A Post-Secular Approach to Managing Diversity in Liberal Democracies: Exploring the Interplay of Human Rights, Religious Identity, and Inclusive Governance in Western Societies
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Challenges from within the Liberal Democratic Framework
2.1. The Contested Nature of “Neutrality”
2.2. The Instrument through Which the Principle of Neutrality Is Implemented
A European court should not be called upon to bankrupt centuries of European tradition. No court, certainly not this Court, should rob the Italians of part of their cultural personality.(Lautsi and Others v. Italy, 18 March 2011 [Grand Chamber], No. 30814/06, par. 1.2, concurring opinion J. Bonello)
[I]n France, as in Turkey or Switzerland, secularism is a constitutional principle, and a founding principle of the Republic, to which the entire population adheres and the protection of which appears to be of prime importance, in particular in schools. The Court reiterates that an attitude which fails to respect that principle will not necessarily be accepted as being covered by the freedom to manifest one’s religion and will not enjoy the protection of Article 9 of the Convention.(ECtHR, Case of Dogru v. France, decision of 4 December 2008, at par. 72.)
2.3. The Historically Non-Neutral Context of Implementation of the Principle of Neutrality
3. Toward an Inclusive Future: Embracing Post-Secularization
A secular state does not guarantee toleration; it puts into play different structures of ambition and fear. The law never seeks to eliminate violence since its objective is always to regulate violence.(Asad 2003, p. 8, (emphasis in original))
Funding
Conflicts of Interest
1 | It is crucial to note that not all forms of deculturalization of religion are illiberal. For instance, Islamic feminists and progressive Christians also advocate for a deculturalization of religion to detach it from its patriarchal (cultural) undertones. |
2 | For a detailed discussion on the relationship between religion and culture, see Shah (2015), and more specifically, the notion of “culturalized religion”, along with a review of other related concepts, see Astor and Mayrl (2020). |
3 | For a detailed review of the most important texts and events that contributed to the development of human rights, democracy, and fundamental freedoms see, for instance, Lewis (2003), Finke and Martin (2014), and also Richardson (2015). |
4 | At least three important dimensions of the freedom of religion can be deduced from Article 18 of the UDHR: (1) the freedom to have a religion; (2) the freedom to manifest a religion publicly; and (3) the right to change one’s religious belief or life stance. This third form also implies the freedom to renounce all religions (this particular interpretation of the third form of religious freedom is known also as the ‘right to apostasy’). |
5 | Article 9 ECHR: 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice, and observance. 2. Freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health, or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. |
6 | See, for instance, Lautsi v. Italy (2011) ECtHR 2412, para 60. See also Leyla Şahin v. Turkey, (2005) ECtHR 819, par. 107; Folgerø and Others v. Norway (2007) ECtHR 546, par. 74; Izzettin Doǧan and Others v. Turkey (2016) ECtHR 387, par. 107. |
7 | France’s laïcité, commonly perceived as a strict church–state separation, is marked by both historical and contemporary intricacies. A prime example is the status of Alsace-Moselle, a region in northeast France bordering Germany, which, being outside France during the 1905 laïcité law’s enactment, continues to adhere to the Napoleonic Concordat. This recognizes and financially supports specific religions, including Catholicism, Calvinism, Lutheranism, and Judaism. A unique outcome of this arrangement is the French President’s role in nominating the Archbishop of Strasbourg and the Bishop of Metz. The 1905 law itself allows for state-funded clergy in designated public roles and upholds the maintenance of religious structures built before 1905. The Debré law of 1959 adds another layer, sanctioning state subsidies for predominantly Catholic private religious schools. President Macron’s recent symbolic actions further underscore the evolving nature of secularism in France, suggesting a more intricate relationship between the religious and the secular than the often-portrayed unified French secularism model. |
8 | |
9 | Lautsi and Others v. Italy, 18 March 2011 [Grand Chamber], No. 30814/06. In this case, Ms. Soile Lautsi asserted that the presence of the crucifix in Italian state school classrooms violated both her and her children’s right to religious freedom, and she argued that it amounted to an enforced religious regime. The Lautsi case serves as a microcosm of differing perspectives on religious symbolism in public spaces. Italian courts maintained that displaying the crucifix in state schools symbolized not just Christian beliefs but also “a symbol of equality, freedom and tolerance; and a symbol of the Italian state’s secular bias” (characterizations made by the Italian Administrative Court, Lautsi 2009, para. 13). Contrarily, the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) initial ruling found this to be a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights, particularly Articles 2 and 9, which safeguard educational rights and freedom of thought. However, upon appeal, the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR reversed this, granting member states a “margin of appreciation” in such matters. It concluded that the crucifix could be seen as representing both secular and religious values. The concurring opinion of Judge Power further argued that the crucifix, even if solely a Christian symbol, was passive and did not amount to indoctrination, thus not infringing on parental rights. |
10 | To substantiate this assertion, the examples utilized are centered on decisions from the ECtHR, French Supreme Court, Germany’s Constitutional Court, and the U.K. Supreme Court, which were favorable to Jehovah’s Witnesses and the religious movement known as Scientology. Consequently, these rulings do not pertain to major religious minorities. |
11 | ECtHR, Dahlab v. Switzerland, decision of 15 February 2001, p. 13. |
12 | In this case, the European Court of Human Rights, sitting as a Grand Chamber was composed of: Mr L. Wildhaber, acting as President, and the judges: Mr C.L. Rozakis, Mr J.-P. Costa, Mr B. Zupančič, Mr R. Türmen, Mrs F. Tulkens, Mr C. Bîrsan, Mr K. Jungwiert, Mr V. Butkevych, Mrs N. Vajić, Mr M. Ugrekhelidze, Mrs A. Mularoni, Mr J. Borrego Borrego, Mrs E. Fura-sandström, Mrs A. Gyulumyan, Mr E. Myjer, and Mr S.E. Jebens. |
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Sajir, Z. A Post-Secular Approach to Managing Diversity in Liberal Democracies: Exploring the Interplay of Human Rights, Religious Identity, and Inclusive Governance in Western Societies. Religions 2023, 14, 1325. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14101325
Sajir Z. A Post-Secular Approach to Managing Diversity in Liberal Democracies: Exploring the Interplay of Human Rights, Religious Identity, and Inclusive Governance in Western Societies. Religions. 2023; 14(10):1325. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14101325
Chicago/Turabian StyleSajir, Zakaria. 2023. "A Post-Secular Approach to Managing Diversity in Liberal Democracies: Exploring the Interplay of Human Rights, Religious Identity, and Inclusive Governance in Western Societies" Religions 14, no. 10: 1325. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14101325