The Dynamic Characteristics of “Jeong 情”: A New Perspective on the Korean Neo-Confucian Four–Seven Debate †
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Dynamic Transformation of Concept Clusters: From Tteut情 to Jeong情
A. [Translation] As the language of Korea is different from that of China, the Chinese characters do not match with the Korean language. Therefore, even when people have something they want to say, finally, there are many people who cannot convey their tteut* in words.
B. [In Old Korean] 나랏 말ᄊᆞ미 中國에 달아 文字와로 서르 ᄉᆞᄆᆞᆺ디 아니ᄒᆞᆯᄊᆡ 이런 젼ᄎᆞ로 어린 百姓이 니르고져 호ᇙ배 이셔도 ᄆᆞᄎᆞᆷ내 제 ᄠᅳ들* 시러 펴디 몯ᄒᆞᇙ 노미 하니라
C. [In a Chinese/Korean Mixed System] 國之語音이 異乎中國ᄒᆞ야 與文字로 不相流通ᄒᆞᆯᄊᆡ 故로 愚民이 有所欲言ᄒᆞ야도 而終不得伸其情者ㅣ 多矣라11
* In old Korean, the syllable final sound was written in the following particle, so “+을” is written as “ᄠᅳ들”.
3. Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings within Our Mind/Heart: The Early Combination of the Four–Seven
4. Reading Confucian Jeong as Korean Jeong: From Sadan and Chiljeong to Jeong情
“Jeong encompasses only what we call pleasure, anger, grief, fear, love, dislike, and desire. There is no such thing as a separate Jeong other than the daily emotions represented by these seven things”.42
“The Human mind and the Dao mind are also [a matter of] Jeong”.43
5. The Emotional Spectrum and Its Transformation into “Public (公 gong)”: Towards Korean Jeong
“Commiseration (eun 隱) [of the Four Beginnings] is different from grief (ae 哀) [of the Seven Feelings]. Commiseration is to commiserate with something [other than oneself]. This is gong 公. Grief is to grieve for [things related to] oneself. This is sa 私”.50
“If one desires what all under Heaven share in desiring and one dislikes what all under Heaven shares in disliking, this is ‘the gong within sa (私中之公: personal but in public interest)’. This gong—what could it mean? Even though [people in the world are] not bound up with my particularity, I see them in the same way that I see myself”.51
“The Seven Feelings still arise as before but there are cases in which they become gong 公. This gong [of the Seven Feelings] is the achievement of governing the feelings and it is not how the Seven Feelings were originally so”.52
6. Concluding Remarks: Confucian Jeong to Korean Jeong
“들 방肆히 며 情졍애 맛도록 여 (肆意의適뎍情졍야)”-56
“이 슬프고 셜워 情졍이라(哀戚쳑之지情졍)”57
Funding
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
1 | Since Kalton, various translations have been suggested: “Four Sprouts and Seven Emotions” (Ivanhoe 2015), “Four buddings and Seven feelings”(Lee 2017), or “Four moral sprouts and seven emotions (Liu 2019)”. This article follows Kalton (1994), the earliest and most well-known translation in English. |
2 | See (Ivanhoe 2015, p. 406). “In order for the four to be sensually experienced and causally effective parts of the actual world, they could not be purely a matter of principle; if they were principle embedded within qi, as it seems they must be, then how could they avoid being “precarious” and “prone to error”? All neo-Confucians accepted the idea that the seven emotions were part and parcel of physical human existence and as such precarious and prone to error; nevertheless, like all material phenomena, they, too, must be a combination of principle and qi. As such, they do not seem to differ in kind from the four sprouts”. |
3 | This article takes a critical stance against Kalton, who regards traditional Confucian jeong and contemporary Korean jeong as separate. However, compared to recent studies that do not bridge the obvious gaps and mix them up without clarification, I think Kalton’s position is sober and balanced. See (Kalton 1994, pp. xv–xvi). “…the intellectual exchange that established their position at the center of Korean Neo-Confucian thought has become almost a byword for abstruse and difficult philosophizing. Now only specialists can grasp the issues and understand why they were of such gripping interest and importance. This marks the divide between contemporary Korea and a past in which Koreans