order of Zeng Guoliang as General Zhuguo: “Zeng Gongliang has extensive experience and extraordinary talents. His literary talent is outstanding, and he also has done deep and careful research on laws “(具官某体识淹通，才猷敏济，稔更文翰之职，寖研法律之微) (Hu 2011a, vol. 17, p. 763). In Promoting Zeng Gongliang from Grand Commandant of Proofreading to Minister of Pivot Court, the following is written: “Zeng Gongliang has outstanding achievements, he is reflects on problems deeply and thoroughly, and he is versed in both ancient and modern affairs. His temperament conforms to the right way of Confucianism” (曾公亮風業碩茂，志慮深純，學多貫于前言，性頗修于中道) (Hu 2011a, vol. 22, p. 819). According to An Imperial Edict to the Newly Appointed Counselor in Government Affairs, Zeng Gongliang, “Zeng Gongliang is a profound thinker and considerate and careful while handling things. He serves the emperor in the Confucian way, preaching classics and governing the areas around the capital upon the order of the emperor. Later on, he was promoted as a main official responsible for managing the capital, an extraordinary feat” (卿志度深沈，识裁详密，以道术侍朕，讲以典册，宣王命请治寰辅，擢尹京师，厥绩茂焉) (Hu 2011a, vol. 25, p. 838). Thus, it is clear that Zeng Gongliang and Hu Su likely deeply influenced each other in terms of their literary viewpoints.

Hu Su, as a poet of the late Xikun Style period, was the father of the concept of the “flexible method” (Refer to Deng and Zeng 2009, p. 44; Zeng 2011, p. 122), and he consciously abandoned the disciplines of Xikun and explored new poetic styles. In Reading Monk Changji’s Poem (Hu 2011a, vol. 1, p. 619), he said, “Although words can’t be broken away from completely, the subtle wisdom behind words can be comprehended” (于言虽未忘，在理已能觉), and “with familiarity with real world, transcendence of higher realms has been realized in mind” (人境既相于，神明信超若). These sentences express recognition with Changji’s move to break away from textual limitations and transcend argumentation pointing directly to one’s mind. Indeed, Hu Su wrote, “I’ve written a lot of poems and taken flatness as my own style” and “natural and simple language is a priceless gem that hasn’t been carved” (天质自然美，亦如和氏璞) to praise the textual style as having no decorations, boasting naturalness and fluency. The poetic viewpoints presented through this poem can be regarded as the interpretation of the “flexible method” mentioned by Hu Su when he wrote, “There are only a few poets good at employing flexible method, so I have few bosom friends. Now that you have a beautiful style of writing, how can you be restricted by the mundane state?” (诗中活法无多子，眼里知音有几人。尔许精奇花灿笔，岂容俗尘海翻银) (Hu 2011b, p. 650). This viewpoint is connected with the poetic concepts of Xuedou Chongxian in one aspect.

Second, Zeng Gongliang had close contact with many popular contemporary writers while compiling the New History of the Tang Dynasty. As recorded in Volume 16 of Notes on the History of Twenty-two Dynasties, “Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty ordered Ouyang Xiu, a member of the Imperial Academy and Song Qi, a bachelor of Duanming Hall, due to the simple content and clumsy words of History on the Tang Dynasty compiled by Liu Xun among others, to compile the work again. Zeng Gongliang was in charge. They spent 17 years on it, and there were all in all 225 volumes” (宋仁宗以刘煦等所撰唐书卑弱浅陋，命翰林学士欧阳修、端明殿学士宋祁刊修，曾公亮提举其事，十七年而成，凡二百二十五卷). Song Qi was a writer during the late Xikun style period, and the “Apricot Minister” (红杏尚书) was world-famous; additionally, one must mention Ouyang Xiu, the father of the literary style of a generation. The cultural influence of this group is evident.

