The Relationship between Augustine’s Anthropological Duality and His Doctrine of the Two Cities
Abstract
:1. Recent Studies on the Two Augustinian Cities and Their Loves
2. The Long Road to the Two Cities in De ciuitate Dei
2.1. De uera religione: The Difference between the Internal and the External Human Being
2.2. De catechizandis rudibus: Two Cities, Mixed in Body, Separated in Soul
2.3. Enarrationes in Psalmos: The Opposition between Babylon and Jerusalem as an Externalization of the Conflict within the Individual
2.4. De doctrina christiana: Prudent Use of Earthly Goods and Institutions
2.5. De Genesi ad litteram: Two Forms of Love
One amor (love) is sacred, the other amor impure;one targets allies, the other excludes them;one cares for the common good for the sake of the higher society, the other wants to reduce even the common cause to the power of self for the sake of presumptuous domination;one submitting to God, the other competing;one is calm, the other is stormy;one is peaceful, the other riotous;one prefers the truth to the praise of those who err, the other is fond of any praise whatsoever;one is friendly, the other is jealous;one wants for neighbour what he wants for himself, the other wants to subject neighbour to himself;one leads the neighbour with a view to his interest, the other aims at his own interest.45
3. De ciuitate Dei
3.1. Defining the Two Cities
“Two cities, then, have been created by two loves: that is, the earthly by love of self extending even to contempt of God, and the heavenly by love of God extending to contempt of self. The one, therefore, glories in itself, the other in the Lord; the one seeks glory from men, the other finds its highest glory in God, the Witness of our conscience. The one lifts up its head in its own glory; the other says to its God, ‘Thou art my glory, and the lifter up of mine head’ [Ps. 3:3]. In the Earthly City, princes are as much mastered by the lust for mastery as the nations which they subdue are by them; in the Heavenly, all serve one another in charity, rulers by their counsel and subjects by their obedience. The one city loves its own strength as displayed in its mighty men; the other says to its God ‘I will love Thee, O Lord, my strength’ [Ps. 18:1]. Thus, in the Earthly City, its wise men, who live according to man, have pursued the goods of the body or of their own mind, or both. Some of them who were able to know God glorified Him not as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their imagination, and their foolish heart was darkened.”51
3.2. Earthly Goods
3.3. Earthly Peace
3.4. Heavenly Peace
3.5. Two Cities Mingled in Earthly Time and Space: Corpus Permixtum
3.6. Conflict between the Earthly City and the City of God
3.7. Cooperation between the Earthly City and the City of God
4. Citizen of Two Cities—The Inherent Duality of Love
Author Contributions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | |
2 | Marrou (1957); Markus (1970). In his exploration of Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities, Marrou rejects the possibility of a third and neutral space existing between them. Building upon this rejection, Markus delves deeper into the significance of the shared temporal context for citizens of the two cities, who will ultimately be separated. Markus offers an interpretation of Augustine’s political philosophy as an argument in favor of a neutral political sphere, although he later revises this stance. For a status quaestionis on the many scientific approaches to Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities, see Lee and Dupont (2016), p. 101. On the meaning of Markus’ Saeculum, see, among others, Rosenberg (2010), p. 1; Senellart (2019), p. 279: “La lecture de Markus ne contredit pas cette vision pessimiste – elle en souligne, bien au contraire, l’importance fondamentale –, mais l’enrichit d’une dimension plus positive: mal nécessaire, l’État est également, en son ordre, la condition d’un bien relatif, excluant toute instrumentalisation à des fins religieuses.” |
3 | An excellent analysis is offered by Roberts Ogle (2021). Augustine employs the term ciuitas terrena to describe both the political space and the populace oriented towards earthly pursuits and characterized by amor sui. In light of this usage, Roberts Ogle raises the question of whether it is significant that Augustine assigns the same name to human institutions utilized by citizens of the ciuitas Dei and of the ciuitas terrena (pp. 1–2). Roberts Ogle concludes that using the same terminology signifies that the saeculum was occupied by a worldly mentality—that is, the disposition of the earthly city’s citizens, characterized by amor sui—and that consequently the saeculum is not a neutral space for the citizens of the city of God (p. 154). |
