Significance of Military Power in the Jindai Moji Text Hotsuma Tsutae—With a Focus on Susanoo and Yamato Takeru

Abstract

The jindai moji (神代文字—“characters of the Age of the Gods”) are pseudocharacters (疑字: “giji”) created in the early modern period, which purport to be an ancient Japanese writing script. One of the most famous examples of literature written in the jindai moji is the epic poem Hotsuma Tsutae, which is regarded as an account of the development of medieval mythology in the early modern age. It includes tales of evil lords known as the hatare (rendered as 魔王 in Kanbun), who bring chaos to the land and are vanquished by a divine army led by gods. Ultranationalists in early modern Japan enthusiastically embraced these jindai moji writings. This article examines the significance of the divine battles in the early modern jindai moji literature.

1. Introduction

The Jindai moji are pseudocharacters that allegedly existed in Japan before the arrival of the kanji1(漢字—Chinese script used for written Japanese). In Kogoshui (古語拾遺—”Gleanings from Ancient Stories”) of the Heian period, Inbe no Hironari wrote that Japan had no script of its own before the introduction of the kanji. However, Urabe Kanetaka’s Shaku Nihongi (釈日本紀—an annotated version of Nihon Shoki (日本書紀—“The Chronicles of Japan”) written during the Kamakura period does mention the existence of a Japanese script. During the Edo period, several jindai moji were discovered across Japan, intensifying debate over the authenticity of these writings. Kaihara Ekiken (1630–1714), Kamo no Mabuchi (1697–1769), and Motoori Norinaga (1730–1801) were among those who denied the authenticity of the jindai moji, while Hirata Atsutane (1776–1843), Tsurumine Shigenobu (1788–1859), and Ochiai Naozumi (1840–1891) embraced them. The debate was settled when Yamada Yoshio (1875–1958) published his “Treatise on the So-Called Jindai Moji” (Iwayuru Jindai Moji no Ron 1953). Although no longer considered worthy of attention after Yamada’s treatise, there has been a recent revival of scholarly interest in the jindai moji. Scholars such as Shimizu Yutaka, Yamashita Hisao, Iwane Takashi, Mitsumatsu Makoto, and Ito Satoshi, while remaining skeptical of their authenticity, have examined it from the perspective of how Hirata Atsutane perceived the jindai moji2. This is the first instance of research on the jindai moji that recognizes them as a subject of academic study rather than absurd writings.

This paper focuses on the question of how the military actions described in the jindai moji literature affect mythology. This issue might explain why the jindai moji writings caused the enthusiastic ultranationalist fervor during the Showa era. As an example of its acceptance in the modern times, during the Pacific War, Sakai Katsutoki (1874–1940) positioned the jindai moji as the oldest script in the world, comparable to Hebrew, and stated that the Emperor would reign over the world. Sakai was not the lone proponent of this idea—army officials and Diet members at the time supported it as well—and it is an example of the inseparable relationship between the rise of nationalism during the war and the jindai moji. I suspect that Hirata Atsutane was at the root of Sakai’s ideas. Atsutane, like Sakai, believed in the global supremacy of Japan, and the Siddham script was based on the jindai moji3. To consider the relationship between the wars occurring during the Showa era and the jindai moji and Atsutane’s theory of the jindai moji, it is thus necessary to investigate what was gained by the connection of military power and the jindai moji in the early modern era through Hotsuma Tsutae, which was written just before Atsutane Hirata became active.

2. Apocryphal Hotsuma Tsutae

Most of the jindai moji texts have not been dated; Hotsuma Tsutae is rare in being one with an established date. Hotsuma Tsutae is divided into three parts: The Book of Heaven, The Book of the Earth, and The Book of Man, and consists of 40 aya, or chapters. Although the length and the general framework is based on mythology from Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, the contents of individual myths differ from Kojiki and Nihon Shoki. For example, Hotsuma Tsutae describes Amaterasu as a male deity with 12 consorts. Thus, while the epic is based on the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki myths, it contains its own unique interpretation4. If one believes Hotsuma Tsutae to have been written between 1772–1781, how is it that the existing copy of Hotsuma Tsutae in the Hiyoshi Shrine manuscript (in the Toju Memorial Museum) in Shiga Prefecture, copied in 1903, can be dated back to around 1772–1781?5 This is because the book Kasugayama no Fumi (春日山紀), published in 1780 and currently held by the Kyoto University Library, contains several sentences which are identical to the contents of the Hotsuma Tsutae version copied in 1903.