boasted of being the world's bulwark of orthodox Neo-Confucianism. Values, customs, and deep assumptions about man and the world have carried over from this Neo-Confucian past to transform Korea's modernity. But in the past this world view and value system were crystalized into a sophisticated and articulate philosophy. Known as “the study of the nature and principle” (sŏngnihak), this learning encompassed metaphysics, cosmology, and philosophy of man in the scope of a unified anthropocosmic vision. Its practical aim was the cultivation of character, and it developed a sophisticated ascetical theory combining both intellectual and meditative pursuits”. |
4 | As for the meaning of “concept cluster,” see (Park 2021). |
5 | While an interesting topic, there are not many resources available on vernacular languages, so there is much to uncover and explain that is beyond the scope of this article. |
6 | I have yet to find a linguistic paper discussing whether “jeong” is a foreign word or a naturalized word. However, I think that “Jeong” can be classified as a naturalized word according to the linguistic definition of “naturalized words”–-words that were originally foreign but have been naturally Koreanized over a long period of time, being recognized as native words by the Korean audience. As for the definitions of “naturalized words” and “loan words” among “borrowing words”, see (Cho 1999). |
7 | For philosophical clustering, which created a contral concept common to the East Asian cultural sphere, see “Clustering as Philosophizing” in (Park 2021, pp. 12–13). In the case of “Jeong”, it is not only connected to various expressions including “jeong” such as dajeong, aejeong, gamjeong, yeoljeong, mujeong, sokjeong, bakjeong and etc, but also to numerous idioms (jeong-i + deulda, gipda, ssakteuda…; jeong-eul + juda, batda, tteda…; jeong-e + utda, ulda, salda…), and also to the culture or ritual of giving one more in Korea—”a spoonful has no jeong”. |
8 | In English, Maum can be translated as mind/heart, Haneul as sky/heaven, and Uri as we/our/ourselves, respectively. Based on the records, they have consistently been a conceptual cluster with centrality for at least a millennium. Before Hangeul was created, they were written in domesticated writing system such as Hyangchal or Idu: Maum was written as “心音” and Uri as “吾里”, appearing fairly regularly; Haneul as “漢捺” or “寒乙”, appearing irregularly. The estimated dates and references for the native concept clusters are as follows: “心音” (760) in “Song of Tuista Heaven (兜率歌)”, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (三國遺事), “吾里”(963–967) in “Song of Asking the Budda to in the World (請佛住世歌)”, Biography of Gyunyeo (均如傳) and “漢捺”(before 1103) in Goryeo Sounds of Chinese Characters (鷄林類事 ch. Jilin leishi, kr. Gyerim Yusa). |
9 | |
10 | In the database of Sejong Korean Classic (http://db.sejongkorea.org/) (Accessed on 17 September 2022), “” (941) appears much more than “”(42). |
11 | The Hunminjeongeum (訓民正音, “Correct Sounds for Teaching the People”) was created in 1443 and promulgated in 1446 with the Preface and the Illustrated Explanation, and the oldest version remains in the WorinSeokbo (月印釋譜, “Songs of the Moon’s Reflection on a Thousand Rivers and the Life History of of Śākyamuni Combined”) published by King Sejo in 1459. For basic information on those texts, refer to (Lee et al. 2003, pp. 26–30, 165–67). See the fully digitalized text of Hunminjeongeum—the old Korean version (B), the mixed one (C), and the scanned image of the original text in the following link: http://db.sejongkorea.org/front/detail.do?bkCode=P14_WS_v001&recordId=P14_WS_e01_v001_a001. (Accessed on 17 September 2022), |
12 | According to Sim (2015, pp. 14–18), it was around the Tang Dynasty (618–907) that the Thousand Character Text written by Zhōu Xìngsì (周興嗣, 469~521) in the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties of China (420–589) was transmitted to Japan via Korea, and it was in the late 16th century at the latest that Korea began to publish the Cheonjamun editions with meanings and sounds in Hangeul as well as Chinese characters. The oldest actual material of the Thousand Character Text found in Korea is from the 10th to 11th centuries. (Park 2018, p. 400). |