4 | Witness several studies on this issue with the word ‘pilgrim’ in their title, for instance: Dyson (2001); Hollingworth (2010). |
5 | |
6 | |
7 | Lamberigts (2011), p. 540: “Wie gegensätzlich sie auch sein mögen, so finden sich beide Lebensstile doch bei jedem Menschen, bei jedem Christen. Alle tragen Spuren beider Städte in sich.” See also Van Oort (1991), pp. 236–38, who examines Origen as a possible source for Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities and indicates that for Origen, the antithesis between Jerusalem and Babylon can be found within the soul of the individual; Van Oort (1991), p. 295, reports that Ambrose speaks of a similar antithesis between Jerusalem and Babylon within each human person. |
8 | See uera rel. 48. As posited by Th. Clemmons, Augustine’s early work De uera religione provides a comprehensive exploration of the question of why God engages with humanity through the lens of time and history. Augustine’s concept of inward movement, as expounded in De uera religione, does not entail a rejection of history and creation, but rather entails a recognition of their significance by acknowledging the intrinsic connection with “the God who redeems the whole of the human in history”. Clemmons (2018), pp. 152–53. Written around 390–91, De uera religione can be seen as providing a first draft of Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities (see Van Oort 1991, p. 108). On distinguishing two categories of people in human history, see uera rel. 50. See also O’Daly (1999), p. 63. |
9 | uera rel. 48 (CC 32.218). This passage describes the six phases in the life of the old, external human being. |
10 | Given the scope of this contribution, disregarding the question of continuity in Augustine’s thinking regarding original sin, there is a consensus among scholars that he believed in the universal impact of Adam’s sin on humanity from his earliest writings onwards. This belief is evident in his early works such as the third book of De libero arbitrio (On Free Choice of the Will). In his anti-Pelagian writings, Augustine developed a precise definition of peccatum originale (original sin). This concept encompasses (a) the initial sin committed by Adam and Eve in Eden, (b) the participation of all humanity in that sin due to the seminal presence of all individuals in Adam at the time of the fall, and (c) the transmission of this Adamic sin from one generation to another, both physically (through male semen) and psychologically (through sexual concupiscence during the conception of each individual). Notably, Christ did not inherit this original sin as he was born without male semen and sexual intercourse. The participation in and transmission of Adamic sin includes (1) an originalis reatus/culpa (original guilt): every human being partakes in the original guilt, and thus, everyone is born with this guilt, indicating that, according to Augustine, innocent babies do not exist; (2) penal consequences: since all humans are equally guilty, they also inherit the penal consequences of the first sin, including mortality, ignorance, and the inclination towards sin, leading fallen humanity to sin repeatedly. Consequently, every human being is sinful in two ways: through original sin and personal sin. Although baptism removes the guilt of original sin, its punitive consequences persist, requiring the baptized individual to continually resist the inclination to sin and inevitably falling into sin. This shared initial sin and guilt, as well as its transmission, elucidate why (i) all infants born after Adam’s fall are born sinful and must be baptized for the remission of sins (with the consequence of damnation if they die unbaptized), and (ii) humanity, marked by concupiscence even after baptism, cannot abstain from sin and perpetually relies on God’s all-encompassing and predestinating grace to avoid sin. Augustine asserts that it is this original sin that gives rise to the existence of two distinct cities, an idea prominently featured in De civitate Dei and his earlier works. Moreover, Augustine highlights that this original sin is both the cause and perpetuation of human ambiguity and ambivalence, particularly emphasized in his anti-Pelagian writings. To maintain the clarity of our article’s argument, we refrain from explicitly delving into Augustine’s doctrine of original sin herein. However, it would be highly intriguing to explore in a subsequent article the intricate connection between this doctrine of original sin and Augustine’s two-city doctrine, which consequently relates to his dual anthropology. To avoid an exhaustive survey of scholarly publications, we limit ourselves here to referencing one comprehensive synthesis: Lamberigts (2014), pp. 599–615. |
