Marking Scriptural Figures as Sacred Names
2. Names and Models in Ancient Paideia
|παραγράφω||praeduco||I rule lines|
|πρὸς τὸν ὑπογραμμόν||ad praescriptum||following the model4|
3. Pseudo-Dorotheus and Onomastic Traditions
4. The Use of Scriptural Figures in Monastic Paideia
5. Nomina Sacra and the Bodmer Composite Codex
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And see Uusimäki (2021, pp. 32–34), including that “Jewish authors writing in Greek frequently invoke ancestral perfection in their discussion on the ideal sage… they reinterpret inherited traditions and cast biblical figures of the past as templates to be followed.” On “Mosaic” paideia in Philo, see Zurawski (2017, pp. 480–505).
Colson argues that “[t]he views of Philo have had a permanent influence on Christian thought and education… What the Encyclia had been to philosophy, that the Encyclia plus philosophy became to theology. That is the view of Clement and Origen. They might, no doubt, have derived the idea from the philosophers in general, had Philo never written. But their direct obligation to Philo is beyond question. From Origen the same thought is passed on to Ambrose, Augustine, and Cassiodorus, and from them into the Middle Ages,” (Colson 1917, p. 162).
On the use of names as one example of a word list used in ancient teaching, see Cribiore (1996, p. 42); Cribiore cites Gregory of Nyssa, De beneficentia 9.12–13. Here, Gregory, writing about doing good (εὐποιϊα), encourages the use of ὀνόματα in the process of teaching and the acquisition of τελειοτέρων τὴν γνῶσιν, knowledge of more perfect things (9.15).
Pauline usage of “model” terminology tends heavily toward τύπος, but not in the context of exempla from the Jewish scriptural past. Rather, Paul uses scriptural figures more as typological representatives (cf. the contrast between Sarah and Isaac and Hagar and Ishmael in Galatians 4 and Adam and Eve in 1 Tim 2:11–15) or prosopologically as speakers of scripture (cf. Rom 9:27–29, 10:20–21 [Isaiah], 10:19 [Moses], 11:9–10 [David]). Cf. also John 13:15, where Jesus refers to washing the disciples’ feet as an example (ὑπόδειγμα) he has given them so that they would do as he has done.
Where the Greek has ὀνόμασιν and ὀνομάτων, the Latin has rendered these vocabulis and nominibus, which appears to have had an effect on the English translation: “their studies, also, should be in conformity with the aim in view. They should, therefore employ a vocabulary derived from the Scriptures and, in place of myths, historical accounts of admirable deeds should be told to them. They should be taught maxims from Proverbs and rewards should be held out to them for memorizing names and facts. In this way, joyfully and with a relaxed mind, they will achieve their aim without pain to themselves and without giving offense,” trans. Wagner (1962, p. 266), emphasis mine.
And see GA 82 93 177 459 616 680 699.
There are manuscripts representing distinct traditions associated with these three figures as well as “mixed” traditions, see Guinard (2016, pp. 469–95). For the textual history and bibliography of lists attributed to all three figures, see Burke, Tony, “List of the Apostles and Disciples, by Pseudo-Hippolytus of Thebes,” e-Clavis: Christian Apocrypha, accessed 8 February 2022, https://www.nasscal.com/e-clavis-christian-apocrypha/list-of-the-apostles-and-disciples-by-pseudo-hippolytus-of-thebes/; Burke, “List of the Apostles and Disciples by Pseudo-Epiphanius of Salamis,” e-Clavis: Christian Apocrypha, accessed 9 February 2022, https://www.nasscal.com/e-clavis-christian-apocrypha/list-of-the-apostles-and-disciples-by-pseudo-epiphanius-of-salamis/; Burke, “List of the Apostles and Disciples by Pseudo-Dorotheus of Tyre,” e-Clavis: Christian Apocrypha, accessed 9 February 2022, https://www.nasscal.com/e-clavis-christian-apocrypha/list-of-the-apostles-and-disciples-by-pseudo-dorotheus-of-tyre/.
Cf. Ben Sira 44–49; 1 Macc 2:52–61; 4 Macc 16:20–22; Hebrews 11; and figures named throughout the Catholic Epistles, especially 2 Pet 2:4–16 and Jude 5–16.
Manuscripts in which the prophet list appears include GA 93 and 616, for example. As these were later aggregated under various ecclesiastical pseudonyms, these paratextual traditions are not unlike the Euthaliana, an extensive collation of paratextual material under the name of someone called Euthalius, who may or may not have had anything to do with the creation of the apparatus and variety of paratextual material that is subsumed under his name; on this see Allen (2022).
See for example GA 2604 ff. 23r–24r; GA 459 ff. 263v–268v, 271r–276r. The latter preserves a variety of lexical/onomastic lists, including an alphabetized list attributed to Cyril of Hebrew names and words used in the Gospels. For more on the extensive tradition of cataloguing Jewish names (especially in a Greco-Roman context), see Ilan (2002, 2008, 2011, 2012).
“From Cappadocia to Palestine to Egypt, what remains distinctive is not the absent, or even the exceptional, character of such praxis, but rather the degree to which monastic pedagogues are both adopting, and fluidly adapting, established forms,” p. 147.
The Crosby-Schøyen Codex MS 193 also contains Melito’s Peri Pascha, along with 2 Macc 5:27–7:41, the earliest known manuscript of 1 Peter (titled as “the Epistle of Peter”), Jonah, and one unidentified text. On the connections between the two manuscripts, see Jones (2011, pp. 9–20) and Horrell (2009, pp. 502–22).
Images of 1–2 Peter (P. Bodmer VIII) can be viewed at https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Pap.Bodmer.VIII (accessed on 25 May 2022).
Images of Jude (P. Bodmer VII) can be viewed at https://manuscripts.csntm.org/manuscript/Group/GA_P72 (accessed on 25 May 2022).
On the scribal hands in the Bodmer Composite codex and its textual history, see Wasserman (2005); Testuz (1958); Nongbri (2015, 2016, 2018); and Jones (2011). On the Bodmer Composite codex among the Dishna papers and their monastic provenance (possibly from the same vicinity as the Nag Hammadi Codices), see Lundhaug (2018, pp. 329–86); on the Bodmer papyri provenancing more generally, see Nongbri (2018, pp. 157–215).
On nomina sacra in early Christian tradition, see Hurtado (2006, pp. 95–134). Aland and Aland assert that nomina sacra are an explicity Christian innovation, Aland and Aland ( 1989, pp. 76, 102). Agati (2017, p. 133) notes the link between the arrival of the codex and the nomina sacra. In contrast, Traube (1907), the originator of the phrase nomina sacra, discusses the phenomenon in light of Jewish scribal practice, while Leipziger (2020) argues, using a variety of material evidence, that the popularity of the codex and the nomina sacra in early Christian scribal practices is not an indication that there was a clear-cut material “parting of the ways” between Christianity and Judaism.
Though the manuscript actually reads Μιχαης on P.Bodmer VII f. 64 (Jude 7–10).
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Rodenbiker, K.G. Marking Scriptural Figures as Sacred Names. Religions 2022, 13, 577. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13070577
Rodenbiker KG. Marking Scriptural Figures as Sacred Names. Religions. 2022; 13(7):577. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13070577Chicago/Turabian Style
Rodenbiker, Kelsie G. 2022. "Marking Scriptural Figures as Sacred Names" Religions 13, no. 7: 577. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13070577