Learning from Black Lives Matter: Resisting Purity Culture in US Antitrafficking
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Black Lives Matter Movement
2.1. Introducing Black Lives Matter
In the “Herstory” of BLM, the decision to center the leadership around women, queer, and trans people in the movement is further explained in terms of learning from the past: “To maximize our movement muscle, and to be intentional about not replicating harmful practices that excluded so many in past movements for liberation, we made a commitment to placing those at the margins closer to the center” (Black Lives Matter n.d.b). Breaking from the history of marginalization from formal leadership in US-based Black liberation movements, the leadership of women, queer, and trans people is central in BLM.We are intentional about amplifying the particular experiences of racial, economic, and gender-based state and interpersonal violence that Black women, queer, trans, gender nonconforming, intersex, and disabled people face. Cisheteropatriarchy and ableism are central and instrumental to anti-Blackness and racial capitalism, and have been internalized within our communities and movements.
This conception of dignity not only includes those who are marginalized but intentionally centers their experiences and leadership. The preamble explains: “There can be no liberation for all Black people if we do not center and fight for members of our communities who are living at the intersections of multiple and mutually reinforcing structures of oppression” (M4BL 2020b). In this way, dignity is not identified with overcoming or triumphing over marginalization or sources of social oppression but is recognized as extant within marginalized and oppressed lives, communities, and spaces.We believe in elevating the experiences and leadership of the most marginalized Black people, including, but not limited to, women, femmes, queer, trans, gender nonconforming, intersex, Muslim, disabled, D/deaf, and autistic people, people living with HIV, people who are criminalized, formerly and currently incarcerated, detained or institutionalized, migrants, including undocumented migrants, low and no-income, cash poor, and working class, homeless and precariously housed people, people who are dependent on criminalized substances, youth, and elders. It is our hope that by working together to create and amplify a shared agenda, we can continue to move towards a world in which the full humanity and dignity of all people is recognized.
Reflecting these demands, the policy platform consists of six foci or “planks”: end the war on Black people; reparations; invest–divest; economic justice; community control; and political power.We demand repair for the harms that have been done to Black communities, in the form of reparations and targeted long- term investments. We demand economic justice. We demand defunding and dismantling of the systems and institutions that criminalize, control, and cage us. We demand divestment from ideologies, laws, policies, and practices that harm us, and investment in our communities and movements. We demand political power and community control over the institutions which govern our lives.
2.2. Black Lives Matter and Human Trafficking
In other words, policies and practices connected to the initiative to end the illegal drug trade are behind many of the harms that Black people and communities experience.The “War on Drugs” has been a primary driver of mass criminalization, incarceration, and law enforcement violence targeting Black people over the past five decades, devastating families, communities, and generations. Prostitution enforcement has consistently served as a mechanism for profiling, pathologization, targeting, physical and sexual violence, criminalization, and structural exclusion for Black women, trans, and gender nonconforming people, and regulation of sexual and reproductive autonomy. Both the drug war and prostitution enforcement divert millions of dollars away from meeting the needs of people with substance dependence and people in the drug and sex trades, including non-coercive, accessible, and evidence-based treatment, housing, health care, education, and living wage employment (2).
Importantly, the brief calls attention to the reasons why people trade sex, explaining as follows: “The vast majority of people who trade sex do in order to meet basic needs for housing, food, education, medical care, childcare, and eldercare …. [People] may participate in the sex trade because it offers flexibility and accommodations jobs in formal economies do not. It can also substitute and supplement for inadequate or denied disability benefits and to cover exorbitant medical costs” (M4BL 2020a, p. 6). In other words, taking up commercial sex work is often a strategy for meeting basic needs and for dealing with poverty.Prostitution laws have consistently been used to surveil, police, and criminalize Black communities, homes, and businesses. They have particularly facilitated police and community violence—including sexual violence—against Black women, trans, gender nonconforming and disabled people. Criminalization of prostitution originated and continues to be used as a basis for exclusion and deportation from the U.S.