11 | uera rel. 49 (218). This passage describes the seven stages in the life of the internal human being. Some people live out life according to the old human being; others are reborn along the way as a new human being. In uera rel. 65 (CC 32.230), Augustine defines the sin of the old human being as perversion. |
12 | De catechizandis rudibus was written about 400, or perhaps 404–5. |
13 | cat. rud. 31 (CC 46.156). According to this passage, the two cities are mixed together as far as human bodies are concerned, but are distinct according to human will. |
14 | cat. rud. 31 (CC 46.156). For the use of societas and pietas, see cat. rud. 31: “Omnes enim homines amantes superbiam … simul una societate deuincti sunt … omnes homines et omnes spiritus humiliter Dei gloriam quaerentes, non suam, et eum pietate sectantes, ad unam pertinent societatem” (cat. rud. 31; CC 46.156). |
15 | cat. rud. 36 (CC 46.160). The central part of cat. rud. 36 deals with the heavenly Jerusalem, whose name means ‘vision of peace’ and whose king is Christ. The earthly part of this heavenly city is represented by the earthly city of Jerusalem. |
16 | cat. rud. 37 (161). In the context of speaking about the Babylonian captivity, cat. rud. 37 describes the second of the cities, the city of iniquity, Babylon, whose name means ‘confusion’. |
17 | c. Faust. 36 (CSEL 25/1.362s.). According to c. Faust. 36, which deals with Israel’s exile in Babylon, Israel built a new existence there, and the Israelites were exhorted to pray for their Babylonian rulers. The return, after the exile, signifies the Church’s return to the heavenly Jerusalem. |
18 | The concept of Jerusalem as an emblematic representation of the Church dates back to the early exegesis of Augustine, as attested by O’Daly (1999), p. 62. O’Daly specifically cites en. Ps. 9.12, which is dated to 392 (p. 62, n. 18), as well as four other sermons by Augustine, from 405–408, including s. Dolbeau 4, which deals with the symbolic contrast between Jerusalem and Babylon. While most studies of Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities focus on the eschatological separation between them, Lee (2016) takes a different approach. Drawing on Augustine’s texts from Enarrationes in Psalmos, Lee explores the transition from the earthly city to the city of God, which occurs through Christ in history. Lee also discusses the Totus Christus theology and the idea of transformation, as well as the occurrence of this theme in De ciuitate Dei. |
19 | en. Ps. 125.3 (CC 40.1847). In En. Ps. 125.3, Augustine provides a cogent explanation of the puzzling question of how a beleaguered Zion, subjugated and captive, could be called eternal. In this context, the term ‘eternal’ alludes to the transcendent nature of the heavenly Jerusalem. By contrast, ‘captive’ refers to the state of enslavement to sin. Notably, it is after the period of seventy years, which symbolizes the totality of time, that the return from Babylon transpires. It is in this context that captive Zion is transformed into an image of the eternal Zion and the heavenly Jerusalem, which, Augustine says, would persist as enduring symbols of hope and spiritual renewal for generations to come. |
20 | en. Ps. 64.2 (824). In en. Ps. 64.2, Augustine alludes to the origins of Jerusalem and Babylon, attributing the former to Abel and the latter to Cain. Notably, the establishment of the cities’ physical infrastructure occurred through the historical cities of Jebus and Babylon. The dichotomy between Jerusalem and Babylon is further underscored by the divergent forces that engendered their existence. While Jerusalem was built upon an ethos of love, Babylon was constructed on a more nefarious impetus. In view of eschatological considerations, it is noteworthy that Babylon is destined for eternal fire, in sharp contrast to Jerusalem’s eventual ascension to the celestial kingdom. |