One member of this group of authors highly admired Xuedou Chongxian. Lv Xiaqing (1015–1068) became a jinshi in 1042. In 1045, Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi were ordered to compile the New History of the Tang Dynasty and jointly recommended that Lv Xiaqing take part in the project. In the first year of Huangyou (1049), Lv Xiaqing was appointed as an editor to join the compilation of New History of the Tang Dynasty. As declared by “History of the Song Dynasty: A Biography of Lv Xiaqing”, “He specializes in historiography, thoroughly understands the history of the Tang Dynasty and widely adapts hundreds of biographies and various opinions for selection and comparison. He is also proficient with genealogy. As a compiler of various genealogical tables, he has made the greatest contribution to the completion of the New History of the Tang Dynasty” (学长于史，贯穿唐事，博采传记杂说数百家，折衷整比。又通谱学，创为世系诸表，于《新唐书》最有功云) (Tuo 2011). Ouyang Xiu wrote a poem titled Seeing off Lv Xiaqing, which read, “When I was a child learning how to use pen, every child strove to recite Gongchu’s articles. It is lamentable that I am now gray-haired; when I met you, you were still unknown in society. But it is a blessing that there are two excellent sons in your family. It was not until then that I knew you left the banks of the Huai River. Last year, you packed up and came to the capital. You wanted to amaze everyone with your articles. Many inferior scholars, like inferior horses, turned off and made way for you, a true kylin on the way to Heaven. You were ranked so high in the Imperial Exam that you can visit the emperor and start your official career” (始吾尚幼学弄笔,群儿争诵公初文。嗟我今年已白发,公初相见犹埃尘。传家尚喜有二子,始知灵珠出淮滨。去年束书来上国,欲以文字惊众人。驽骀群马敛足避,天衢让路先骐麟,尚书礼部奏高第,敛衣袱砚趋严宸。) (Ouyang 2011).

Lv Xiaqing once inscribed the following on the stone tablet of Master Mingjue in the Zisheng Temple on Mountain Xuedou:

Since Chan Master Mingjue is deceased, his apprentices, such as Weigai, Wenzhen, Yuanying, Wenzheng, Yuanchen, Yuncheng and Zihuan, have recorded his words and collected his songs, awakenings to Chan truths, poems, and eulogies into seven collected works: “Quotations of Dongting”, “Quotations of Xuedou’s Sessions”, “Collection of Waterfall”, “Collection of Zuying”, “Collection of Eulogies”, “Collection of Revelation of the Ancient Times”, and “Posthumous Records of Xuedou”. Chongxian always worried if he had talked too much, although his apprentices were always worried about the incompleteness and omission of their collection, as these words were all beneficial for the practice of posterity. I have been reading the books of the Chan master for two decades since obtaining them, and I’ve always admired his skill in writing articles. But, as I was impeded by scholarly honor or official rank, I haven’t been able to approach him. If I can be enlightened by him, however little the enlightenment is, I can sweep away the vulgarity of the world in me. But it is lamentable that I can’t make it now. The master has been dead for 13 years, but the tombstone hasn’t yet been finished. Monk Huisi from Yuhang composed the life stories of the Chan master and came to me with his apprentices, Yuangui and Master Wuming, successively. They shared the article and asked me to compose an epitaph. I have long admired the Chan master, and his apprentices are so earnest, so how can I turn them down? I shall have the determination to win victory and the courage to surmount every difficulty, although I am not powerful enough, I am quite sincere at heart”

(Zhang 1990, p. 4969)

(自师出世,门人惟盖､文轸､圆应､文政､远尘､允诚､子环相与裒记,提倡语句诗颂为洞庭语录,雪窦开堂录,瀑泉集,祖英集,颂古集,揭古集､雪窦后录凡七集。师患语之多,而其徒怅然犹以为编捃有遗,盖利他之谓也。余得其书而读之二十余年矣,虽瞻仰高行而禄利所縻,无由亲近,使得稽首避席,沾被法雨,觉悟尘劳,庶几可教者,今蔑如之何。师辞世十有三年,碑表未立,余杭僧惠思撰行业录,与其徒元圭觉济大师悟明继踵过门,袖文请铭,以余跂慕之心,重之以门人之请之勤抑有待耶?愚公叩壤以移山,虽不量力其诚则至矣。)

Thus, it is clear that although the two had not met, Lv Xiaqing was very familiar with Xuedou Chongxian’s works. Indeed, he wrote, “I have been reading the books of the Chan master for two decades since obtaining them”. Thus, immersion in the master’s viewpoints was inevitable.