3. Critiquing the Moral Economy of Antitrafficking
3.1. Economic Values: The Protestant Ethic
Although the values of the Protestant ethic largely work effectively for White Americans, because of entrenched, systemic racism, they do not work quite so reliably for Black people. Cannon argues that the effect of racism is to force Black people “to the lowest rungs of the social, political and economic hierarchy” where, thus confined, they are effectively prevented from achieving economic success (Cannon 1988, p. 3). Although the Protestant ethic claims that success is possible for anyone who tries, its formula for economic success does not work under conditions of confinement. As Cannon points out, the Protestant ethic really only produces economic success for people who are already free, self-directing, and who enjoy a wide range of choices in their lives and for their futures (Campbell and Zimmerman 2017, p. 283). The Protestant ethic is in this way less a method for achieving freedom (economic or otherwise) than it is one for maintaining freedom already possessed. In calling attention to its racialized dynamics—that is, how it works more reliably for White people than for Black people—Cannon highlights the Protestant ethic’s practical entanglement in racism and White supremacy.Developing confidence in one’s own abilities, resources and judgements amidst a careful use of money and goods in order to exhibit assiduity in the pursuit of upward mobility have proven to be positive values for whites. But, when the oligarchic economic powers and the consequent political power they generate, own and control capital and distribute credit as part of a legitimating system to justify the supposed inherent inferiority of Blacks, these same values prove to be ineffectual. Racism does not allow Black women and Black men to labor habitually in beneficial work with the hope of saving expenses by avoiding waste so that they can develop a standard of living that is congruent with the American ideal.
3.2. Sexual Values: Purity Culture
The reversal of this formulation was useful to burgeoning capitalist society, where separate spheres [Victorian gender ideology] worked to offset the quasi-nefarious dealings of men in public life with the nurturing nature and piety of women who maintained the domestic sanctuary. The virtue of purity as a uniquely feminine aspect was part of the larger project to alleviate Protestant anxieties about personal wealth and engagement with the market economy. Women’s ability to maintain the virtues of religious piety and sexual purity allowed white, middle-class men to pursue economic success and thus reassure white middle-class Protestants of their cultural dominance.(p. 16)
4. Learning from Black Lives Matter
5. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | Importantly, Musto highlights the often “blurred lines between protection and punishment” for trafficking victims and others in the sex trade, such that even when people are recognized as victims of human trafficking, they are still often subjected to invasive, punitive, and surveilling interventions offered in the name of ‘protection’ and under the guise of helping them (Musto 2016, p. 28). |
2 | Analyses of the types of cases prosecuted under this law show that it was most frequently used to punish interracial relationships between men of color and white women (Zakhari 2004; Blakemore 2019). |
3 | According to a 2017 report by the International Labor Organization (ILO), approximately 64 percent of trafficking is labor trafficking, 17 percent is state-imposed forced labor, and 19 percent is sex trafficking (International Labor Organization 2017, p. 29). |
4 | In Other Dreams of Freedom, I discuss at length the ideal human victim that the supporters of the federal antitrafficking legislation had in mind through the legislative process that resulted in the TVPA. I argue that the presentation of trafficking victims (as vulnerable Brown women from the third world) was strategic for securing evangelical Christians’ support for the antitrafficking law because this depiction directly drew on tropes with which they were familiar through the earlier religious freedom movement. Through the religious freedom movement, American evangelicals developed a sense of empathy with and for poor women in the third world, especially the global south, on account of their perceived vulnerability to religious persecution. Depictions of victims of human trafficking in identical terms as those used to portray victims of religious persecution in the religious freedom movement drew on the empathy and compassion for ‘third world women’ that this prior movement had cultivated, making its extension to include concern about sexual exploitation in human trafficking a short leap (Zimmerman 2013, pp. 46–48). |