The preface states that Kasugayama no Fumi is an annotated version of Hotsuma Tsutae written in 1780 by the monk Fusen (birth and death dates unknown, approximately 1772) in his old age. Notably, the Hotsuma Tsutae owned by the Cabinet Library was published in 1843. The Cabinet Library Hotsuma Tsutae manuscript has the same title as the one in the Hiyoshi Shrine, but with a different textual format. The Hiyoshi Shrine manuscript is written in a set of three scripts: the jindai moji following the 5–7 syllables pattern, the katakana text that indicates how to read the jindai moji, and the Kanbun text indicating its meaning. However, there are many cases of discrepancy between the Kanbun and the jindai moji, or where the meaning is different. It is believed that the Kanbun was tasked with explaining the jindai moji, and it was difficult to fit everything in the 5–7 syllable pattern. On the other hand, the Cabinet Library manuscript is not written in the 5–7 syllables pattern. It quotes words and phrases of Nihon Shoki and explains these by quoting Hotsuma Tsutae. Although the Cabinet Library manuscript and the Hiyoshi Shrine manuscript are both titled “Hotsuma Tsutae”, the former may better be described as a commentary on the Hiyoshi Shrine Hotsuma Tsutae. Furthermore, it is important to look at the Mikasayama no Fumi Toshiuchi ni Nasukoto no Aya (神嶺山伝記歳中行事紋) held in the Omiya Library of Ryukoku University, which is similar to the Hiyoshi Shrine Hotsuma Tsutae manuscript: written in the 5–7 syllables pattern in jindai moji along with the explanatory katakana and Kanbun. We do not know who transcribed Mikasayama no Fumi Toshiuchi ni Nasukoto no Aya, but the handwriting of the marginalia in the manuscript matches that of Fusen. Therefore, it is possible that the manuscript was in his possession6. In that case, we can infer that Mikasayama no Fumi Toshiuchi ni Nasukoto no Aya was written before 1772, but (given its binding and other details) no earlier than the Edo period. In any case, this points to the existence of the contents of the Hiyoshi Shrine Hotsuma Tsutae manuscript during the late Edo period, even though its only extant version was transcribed in 1903.

However, from a bibliographical perspective, the earliest examples of a text using the Hotsuma script are Mikasayama no Fumi Toshiuchi ni Nasukoto no Aya and a woodblock print of Kasugayama no Fumi. This is not sufficient evidence to claim that these characters were created in the Edo period. In verifying the content, I previously positioned Hotsuma Tsutae as an example of early modern mythology. Yamashita Hisao defines modern mythology as follows7:

“Early modern mythology” is a catch-all term that refers to epistemic movement that created sources to open up new dimensions, whether in Confucianism, Buddhism, folk religion, or in the waka poetry, stories, and so on.

As a student of medieval mythology, I believe that jindai moji writings may fall under Yamashita’s definition of early modern mythology8. Hotsuma Tsutae contains myths closely related to early modern thought, such as the origin of the waka poetry and the Great Purification (大祓: ōharae; an ancient Shinto purification ritual to wash away committed sins), which points to its possible creation during the early modern period9.