This high praise from a scholar such as Lv Xiaqing demonstrates Xuedou Chongxian’s influence on the literary arena at the time and guaranteed the effective spread of his poetic ideas.

As a “forerunner of the rejuvenated Yunmen School” and an important writer, Xuedou Chongxian was also influential among monks. As recorded in Volume XVI of Wu Deng Hui Yuan, “Chan Master Xuedou Chongxian of the 10th generation under Qingyuan was an heir to Chan Master Tianyi Yihuai. Chan Master Tianyi Yihuai of Yuezhou Prefecture was a son of Chen’s family in Leqing during the reign of Yongjia” (青原下十世下雪窦显禅师法嗣天衣义怀禅师。越州天衣义怀禅师，永嘉乐清陈氏子也。). This Chan Master, Tianyi Yihuai, had followed Xuedou Chongxian for years and learned much true knowledge from him:

When Yihuai arrived in Suzhou, he visited Chan Master Mingjue on the Emerald Peak. Mingjue asked, “What’s your name?” He answered, “Yihuai”. Mingjue said, “Why not name yourself Huaiyi?” He said, “The name was given to me in the past”. Mingjue asked, “Who gave you the name?” He answered, “I’ve been initiated into monkhood for a decade”. Mingjue asked, “How many pairs of straw sandals have you worn on the way here?” He answered, “Don’t deceive me, monk!” Mingjue said, “Neither you nor I have made any great mistakes; why do you act like this?” Huaiyi remained silent. Mingjue beat him while saying, “Get out! You are a liar!” When he returned to his meditation abode, Mingjue said, “This won’t do, and that won’t do, either! Nothing will do!” Huaiyi wanted to answer, but Mingjue beat him again. This happened a few more times. Yihuai looked for water sources. After he drew water, however, his carrying pole was suddenly broken. He was at once enlightened and wrote down a verse: “One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, standing on one foot at the top of high and steep mountains. I grab down bright pearls from the jaw of a black dragon and see through the true meaning of Vimalakīrti in one sentence”. Mingjue thumped the table and praised it for its excellence”.

(Puji 1988, p. 328)

(及至姑苏,礼明觉于翠峰。觉问:”汝名甚么?”曰:”义怀。”觉曰:”何不名怀义?”曰:”当时致得。”觉曰:”谁为汝立名?”曰:”受戒来十年矣。”觉曰:”汝行脚费却多少草鞋?”曰:”和尚莫瞒人好!”觉曰:”我也没量罪过,汝也没量罪过。你作么生?”师无语。觉打曰:”脱空谩语汉,出去!”入室次,觉曰:”恁么也不得,不恁么也不得,恁么不恁么总不得。”师拟议,觉又打出。如是者数四。寻为水头,因汲水折担,忽悟,作投机偈曰:”一二三四五六七,万仞峰头独足立。骊龙颔下夺明珠,一言勘破维摩诘。”觉闻拊几称善。)

This eulogy records the revelation Xuedou Chongxian promoted in Tianyi Yihuai. The line “This won’t do, and that won’t do, either! Nothing will do!” presented the question of what to do when neither confirmation nor denial is right. Yihuai ultimately realized that the golden truth meant that he would transcend the state of either having or not having, confirmation or denial, and think nothing about opposition and distinction after his copper drum and carrying pole broke. Tianyi Yihuai, a well-known Chan monk of the fourth generation of the Yunmen School, played a significant and valuable role in the school’s development. Therefore, he received attention and recognition from scholar-bureaucrats. According to the record of “Dahui Wuku”, written by Shi Daoqian in the Song Dynasty, Lv Mengzheng, prime minister of the royal court of Emperor Taizong, became an official with the support of the monks and made the following wish: “I hope all my descendants can have positions in the royal court and become protectors of Buddhism” (愿子孙世世食禄于朝外护佛法) (Shi 1988a, v47). His grandnephew, State Duke Lv Gongzhu, revered Tianyi Yihuai the most. On every lunar New Year’s Day, he would “write a letter to Monk Tianyi Yihuai” after worshiping at his ancestral temple to pay homage to his ancestors. Lv’s family were well-known scholars and received the historical name “Lv’s School”. Gongzhu was the founder, and Lv Benzhong, or “Master Donglai”, as he was known in posterity, was his great-grandson and epitomized theories on flexible poetic methods in the Song Dynasty.