21 | en. Ps. 61.1 (777). |
22 | en. Ps. 61.7 (778). This passage delves into the profound theological import of the Cain and Abel narrative in the biblical canon. Augustine accentuates the preeminence of Cain, as the animalistic archetype, over Abel, the spiritual figure, in the order of creation. While Cain is depicted as building a city out of nothing, Abel constructs Jerusalem by renovating an existing city. This contrast serves as a powerful metaphor for the transformative nature of the human experience, wherein the individual is called upon to shed the vestiges of the past and embrace the transformative power of spiritual renewal, ultimately transitioning from darkness to light. It is worth emphasizing that the concept of a ‘good city’ is not innately embedded within the origins of creation, but rather emerges from the conversion of the wicked. Conversely, the city of evil extends from the beginning of the world until its culmination, a haunting reminder of spiritual depravity’s destructive potential. |
23 | en. Ps. 61.7 (778). |
24 | en. Ps. 61.7 (778). |
25 | For this connection between body and city, O’Daly refers to En. Ps. 61.6; En. Ps. 90.2.1; and En. Ps. 131.3 (O’Daly 1999, p. 63, citing, for these references, Van Oort 1991, p. 171, n. 403) and recognizes in this connection the influence exercised by the Church-as-body-of-Christ motif and by the image of the Church as corpus bipertitum, used by Tyconius (Van Oort 1991, p. 63, n. 21). |
26 | en. Ps. 64.2 (CC 39.824). |
27 | en. Ps. 61.7 (778). |
28 | |
29 | |
30 | |
31 | en. Ps. 61.6 (777). In en. Ps. 61.6, Augustine draws a comparison between the two archetypal cities of Babylon and Jerusalem. The former, emblematic of evil, is depicted as governed by the nefarious forces of the devil, while the latter, representative of all that is good and noble, is ruled over by Christ, the benevolent king. Notably, the earthly city, symbolized by the figure of Cain, was the first to come into being, while the celestial city, exemplified by Abel, emerged later. The biblical text thus implies that the separation between these two cities, so fundamentally opposed in nature, will culminate in the cessation of their present intertwining. |
32 | en. Ps. 61.7 (777). |
33 | en. Ps. 26.2.18 (CC 38.164). Augustine provides a compelling interpretation of the Psalm verse in question, which reads “my father and my mother have forsaken me”. He posits that this verse refers to the passing of one’s biological parents, who are inherently mortal. The biblical text takes on a deeper significance, however, when viewed in light of Augustine’s understanding of the concept of fatherhood. According to him, there are two distinct fathers: the first, a worldly father who is emblematic of the devil, and the second, a divine father who is representative of God. Similarly, there are two mothers: the first is the city of Babylon, which is synonymous with sin and debauchery, and the second is the city of Jerusalem, which embodies spiritual purity and righteousness. Thus, the notion of being forsaken by one’s parents can be understood as a call to reject the devil and his wicked ways, and, instead, to embrace God as one’s true father. This transformation, as Augustine suggests, requires a conscious and deliberate denial of the devil and a wholehearted commitment to live in accordance with the divine principles embodied by the city of Jerusalem. |
34 | en. Ps. 86.6 (CC 39.1204). Saints belong to Jerusalem, sinners to Babylon, according to en. Ps. 86.6. |
35 | en. Ps. 136.1 (CC 40.1964). This passage discusses the mixing of the two cities; although separated spiritually, they are now mixed materially. People destined for salvation, ransomed by Christ’s blood, are now in captivity in Babylon. Babylon focuses on temporal peace, Jerusalem on eternal peace. At the end of time, the two cities will also be physically separated. |
36 | en. Ps. 136.1 (CC 40.1964). |
37 | en. Ps. 64.2 (CC 39.824). Cf. en. Ps. 148.4 (CC 40.2168). |
38 | en. Ps. 136.21 (CC 40.1978). In en. Ps. 136.21, Augustine urges his hearers to eliminate the bad habits of Babylon. As a child learns from adults, so children in the earthly city learn all kinds of bad things. The children of Babylon are the bad passions. |