5 | This is a New Testament aphorism from 2 Thessalonians 3:10 that was cited by John Smith in 1609 to the colonists at Jamestown, VA. |
6 | Posadas (2020) defines capitalism as a political economy in which “the material resources for maintaining human life—and, more importantly, the means for making those resources usable—are not held collectively by society, freely available for use by all, but instead are privately owned. One obtains these resources by purchasing them from their private owners, and most adults gain the money needed to purchase them through waged employment (hourly or salaried). The vast majority of this employment is performed for the purpose of making a profit for the employer, and the ultimate purpose of profits is to expand the privately owned wealth of employers. With few exceptions, one can only have access to the necessities of living by performing waged employment, owing and investing wealth, or being dependent on someone who does one of these two things” (pp. 111–12). |
7 | Christian ethicist Gloria Albrecht defines neoliberal capitalism as a political economic theory within capitalism that places great faith in the ability of unregulated markets to find the best economic balance among multiple players and the best solutions to an increasing number of social problems. Calls for national policies that emphasize export production, privitization, and deregulation; reductions in government employment and expenditures (especially social services), and fiscal policies that promote the international movement of capital, credit incentives for produces and reductions in business taxes and tariffs. Often the policies are defended by appeals to freedom. “A free—that is, a privitized—market is expected to extend individual liberties and to promote democratic forms of government.” (Albrecht 2002, p. 13). |
8 | In 2023, the hourly wage needed for an individual to earn a living wage in the U.S. ranged between $14.85 per hour in South Dakota and $23.13 per hour in Washington D.C. (World Population Review 2023). In 2019, the living wage for a family of four (defined as two working adults and two minor children) was $16.54 per hour (Nadeau 2020). |
9 | Allison (2021) explains theologies of gender complementarianism as follows: “Complementarianism is the theology that says that while God created both men and women as equally valuable, worthy, and loved, men and women have different roles to fill in the home, church, and broader society that are not interchangeable with one another. Men are to lead; women are to follow. Men are to initiate; women are to accept. Men are to be strong, decisive, and straightforward; women are to be soft, compliant, and strategic” (p. 147). Theologies of gender complementarianism uphold and give religious sanction to the binary construction of gender on which purity culture is based. |
10 | Minister clarifies that the fact that violence is not explicit in purity culture and merely lurks “is not to suggest that purity culture does not do harm or even use covert forms of violence that cause harm” (Minister 2018, p. 29). Both purity culture and rape culture are harmful, but they have different relationships to violence. |
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Purity | Pollution |
---|---|
Human | Animal |
Male | Female |
Cisgender | Gender nonconforming |
Heterosexual | Homosexual/queer |
White | Black |
Free | Unfree/dependent (slave) |
Property-owning | Non-owners |
Able-bodied | Disabled |
American | Foreign |
Christian | Non-Christian (heathen) |
Civilized | Uncivilized/wild |
Public | Private |
Social Norm (Purity) | Is Distinguished from Deviance/Pollution through … | Deviance (Pollution) |
---|---|---|
Human | Animal | |
Male | Female | |
Cisgender | V | Gender nonconforming |
Heterosexual | I | Homosexual/queer |
White | O | Black |
Free | ← L → | Unfree/dependent (slave) |
Property-owning | E | Non-owners |
Able-bodied | N | Disabled |
American | C | Foreign |
Christian | E | Non-Christian (heathen) |
Civilized | Uncivilized/wild | |
Public | Private |
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Zimmerman, Y.C. Learning from Black Lives Matter: Resisting Purity Culture in US Antitrafficking. Religions 2023, 14, 430. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040430
Zimmerman YC. Learning from Black Lives Matter: Resisting Purity Culture in US Antitrafficking. Religions. 2023; 14(4):430. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040430
Chicago/Turabian StyleZimmerman, Yvonne C. 2023. "Learning from Black Lives Matter: Resisting Purity Culture in US Antitrafficking" Religions 14, no. 4: 430. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040430