This paper focuses on the significance of myths related to military force in Hotsuma Tsutae. Hotsuma Tsutae is based on the mythology in Kojiki, Nihon Shoki, and Kujiki (先代旧事本紀: Sendai Kuji Hongi). Unsurprisingly, its stories are about pacifying a country through military force. However, there is more to it. Of the Three Treasures (三種の神器 Sanshu no Jingi: the sword, the gem, and the mirror, which form the Imperial Treasures of Japan), Hotsuma Tsutae focuses on the sword. According to Denrai Yuishoki (伝来由緒書—Book of Ancestral History) in the Hiyoshi Shrine manuscript of Hotsuma Tsutae, Amanokaguyama honki (天香具山本紀), one of the Hotsuma documents where Emperor Keiko wrote about the teachings of Amaterasu, Mikasa Yamanofumi (神載山書紀) is one of the Hotsuma documents consisting of the writings of Okashima no Mikoto, the ancestor of the Nakatomi clan, on the teachings of Ame-no-Koyane. Hotsuma Tsutae, in which Ota Taneko wrote down the teachings of his father, Omononushi, were kept in the inner sanctum as the Three Sacred Treasures (Amanokaguyama honki—the jewel, Mikasa Yamanofumi—the mirror, and Hotsuma Tsutae—the sword). It is impossible to study the contents of Amanokaguyama honki and Mikasa Yamanofumi as their whereabouts are unknown, and it is unclear whether the three books were actually kept in the inner sanctum. However, this description suggests that Hotsuma Tsutae itself was treated as one of the Three Sacred Treasures. It is possible that Susanoo’s story is significant in Hotsuma Tsutae precisely because it symbolizes the sword.

However, Chapter 40, “Atsuta kami yo o inamu aya” (アツタカミ. ヨヲイナムアヤ–The Passing of Lord Atsuta) explains that the book was written upon Yamato Takeru’s10 death and presented to the Emperor. What, then, is the relationship with Susanoo? Yamato Takeru prayed to Susanoo (Chapter 39), and Emperor Keiko learned in a dream that though Susanoo became a god thanks to Ibukido, he had regrets about his previous life. He was envious of the Emperor, so he was reborn as the parent–child pair, Emperor Keiko and Yamato Takeru. Thus, Yamato Takeru is positioned as a reincarnation of Susanoo (Chapter 40)11. The story of Susanoo’s envy of the Emperor and his reincarnation as Yamato Takeru is unique to Hotsuma Tsutae, featuring neither in Kojiki nor in Nihon Shoki. The Emperor’s revelatory dream explains the reason behind the naming of the shrine “Atsuta”, which was dedicated to Yamato Takeru. Thus, the story would naturally focus on the sword; since Hotsuma Tsutae was composed in the last moments of Yamato Takeru, its primary goal was pacifying the soul of Susanoo—Yamato Takeru’s previous incarnation. This is supported by the fact that although there are many accounts of Yamato Takeru common across Hotsuma Tsutae, Kojiki and Nihon Shoki such as the conquest of Kumaso and the transformation into a white plover, Hotsuma Tsutae contains many myths about Susanoo not found in the others.

3. The Six Hatare

The previous section referenced the regrets of Susanoo in a previous incarnation—what, exactly, does this refer to? Let us briefly examine a story in which Susanoo appears. This is notable because Hotsuma Tsutae includes unique stories and contents, and Susanoo’s characterization is vastly different from his portrayal in the other myths. Such differences were possibly intended to give the impression that the book predates Kojiki and Nihon Shoki (Yoshida 2021b, No. 9).

The episode in question occurs in the Chapter 8, “Tamagaere hatare utsu aya” (タマガエレ. ハタレウツアヤ—Rebirth and the Smiting of Rebels) of Hotsuma Tsutae. The story is as follows. Amaterasu was to rule the country, but trouble arose. According to Hotsuma Tsutae, after Susanoo was banished for his violent deeds and began wandering the netherworlds (ネの国: Ne-no-kuni) and other realms, evil lords known as the hatare rose and threatened the gods. The evil lords banded into six groups: the Shimumichi, the Harunahahamichi, the Isoramichi, the Kikumichi, the Itsunamichi, and the Aenomichi, collectively referred to as the Six Hatare. This narrative of the six hatare seems to have been influenced by medieval mythology, specifically the myth of the Demon of the Sixth Heaven (第六天魔王: Dairokuten no mao).

Eventually, all the six hatare were subdued by the divine armies. Let us take a closer look at the Kikumichi, the fourth band of hatare, consisting of devilish forces that took on the guise of foxes and raccoons, who appear in Chapter 8 “Tamagaere hatare utsu aya” (タマガエレ. ハタレウツアヤ–Rebirth and the Smiting of Rebels) of Hotsuma Tsutae. To summarize the story, three hatare led an army of 300,000 from Tsukushi to Hanayamano in Nakanokuni (present-day Kinki). Amaterasu commanded Kadamaro, the grandson of Ukemochi, to bring back news of the happenings in the land, but his army was unable to advance in Hanayamano because of the witchcraft practiced by the three hatare (as foxes and raccoons). Kadamaro, the leader of the divine army, reported back to Amaterasu, who then advised him on how to defeat them.