39 | en. Ps. 64.2 (CC 39.824). In en. Ps. 94.2, Augustine asserts that distance from God does not concern physical distance. Rather, the state of being distant from God arises from moral and spiritual sinfulness. Augustine contends that the human soul is imbued with the imprint of the divine image, and the extent to which an individual conforms to this imprint determines that individual’s proximity to God. Confusio is prominent in en. Ps. 64.2, where the connection with amor is also explained: “Incipit exire qui incipit amare. Exeunt enim multi latenter, et exeuntium pedes sunt cordis affectus; exeunt autem de Babylonia. Quid est de Babylonia? De confusione. Quomodo exitur de Babylone, id est de confusione? Qui primo confusi erant similibus cupiditatibus, incipiunt caritate distingui; iam distincti, non sunt confusi” (En. Ps. 64.2; CC 39.824). Cf. en. Ps. 136.1 (CC. 40.1964): “Ierusalem interpretari uisionem pacis; Babyloniam confusionem. Ierusalem in Babylonia captiua tenebatur non tota: ciues enim eius et angeli sunt”. |
40 | en. Ps. 9.8 (CC 38.62). Augustine discusses the city of the devil and the deceitful rulers who incite people to evil there. What can be found in the individual can also be found in a city made up of individuals. Truth destroys such empires, that is, cities where the devil rules; as a result, sin no longer reigns in the mortal body. In cat. rud. 36, the connection between the earthly and heavenly Jerusalem is outlined: the earthly kingdom is a picture of a spiritual kingdom; Jerusalem is the most famous image of the city of God. Its king, Christ, made people so that they may reign with him in peace without end. |
41 | The second book of doctr. chr., to which we refer in this article, was written around 396–397. V. Roberts Ogle posits that Augustine’s elucidation of signs (signa) and their significance for both the interpreter and the interpreted, as expounded in De doctrina christiana 1–3, serves as the foundation for understanding Augustine’s contrasting interpretations of the world as exemplified in his concept of the two cities, as discussed in her work V. Roberts Ogle (2021), p. 121. For a broader approach to uti and frui in doctr. chr., and scholarship on it, see Dupont (2004), pp. 475–506. |
42 | doctr. chr. 2.40.60 (CC 32.73). This passage deals with the good use Christians can make of the profane sciences, just as the Israelites at the time of the exodus took gold and silver and made good use of them, unlike the Egyptians who used them for the worship of their gods. Christians are permitted to adopt pagan institutions and make good use of them. |
43 | doctr. chr. 2.41.62 (76). Taking over and using earthly goods and institutions, including earthly peace, should be carried out with prudence, i.e., without pride and with charity. |
44 | ciu. 19.26. |
45 | Gn. litt. 11.15.20 (CSEL 28/1.347, trans. is ours). De Genesi ad litteram was completed in the years 414–415. |
46 | Gn. litt. 11.15.20 (348–349). |
47 | Gn. litt. 11.15.20 (348). |
48 | Gn. litt. 11.15.20 (348). |
49 | |
50 | |
51 | ciu. 14.28 (CC 48.451; trans. Dyson (1998), p. 632). The passage in question, which marks the conclusion of the anti-Pelagian digressions in Book 14 of De ciuitate Dei, can be dated to 418. It is noteworthy that this section is characterized by reflections on the doctrine of original sin, infused with insights from Augustine’s position in the Pelagian controversy, and delves into the overarching theme of contrasting modes of living, namely, living in accordance with the spirit versus living in accordance with the flesh. See Lancel (1999), p. 562. Both cities, and their loves, reflect the “two aspects of the human condition which revolve around the question of the Fall”; see Dougherty (1990), p. 207. |
52 | |
53 | ciu. 12.1 (355). Cf. ench. 29 (CC 46.65). Augustine’s discernment of the angelic or demonic inhabitants of the celestial realms in his seminal work De ciuitate Dei appears to be a development that follows after a meticulous examination of the creation narrative in Genesis. The reference to angels as belonging to both the earthly cities, as found in his earlier work, De Genesi ad litteram, is dated back to 415. In contrast, the mention of angels in De ciuitate Dei 12, which pertains to the heavenly cities, is dated after 418. Augustine’s earlier depictions of the two cities, in terms of their inhabitants, solely focus on their earthly denizens, highlighting a discernible evolution in his theological insights over time. |