13 | Refer to Halvor Eifring (2004), “Introduction: Emotions and the Conceptual History of Qíng 情” (pp. 1–35) and (Puett 2004). |
14 | The Seokbong Cheonjamun was a Korean version of the Thousand Character Text written by Seokbong Han Ho (韓濩: 1543–1605) who was a famous calligrapher. It was incredibly useful for Koreans by adding the pronunciation and meaning of Chinese characters in Hangeul. Since its first publication in 1583, it has been published many times and circulated broadly throughout the Joseon Dynasty (Sim 2015, p. 20). It is still used as a representative Chinese character education textbook even in today’s Korea. |
15 | See the Mencius 2A6. Note that the Four Beginnings are expressed as the four kinds of “mind (心xīn)”, not “emotion (情 qíng)” in the original text. |
16 | See the liyun 禮運 chapter of the Book of Ritual. |
17 | These two words appear together only in three paragraphs of the Classified Conversations of Master Zhu (朱子語類 Zhuzi Yulei, hereafter ZZYL). |
18 | A conversation on the Mencius 《朱子語類/孟子三/公孫丑上之下/人皆有不忍人之心章》: 「四端是理之發,七情是氣之發。」問:「看得來如喜怒愛惡欲,卻似近仁義。」 曰:「固有相似處。」; the liyun 禮運 chapter of the Book of Ritual 《朱子語類/禮四/小戴禮/禮運》: 問:「喜怒哀懼愛惡欲是七情,論來亦自性發。只是惡自羞惡發出,如喜怒愛欲,恰都自惻隱上發。」曰:「哀懼是那箇發? 看來也只是從惻隱發,蓋懼亦是怵惕之甚者。但七情不可分配四端,七情自於四端橫貫過了。」(2-2) 劉圻父問七情分配四端。曰:「喜怒愛惡是仁義,哀懼主禮,欲屬水,則是智。且粗恁地說,但也難分。」 the Classified Conversations of Master Zhu (朱子語類 Zhuzi Yulei, hereafter ZZYL). |
19 | In ZZYL, the term “qīqíng 七情” only appears in four paragraphs (six matches), while “sìduān四端”appears in 87 paragraphs (120 matches). In addition, it is mentioned only once in his other masterpiece, the Collected Commentaries on the Four Books (四書集注 Sishu jizhu). |
20 | Ki, Dae-seung (奇大升: 1527∼1572, a.k.a Gobong 高峯) |
21 | Gobong’s objection is about [P2], which is explained below, and the core of his criticism is that, according to Toegye’s diagram confirmed with Chuman, Toegye viewed emotions dichotomously by dividing them into four and seven. “Now, if one regards the Four Beginnings as being issued by principle and [hence] as nothing but good, and the Seven Feelings as issued by material force and so involving both good and evil, then this splits up principle and material force and makes them two [distinct] things”. (Kalton 1994, p. 4) [今若以謂四端, 發於理而無不善; 七情, 發於氣而有善惡, 則是理與氣判而爲兩物也. 是七情不出於性, 而四端不乘於氣也. 此語意之不能無病, 而後學之不能無疑也.] * For brevity, I will use Korean scholars’ pen names in the main text unless necessary. |
22 | Yi, Hwang (李滉: 1502∼1571, a.k.a Toegye 退溪). |
23 | Jeong, Ji-un (鄭之雲: 1509∼1561, a.k.a Chuman 秋巒). |
24 | Yi, I (李珥: 1536∼1584, a.k.a Yulgok 栗谷). |
25 | Seong, Hon (成渾: 1535∼1598, a.k.a Ugye 牛溪). |
26 | Gwon Geun (權近, 1352∼1409, a.k.a Yangchon 陽村) lived in a transitional period from the fall of Goryeo to the founding of Joseon. |
27 | In the Combined Diagram, the four moral sprouts are arranged in the order of the four seasons—spring, summer, autumn, and winter, and after cheuk’eun 惻隱, the sayang 辭讓 comes next, instead of su’o 羞惡. |
28 | Refer to the white route slanting down from right to left in Figure 2. |
29 | Refer to the route from the black area in the upper left through the circular area in the middle to the white area in the lower right in Figure 2. |
30 | For the influence of Yangchon’s Combined Diagram on later diagrams by portraying the invisible mind in form, see (Yoo 2007, pp. 32–34). |
31 | Refer to (Lee 2007, pp. 276–78). Lee quotes the words of Gim Jangsaeng (金長生, 1548–1631, a.k.a Sagye沙溪) as a representative example of such criticism, and at the same time points out that this criticism is groundless. I understand his comment to mean that Toegye’s reception of Yangchon’s diagram was not partisan. |