Amaterasu explained the weakness of the hatare, saying, “This is the work of the kitsune and kutsune, the fox and the raccoons. The kitsune are associated with the ki syllable. In our calendar, “ki” (東–east) follows “ne” (北–north) and returns to the “ne” (子–rat) via the “tsusa” (西南–southwest). Therefore, fry rats (nezumi) which live in the north and bring them with you. The kutsune, racoon dogs, are associated with the ku syllable. In the jindai moji, “ku” is made of the intersection of the “ki-u” sound. Since a “hi” arises at the tail of the syllable, the kutsune dislikes the will o’ the wisp (陰火: kitsunebi). Therefore, they can be defeated by oga and mega smoke.” The kikumichi are described as “kikutsune”, a word that combines kitsune and kutsune. Kitsune is made of three syllables: ki, which means east, tsusa, which means southwest, and ne, which means north. Amaterasu reasoned that since the word “kitsune” contains the “ne” syllable also representing “子” (rat), while the Kikumichi liked deep-fried rats (nezumi), they could thus be conquered if presented with them. The strategy for Kutsune (racoon dogs) was a little different: the “ku” sound intersects with the “ki-u” sound, resulting in a “hi” sound at the end. Since “hi” represents fire, Amaterasu assumed that the kutsune disliked fire, and could be repelled with the smoke of ginger (oga and mega), and that the kitsune could be tempted using fried rats.12 Having learned their weaknesses, Kadamaro returned to fight the hatare. The hatare fought over the scattered fried rats, disturbing their witchcraft, and Kadamaro was able to capture them. Kadamaro then burned oga and mega, and the smoke allowed him to capture the three leaders. The three captive hatare leaders were sentenced to the following fate:

The three brothers begged for their life, and Kadamaro took pity on them. He ordered the oldest brother to go to Hanayama (Tsukushi), the middle brother—to Hanayamano in Yamashiro, and the youngest—to Asukano in the eastern provinces. There, the brothers were to use their kitsune and kutsune aspects to protect rice fields13. These hatare were subdued by Ukanomitama, Ukemochi, and Kadamaro; this is why the three are often worshipped as a triple deity in shrines dedicated to the deity of rice cultivation, Inari no Kami. The three hatare were separated to protect rice fields in three locations, the eastern provinces, Yamashiro, and Tsukushi, probably indicative of Inari no Kami, together protecting the whole of Japan. The three locations to which the hatare were assigned correspond to the three largest Inari shrines in Japan: Kasama Inari Shrine in the eastern provinces (Ibaraki Prefecture), Fushimi Inari Shrine in Yamashiro (Kyoto), and Yutoku Inari Shrine in the Tsukushi Province (Saga Prefecture).

What role did the six hatare play as a whole? We can find the answer in Chapter 9 of Hotsuma Tsutae, “Yagumo uchi koto tsukuru aya” (ヤクモウチコトツクルアヤ—The Conquest of Izumo and the Making of Zithers), set after the gods defeated the six hatare. In this chapter, Susanoo defeats the famous serpent known as Yamata no Orochi and reads Yakumo no Uta (八雲の歌—The Song of the Eight Clouds; the word “eight” can also refer to large quantities). Yakumo no Uta is also recorded in Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, and its lyrics are as follows: “yakumo tatsu/Izumo yaegaki/tsumagome ni/yaekaki tsukuru/sono yaekaki wo” (Where rise eightfold clouds/Izumo, an eightfold fence/to keep my wife home/I put up, an eightfold fence/yes, a fence I build, eightfold!). The kana preface of Kokin Wakashū (古今和歌集—a Heian-era collection of the waka poetry) cites Susanoo’s waka poem as the origin of the 31-characters waka poetry, and is presented to Princess Shitateru in Hotsuma Tsutae. The account of the gift to Princess Shitateru reflects the teachings of Yakumo Shineiden. Yakumo no Uta, composed by Susanoo, features in the chapter as a symbol of peace, marking the end of conflict and signifying the reign of peace throughout Japan. Therefore, we need to look at the story starting from Susanoo’s banishment from Takamagahara (High Plain of Heavens) and ending with the reading of Yakumo no Uta as a single narrative arc.