54 | ciu. 12.9 (364). The body and soul, vitiated by the fall, will then be healed. Augustine’s concept of restoration, as depicted in books 11–22 of ciu., serves as a crucial backbone for his theology of history. Augustine sees four main dimensions of restoration: the restoration of body and soul, the restoration of the predestined number of saints, the restoration of virtues and morals, and the restoration of faith and hope. Augustine’s theology of history revolves around God’s plan for the redemption of true Christians, the universal restoration of body and soul, and the eternal suffering of evil people. Augustine draws inspiration from biblical narratives to describe the sacred history of the city of God, with Christ serving as the restorative agent and medium, and as humankind’s model for moral restoration. Augustine’s view is that the history of God and God’s people centers on restoration, with history being predestined by God, based on Scripture, centered on Christ, and oriented towards a goal. Augustine asserts that the two cities have opposite trajectories, and God’s restorative action does not proceed in cycles, but progresses linearly through history. Furthermore, the restoration of the body and soul is an irreversible process. Dupont and Chan (2016), pp. 55–78. See also: Mommsen (1952), pp. 346–74. |
55 | |
56 | ciu. 11.33 (353). |
57 | trin. 12.9.14 (CC 50.368). |
58 | ciu. 19.17 (685). |
59 | ciu. 19.17 (685). |
60 | |
61 | J. Von Heyking proposes that for Augustine, politics not only serves as a natural good, but also functions as a means to fulfill humanity’s yearning for unity, albeit incompletely; in fact, politics is humanity’s highest practical activity. Von Heyking (2001), pp. 3–5. |
62 | ciu. 15.4 (457). This misery stems from the innate human tendency towards sensual satisfaction, which, when fixated on earthly peace as the sole aim, intensifies that misery by the inevitable addition of war. |
63 | ciu. 15.4 (CC 48.456). Earthly goods are good, but not if higher goods are neglected on their account. Earthly peace is good, but imperfect, because it is not everlasting. Earthly peace becomes deadly when it causes pride. |
64 | ciu. 19.17 (CC 48.683). The earthly city and the city of God both use earthly goods, but do so for distinct purposes. Both pursue earthly peace and abide by earthly laws in pursuit of this peace. Despite its diverse citizenry, the city of God respects earthly institutions for the sake of earthly peace, but its ultimate goal differs from that of the earthly city: to enjoy God and one another in God. While the earthly city worships multiple gods, the city of God believes in a single God and, thus, has no religious union with the earthly city. Compare Verheijen (1987), pp. 178, 182. See also Lavere (1983). |
65 | ciu. 19.12 (675). As social creatures, humans naturally seek connection with others and universally desire peace. Even those who commit harmful acts cannot deny this inherent desire for peace, although they may pursue it by dominating and subjugating others—a manifestation of pride that ignores the fundamental equality of all people before God. |
66 | ciu. 19.13 (679). |
67 | ciu. 19.12 (678). |
68 | For earthly peace as a temporary good, see, i.a., en. Ps. 136.3. |
69 | ciu. 15.4 (456). According to Augustine, it would be inaccurate to claim that the things desired by the earthly city are not valuable. Even though the earthly city may pursue earthly peace for the sake of lesser goods, possessing them still brings about a better condition for that city. Therefore, the earthly city seeks to attain such peace through war. |
70 | ciu. 19.26 (696): “A people estranged from God, therefore, must be wretched; yet even such a people as this loves a peace of its own, which is not to be despised. It will not, indeed, possess it in the end, because it does not make good use of it before the end” (Dyson 1998, pp. 961–62). |
71 | Cf. ciu. 15.4 (456), ciu. 19.26 (696). Robert Dodaro has provided a defense of Augustine’s interest in the Christian statesman, who deliberately governs earthly affairs with a focus on eternal ends. For Dodaro, this responsibility goes beyond simply balancing ecclesial and political commitments. Rather, the Christian statesman undertakes a theological transformation of political virtues, which serves Christian objectives as well as the temporal interests of the earthly city. According to Dodaro’s analysis, Augustine does not argue that the transformation of these political virtues, which occurs when one’s sole desire is God, would lead public officials to neglect the pursuit of social goods, such as peace and security. Rather, these virtues, when understood in the context of the heavenly city, change expectations about the nature of the peace and security that should characterize the earthly city. (Dodaro 2003, p. 297). |