In addition, Chan Master Tian Tongxin and Juehai1 were on good terms with Xuedou Chongxian and were intimate with Wang Anshi, a renowned politician and poet. Chan Master Ruixin was a monk of the Yunmen School. Wang Anshi once wrote a poem titled “Answering Shiyuan, a Taoist Priest of Ruixin” and an article named “A Letter to Buddhist Ruixin”. In the poem were lines such as “I also have lofty interests, and we remember each other forever” (亦复有远意,千载不相忘) and “When I was the magistrate of Yin County, I cherished his talent, and traveled with him a lot” (予知鄞县,爱其才能,数与之游), showing their friendship.

Volume XII of Wu Deng Hui Yuan recorded the friendship between Wang Anshi and Master Juehai as follows: “Wang Anshi, the prime minister, valued the morality and reputation of Chan Master Juehai, and wrote a memorial specifically for the emperor, asking the emperor to give him a title of master. After Wang Anshi left the officialdom, he set up a hut on Mount Dinglin, wandered through the forest and talked with Chan Master Juehai all day long. Wang Anshi gave Chan Master Juehai a Chan poem as a gift: ‘Not breaking the convention of things shows the depth and broadness of Buddhist attainment. Letting nature follow its course shows the brilliance of Chan doctrines. The tongue, one of the six roots of sensation, has been purified and relieved, so nothing can corrupt me. There seems to be no footprint to trace, but I can just find it’. (不与物违真道广,每随缘起自禅深。舌根已净谁能坏,足迹如空我得寻。) This is special in a prosperous age” (Puji 1988, p. 248). Wang Anshi’s poetic views and styles of poetic creation showed his apparent interest in Chan studies. All his poems were conceived through instincts and epiphany. Many of his works had the textual characteristics of “eulogies” (see Gong 2012). Naturally, he profited through his interactions with Chan monks and absorption of the methods for integrating poems and Chan.

Above all, through an analysis of the friend and affinity circles of Xuedou Chongxian, we can see the patterns of similarity between his “flexible method” poetic viewpoints in the literary arena of the Northern Song Dynasty and the development of the independence of poetics in the Song Dynasty, where the influence of this method was gradually brought into play. The establishment of the theory of the “flexible method” was also an important component of the construction of the theoretical system of poetics in the Song Dynasty itself.

4. Conclusions

By the early Song Dynasty, the development of Chan had reached its summit. The depth and breadth of its use in public communication was increasingly emphasized, thereby producing the conversion from the principle of “no establishment based on words” to words being “indispensable”. Transmitting Buddhist studies in the form of “literary Chan”, such as eulogies, became a popular trend at that time. Regarding the development of poetics, this was also a period marked by a historical turn in how to develop from the “peak effect” of the poetics in the Tang Dynasty and blaze new trails independently. Breaking free from the routine poetic paradigm by incorporating the way of thinking and language skills of Chan became valuable.

Xuedou Chongxian incorporated in his works his dual identity as a senior monk of the Yunmen School and a poet. He absorbed Chan ideas, methods and forms of expression and combined these with his own creations to form poetic viewpoints. The exploration of his eulogies and the influence of Buddhist ideas sheds light on the questions posed at the outset of this article concerning the formation of poetics in the early Song Dynasty. We have seen that Buddhist concepts were accepted as theoretical references and practical experiences by poetic monks, who then integrated them into their construction of the fresh and creative poetic paradigm that became characteristic of the Song Dynasty. Therefore, Xuedou Chongxian’s contribution should not be neglected when discussing the “flexible method”. Ultimately, in the study of the development of poetics in the Song Dynasty, the influence of Buddhist ideas cannot be ignored.