In this case, Susanoo regrets that it was his evil spirit that caused all the turmoil: it was after he started wandering all over the country after his banishment that the hatare emerged and plunged the land into an eight-year reign of chaos. The evil of Susanoo’s spirit devastated Japan, while the divine army vanquished the rebels and brought peace. Saeki Shinichi speaks of soul pacification in The Tale of the Heike as follows:

We are familiar with the notion of vengeful spirits causing misfortunes like epidemics, storms, earthquakes, or even lightning strikes to an enemy. However, what does it mean for a vengeful spirit to cause a war? Since war is, at least in a direct sense, the work of human actions in the world, one would assume that vengeful spirits would intervene by possessing people (this is not to say that the relationship between vengeful spirits and war was always logically conceptualized in this manner). In an era where war had come to be regarded as a major disaster, the depictions of the wrath of spirits seem to have correspondingly adapted, resulting in tales of vengeful spirits possessing people and causing wars.

(Saeki 2021a)

Thus, a war was also attributable to evil spirits. We can apply this interpretation to Hotsuma Tsutae—that the hatare were the manifestations of Susanoo’s evil spirits.

This interpretation is consistent with the narrative flow of Hotsuma Tsutae: Susanoo’s flight from the Plain of High Heaven, followed by the subduing of the six hatare; Prince Yamato Takeru driving out the great serpent Yamata no Orochi; and finally the reading of Yakumo no Uta. The Cabinet Library manuscript of Hotsuma Tsutae cites the contents of Nihon Shoki and provides explanations corresponding to each region using the jindai moji, suggesting that the six hatare and Yamata no Orochi represent the eight islands created by Izanagi and Izanami in Nihon Shoki. Therefore, the forcible quelling of the six hatare and Yamata no Orochi by the gods may represent the pacification of Japan. It also represents the quelling of Susanoo’s own evil spirit. The six-stringed zither made from the subdued hatare was named the “Yagumo-goto”. According to the story, peace will come to Japan by calming Susanoo’s evil spirit, and the instrument is positioned as a symbol of the reign of peace in Japan.

Yoshikawa Koretari (1616–1695), the founder of the Yoshikawa Shinto branch of Shintoism, offered his interpretation of Susanoo’s characterization in a commentary titled “Shinken hotendan” (神剣奉天段), which forms the sixth chapter of Nihon Shoki Jindai Kan Kaden Kikigaki (日本書紀神代巻家伝聞書). According to it, Susanoo’s punishment caused him to self-reflect, and it was in Izumo that he repented his past deeds, had a change of heart and transformed from an evil deity to a good deity (Taira 1983, p. 34). This is slightly different from the interpretation of Yoshida Kanetomo (1453–1511), the founder of the Yoshida Shinto branch. According to Hideki Saito’s analysis, Susanoo’s vileness was purged by “ritual purification”. On the other hand, Yoshikawa Koretari’s views and the Hiyoshi Shrine Hotsuma Tsutae manuscript both link the transformation to Susanoo’s understanding of the evilness of his own heart. Hotsuma Tsutae is undoubtedly influenced by the Yoshida Shinto, but given this context, it was perhaps even more influenced by the Yoshikawa Shinto. Following Susanoo’s change of heart, Ibukido arranged for Susanoo to be restored as a god and take up the divine seal of the Hikawa Deity (Chapter 9). Later, he also appeared as the serpent before Yamato Takeru, and was the god who led to Yamato Takeru’s death (Chapter 40).

Nihon Shoki mentions Ibukido’s appearance as a great serpent as well, but in Hotsuma Tsutae, Ibukido’s purpose appears to have been to help Yamato Takeru remember how Ibukido helped his previous reincarnation, Susanoo. Ultimately, Ibukido, the god of soul pacification, attempted once again to calm the soul of Yamato Takeru, who was the reincarnation of Susanoo.