32 | As Toegye expressed, it was unprecedented for Chinese Confucian scholars to explain human emotions with the metaphysical theoretical system of li and qi. “性情之辯, 先儒發明詳矣. 惟四端七情之云, 但俱謂之情, 而未見有以理氣分說者焉” (Kalton 1994, p. 7). As for the argumentation regarding nature and feelings, the pronouncements and clarifications of former Confucians have been precise. But when it comes to speaking of the Four Beginnings and the Seven Feelings, they only lump them together as “feelings”; I have not yet seen an explanation that differentiates them in terms of principle and material force. |
33 | See (Kalton 1994, p. 8). “往年鄭生之作圖也。有四端發於理。七情發於氣之說。愚意亦恐其分別太甚。” |
34 | ZZYL 朱子語類, 第6冊, 卷87, p. 2242. A disciple named Fu Guang (輔廣) wrote this phrase down, who was one of about 100 transcribers. |
35 | See (Kalton 1994, p. 131). Yulgok’s Response to Ugye’s Third Letter. “Four Beginnings are the good side of the Seven Feelings, and the Seven Feelings are a comprehensive term that includes the Four Beginnings. [四端是七情之善一邊也, 七情是四端之摠會者也]”; Also see (Kalton 1994, p. 134) “The Four Beginnings are just alternative terms for the good feelings; if one says “the Seven Feelings,” the Four Beginnings are included in them. [四端只是善情之別名, 言七情則四端在其中矣]”. |
36 | See (Kalton 1994, p. 113). Yulgok’s Response to Ugye’s First Letter. “The Four Beginnings are not able to include the Seven Feelings, but the Seven Feelings include the Four Beginnings. [四端不能兼七情, 而七情則兼四端]. “ Also, refer to “若七情則已包四端在其中, 不可謂四端非七情, 七情非四端也. 烏可分兩邊乎? 七情之包四端”. From “Yulgok’s Response to Ugye’s First Letter”, 9.34b (Kalton 113). |
37 | In the following quotations, when “情” is at the center of conceptual clustering, it is written as “Jeong”, not translated into feeling or emotion, to show the concept history of jeong. |
38 | “夫四端, 情也. 七情, 亦情也. 均是情也. “The translation is mine. See Kalton (1994, p. 8) for comparison. Of course, Toegye’s intention in saying this was a paving stone to distinguish Sadan from Chiljeong, but he did not doubt that these two are equally Jeong. |
39 | ZZYL 朱子語類, 《性理二》《性情心意等名義》 “四端,情也,性則理也。發者,情也,其本則性也,如見影知形之意。”. |
40 | Refer to (Kalton 1994, p. 8). “So why is there the distinct terminology for the Four and the Seven? What your letter described as ‘that with respect to which one speaks’ being not the same is the reason. (何以有四七之異名耶? 來喩所謂‘所就以言之者不同’是也.)”. |
41 | “七情本善而易流於惡”. |
42 | “情有喜怒哀懼愛惡欲七者而已. 七者之外, 無他情, 非若人心道心之相對立名也”. The translation is mine. Refer to Kalton (1994, p. 134). |
43 | “人心道心亦情也. “The translation is mine. Refer to Kalton (1994, p. 141). Compared to what Luo Qinshun (羅欽順, 1465–1547), a scholar of the Ming China, said about the Human mind and the Dao mind as follows, we can guess how different Korean scholars' approaches to the concept of “Jeong” were. “道心, 性也; 人心, 情也. 心一也而兩言之者, 動靜之分, 體用之別也” (Knowledge Painfully Acquired [困知記]). |
44 | It is not possible to give all the examples of the clustering of “Jeong”, but to mention a few cases, (1) the confirmation of Toegye’s saying (“四固情也, 七亦情也”; “七情, 情也. 四端, 亦情也”.; “然端亦情, 情亦端也”.), (2) the interchangeable use of Seong 性and Jeong情 (“性亦情, 情亦性”), (3) clustering “Jeong” with emotions in due measure (“四端固亦情之動而氣之發也”; “蓋雖曰中節, 然亦情也”), (4) clustering “Jeong” with emotions in discord (“如不當喜而喜, 不當怒而怒之類耳, 此雖非情之本然, 要亦情耳”), (5) clustering “Jeong” with various instances of emotion. (“大學正心章忿懥恐懼好樂憂患, 亦情也.; “雖然。感舊傷離。亦情所不能已者”) and (6) placing Sim心 and Jeong情 in parallel (“非但心有所不安, 抑亦情有所不忍”). |
45 | Here is Seongho’s evaluation of the controversy that has been going on since the Toegye–Gobong (1559–1566) and Ugye–Yulgok (1572) debates: “This discussion (on the Four–Seven) has taken place in Joseon, but it has not been concluded yet. Numerous opinions that came out later are doing nothing more than making their own claims. Those who insist on this theory speak only of the disadvantages of that theory, and those who insist on that theory only speak of the disadvantages of this theory. It is indeed correct to point out each other’s shortcomings, but if we do not discuss them in detail and prove them against each other and clearly reveal them, it is only a haggling game in the end. [此論張大於東方, 迄無歸一. 後來許多言議,不過各有所主. 主此者惟談彼短, 主彼者亦惟談此短. 其短之也誠是矣, 然不復該擧互證, 得至洞豁, 則畢竟一鬧場.]” in “Reply to Wonmyeong Yun in 1742 [答尹源明 壬戌]”, Seongho-Jeonjib [星湖全集]. Translation is mine. |