72 | ciu. 19.12 (678). |
73 | ciu. 19.12 (678). |
74 | ciu. 19.12 (677). |
75 | See above: uera rel. 65 (CC 32.230). |
76 | ciu. 19.27 (CC 48.697). Here, Augustine describes earthly peace as imperfect because justice is imperfect. God rules over people, and reason over the body, but because vices reign, this rule is not always respected. |
77 | ciu. 16.11 (CC 48.513). |
78 | |
79 | |
80 | |
81 | See ciu. 19.17 for the city of God’s obedience to the laws of the earthly city, but with the restriction that these may not conflict with religion. For a discussion of a narrow or broad interpretation of the latter caveat, see Roberts Ogle (2021), p. 136, n. 37. |
82 | ciu. 15.5 (457). |
83 | |
84 | ciu. 19.27 (697–698). |
85 | |
86 | |
87 | ciu. 19.27 (698). |
88 | |
89 | ciu. 15.5 (457). |
90 | ciu. 15.3 (456). Cf. uirg. 29.29 (CSEL 41.267). In particular, this caritas should be ordered. Humankind should respect an ordo amoris (order of love). Augustine’s interpretation of Gen 6:1–4 in ciu. 15.18–23 highlights the importance of the ordo amoris, or right order of love, as a key characteristic of the city of God. To be considered ordered, love must meet certain criteria. The co-existence of the earthly city and the city of God in a mixed environment has resulted in some citizens of the city of God being assimilated into the earthly city. The story of Gen 6:1–4 teaches that ordered love distinguishes the cities and that there is a hierarchy of goodness to which one must adhere in order to respect the ordo amoris. Venken and Dupont (2022), pp. 371–90. |
91 | ciu. 19.17 (685). |
92 | ciu. 19.13 (CC 48.680). This passage suggests that the name ‘Babylon’ may represent not only the immoral earthly city, but also other physical cities in the world, much like how the expression ciuitas terrena refers to not only self-centered communities, but also the broader earthly context. For the shift from Babylon to Jerusalem, see Lee (2016), pp. 157–80. Lauras (1954), p. 149. Cf. en. Ps. 136.2 (CC 40.1965). |
93 | |
94 | ciu. 19.26 (696). |
95 | ciu. 19.17 (685). |
96 | |
97 | ciu. 15.4 (456). Cf. ciu. 19.26 (696). According to Fortin’s interpretation, Augustine’s theology does not aim to justify or legitimize the established political order, but instead directs Christianity towards a goal beyond politics, in a realm beyond this world. M. Hollingworth reports that Augustine highlights the inherent limitations of humans as rational beings. The inhabitants of the pilgrim city exist within this world, but their allegiance lies outside it. Through their love for God and willingness to renounce their former lives in this world, they attain independence. According to Augustine, human happiness cannot be found in this world, since the language of perfection and the certainties of virtuous action originate from another realm and could not have been conceived as reflections upon this world. As a result, the Christian citizen, and particularly the Christian ruler, are not bound to describe their activities in terms of this world. Augustine contends that Christianity confers a surprising flexibility and freedom of movement upon the state. Fortin (1972); Hollingworth (2010), p. 208. See also Duchrow (1970), p. 266, p. 278 (n. 332). |
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Dupont, A.; Bruning, B.; Venken, K. The Relationship between Augustine’s Anthropological Duality and His Doctrine of the Two Cities. Religions 2023, 14, 791. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060791
Dupont A, Bruning B, Venken K. The Relationship between Augustine’s Anthropological Duality and His Doctrine of the Two Cities. Religions. 2023; 14(6):791. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060791
Chicago/Turabian StyleDupont, Anthony, Bernard Bruning, and Kristiaan Venken. 2023. "The Relationship between Augustine’s Anthropological Duality and His Doctrine of the Two Cities" Religions 14, no. 6: 791. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060791
APA StyleDupont, A., Bruning, B., & Venken, K. (2023). The Relationship between Augustine’s Anthropological Duality and His Doctrine of the Two Cities. Religions, 14(6), 791. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060791