What kind of a deity was Ibukido? In Hotsuma Tsutae, Takano, a place closely associated with Ibukido, appears as the scene where the divine army led by Kadamaro drove out the hatare forces of the Kikumichi (Kikutsune). While the area ravaged by the Kikumichi was in Kyoto, for the execution of the hatare, the setting somehow moved to Takano. The hatare begged Kadamaro for their lives, saying that they were heavenly beings. If the hatare were indeed manifestations of Susanoo’s evil spirits, the claim was indeed just. Therefore, Kadamaro forgave the hatare, and used the smoke to dispel their witchcraft. Thus, Hotsuma Tsutae recognizes Takano as a place of execution or ritual purification, and the setting was changed to Takano for the purpose of cleansing evil. What is the connection between Takano and Ibukido? After the six hatare were subdued, the spirits of the slain hatare appeared at Mount Takano. According to Hotsuma Tsutae, Ibukido appeased them by building a palace at the site, and for this, the divine seal of the Takano Deity in the Woshite script (jindai moji) was conferred upon him.14 According to Hotsuma Tsutae, the reason for worshipping Niu Myōjin (丹生明神), the local Shinto deity of Mount Takano, is because Ibukido enshrined the hatare souls in Mount Takano to confine them there, and not because of his assistance to Empress Jingu in the conquest of the Korean kingdom of Silla—a unique interpretation.

Thus, Ibukido’s achievement at Mount Takano earned him the jindai moji title of the “Takano Deity”, and he became the god of Mount Koya, which is what the area is currently called. The rise of belief in Susanoo in the era when Hotsuma Tsutae was written may have contributed to the creation of myths of Susanoo such as Hotsuma Tsutae.15 Kwon Dong-woo states:

Neither Nihon Shoki nor Kojiki ever associate Susanoo with the plague. Likewise, Susanoo is never referred to as a deity of pestilence in historical sources. However, although Susanoo’s name is never directly mentioned, we can see a development in the literature that might connect to the plague from a section assumed to be related to Susanoo. The section in question is Incantations (祝詞: Norito).

(Kwon 2013b, p. 231)

and points out that Kogoshui ascribes the origin of heavenly transgressions to Susanoo (Kwon 2013c, p. 177).

The point is that the “heavenly transgressions” which the Great Purification intends to purge are concentrated on a single deity, Susanoo. This marks a new development in the mythological discourse that goes beyond the interpretation of the Great Purification recorded in Nakatomi Incantations (中臣祓詞: Nakatomi no Harae no Kotoba) and identifies Susanoo as the origin of the Great Purification.

What, then, is the relationship between Hotsuma Tsutae and the Great Purification?

4. Relationship with the Great Purification

After the defeat of the hatare, Ibukido pacified their dead souls on Mount Takano. Let us look at the connection between military force and soul pacification through earlier research on the Sword Chapter (剣巻: Tsurugi no maki) in The Tale of the Heike. In his analysis, Saeki Shinichi says that soul pacification provides the crucial underpinnings to The Tale of the Heike:

The Tale of the Heike seems to have been built on various legends of soul pacification. The Tale of the Heike seems to have been composed as a historical narrative, but by absorbing a number of stories related to soul pacification of individuals, it incorporates a spirit of mourning into the story and reflects the thoughts of the nation in ways to pacify vengeful spirits. Reading them brings to mind the sheer variety of soul-pacification legends that form the backdrop to the tale, and one cannot help but dwell on all these stories as we read the text.