46 | Yi, Ik (李瀷: 1681∼1763, a.k.a Seongho 星湖). |
47 | Considering that the Toegye–Gobong debate took place in 1599 to 1566, that of Yulgok and Ugyeo in 1572, and that Seongho's New Compilation of the Four–Seven Debate (四七新編) was first written around 1716 and the “Second Epilogue [重拔]” with its revision was written in 1741, there is a distance of about 150 years. |
48 | I put the Chinese transliteration of the original concept of “principle or material force” in parentheses. Because I think that the use of “principle or material force”as the basis for distinction still remains within the framework of the Chinese Neo-Confucian lǐ-qì metaphysics. As for the use of the Korean concept of “gi”, which is distinguished from the lǐ-qì metaphysics, (Park 2016), pp. 82–83. |
49 | “私 sa” can be translated as personal, private, particular, individual, selfish, etc. depending on the context, and “personal” is selected here to easily contrast with “public”. |
50 | The translation of the New Compilation here is based on our collective wisdom gleaned from discussions conducted jointly with Back, Ha, Kim, Sarkissian, and Virag. “四之隱, 非七之哀也. 隱者, 隱於物, 公也; 哀者, 哀在己, 私也”. (Ch1, “Meaning of the Four Beginnings [四端字義]”, the New Compilation.) |
51 | “欲天下之所同欲, 惡天下之所同惡, 乃私中之公也. 公者, 何也? 雖不繫吾私, 而一視於己也”. (Ch4, The Seven Feelings of Sages and Worthies [聖賢之七情]”, the New Compilation.) |
52 | “七情則又依舊在, 而或有時乎爲公, 則是公者, 治情之功, 非情之本然也”. (Ch4, the New Compilation.) |
53 | Refer to (Chung 2013). This paper deals with a series of processes of Toegye school’s philosophy of mind, where Seongho’s theory succeeds Toegye, and it leads to Lee Byeong-hyu (李秉休: 1710∼1776, a.k.a Jeongsan 貞山) and Jeong Yak-yong (丁若鏞: 1762∼1836, a.k.a Dasan 茶山). Although it is a bit different from my position that Seongho supported Toegye but did not follow all the claims of Toegye verbatim, this paper helps to understand that Seongho's Four–Seven theory was continuously inherited. |
54 | An example of the former can be found in a group of direct disciples of Seong-ho, who continued the discussion on the theme of “public pleasure and anger (公喜怒)”. That of the latter can be found in Dasan. “The mind [心] is one, but the various emotions [心] that arise from it can be thousands or ten thousand. [心一也, 其發而爲心者, 可千可萬]” in “Reply to Yeohong Yi [答李汝弘]”, Collected Works of Jeong Yagyong [與猶堂全書]. Translation is mine. |
55 | See Sejong Hangeul Classics, accessed 10 January 2023. In the early Joseon Dynasty, “tteut” corresponded to “情” and meant “emotion in a comprehensive sense. In the Worin Seokbo (1459), “有情”(all sentient beings) was translated as tteut such as “Being with tteut 이실씨” or “who have tteut 잇 것”. While in the late Joseon Dynasty, the Gogeum Gagok (1764) puts “有情” in the sense of emotions: “偶然이 사괸 버시 自然히 有情다”. |
56 | See Sejong Hangeul Classics, accessed 17 September 2022. The Yeohun-eonhae (女訓諺解 1532). |
57 | See Sejong Hangeul Classics, accessed 17 September 2022. The Hyogyeong-eonhae (孝經諺解 1590). |
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Park, S.-j. The Dynamic Characteristics of “Jeong 情”: A New Perspective on the Korean Neo-Confucian Four–Seven Debate. Religions 2023, 14, 663. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050663
Park S-j. The Dynamic Characteristics of “Jeong 情”: A New Perspective on the Korean Neo-Confucian Four–Seven Debate. Religions. 2023; 14(5):663. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050663
Chicago/Turabian StylePark, So-jeong. 2023. "The Dynamic Characteristics of “Jeong 情”: A New Perspective on the Korean Neo-Confucian Four–Seven Debate" Religions 14, no. 5: 663. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050663
APA StylePark, S. -j. (2023). The Dynamic Characteristics of “Jeong 情”: A New Perspective on the Korean Neo-Confucian Four–Seven Debate. Religions, 14(5), 663. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050663