(Saeki 2021b)

Given this context, what is the role of the Sword Chapter? The Sword Chapter of The Tale of the Heike includes the stories of Yamata no Orochi’s defeat by Susanoo, of Yamato Takeru’s vanquishing of the serpent, and the story of the attempt to steal the sword—all of which are connected to the obsession of the serpent. The Chapter also includes the story in which the Dragon King’s daughter took on the form of 8-year-old Emperor Antoku, retrieved the sword, and delivered it to the Dragon Palace at the bottom of the sea. This is cited as the reason the historic Emperor Antoku, while still a child, drowned in the sea while holding the sacred sword—one of the Three Sacred Treasures. Of interest here is the idea that the great serpent that Prince Yamato Takeru encountered on Mount Ibuki was Yamata no Orochi taking on this form to retrieve the sword from Yamato Takeru.16 By contrast, Hotsuma Tsutae never refers to the serpent as a form of Yamata no Orochi; rather, it describes Yamato Takeru as a reincarnation of Susanoo. Thus, the intended message of the Sword Chapter of The Tale of the Heike differs from that in Hotsuma Tsutae. Hotsuma Tsutae places more importance on Ibukido as the deity appearing to pacify Susanoo and Yamato Takeru. Tada Keiko argues, regarding the narrative around the Three Treasures in the Sword Chapter of The Tale of the Heike (Tada 1988. See also Tsurumaki 1994).

The Sword Chapter focuses on clarifying the origins, power, and whereabouts of the Three Treasures that symbolize the existence of the Emperor of Japan. Particularly, its emphasis on the Atsuta Shrine rituals pertaining to Kusanagi no Tsurugi, which was supposedly lost during the Genpei War, understands the loss of the sword in terms of losing the divine sword, and the existence of the Kusanagi sword. Consequently, rather than records that describe the loss of imperial fortune as writings on the Sword generally do, the Sword Chapter of The Tale of the Heike includes accounts related to the Atsuta Shrine which serve as the evidence of the continued existence of Kusanagi no Tsurugi. The story of the Kusanagi Sword in the Sword Chapter strictly asserts the existence of the Three Treasures, centered on the Kusanagi Sword, and the sure presence of the imperial power it symbolizes.

Abe Yasuro says, “It is not rare to establish relations with the sacred sword” and analyzes it as “a reflection of the so-called medieval Nihongi”. Medieval Nihongi (中世日本紀: Chūsei Nihongi) refers to medieval reinterpretations of Nihon-shoki (Abe 2020b, p. 216). Abe further explains the point (Abe 2020c, p. 285).

The Imperial Regalia of Japan are sacred treasures upon which the imperial right to rule is based. The tale of the Three Sacred Treasures, insofar as it recorded the treasures’ provenance, represented a discourse that was truly about its own origins. During the ancient times, a series of texts, Nihon Shoki being the chief among them, would themselves represent the evidence of this imperial legitimacy. By the medieval times, Nihongi had come to be regarded as the most authoritative and exalted of the texts; revered and worshipped in altars throughout the lands as far as the question of kingship was concerned. However, the relationship between the two began to change internally at some point, and a new discourse emerged in the form of Nihongi that diverged from the text. The shift reflected a transformation reflecting the structural changes in medieval kingship itself, which was founded on such discourses. One trigger for this shift was the accession ritual (即位法: Sokui ho—an imperial enthronement ritual with Buddhist elements), which was underpinned by Buddhist ecclesiastical elites surrounding the imperial court. It was probably mediated by the status of the households governing the poetic arts and Nihongi, which were established and developed in parallel.

Although Hotsuma Tsutae was created under similar circumstances, it greatly diverges from the world of Medieval Nihongi. This is because, unlike the Medieval Nihongi that used Nihongi and Nihon Shoki as justification, Hotsuma Tsutae purports to be older than Nihon Shoki. In other words, while Medieval Nihongi created myths based on Nihon Shoki, Hotsuma Tsutae represented an attempt to create a new mythological narrative dated to before Nihon Shoki. This is another factor for classifying the jindai moji text as early modern mythology.

Ibukido appears in Nihon Shoki and the Sword Chapter of The Tale of the Heike as a deity whom Yamato Takeru offended. However, in Hotsuma Tsutae, he plays an important role as the link between Susanoo and Yamato Takeru and who pacifies the souls of the hatare which were caused by the evil of Susanoo. Ibukido’s appearance in the first place is related to the Great Purification (Nakatomi Incantations). The first half of Great Purification begins with commentary on heavenly transgressions and earthly transgressions (天津罪と国津罪: Amatsu-tsumi and Kunitsu-tsumi), followed by an instruction to recite Amatsu norito (天祝詞) and Futo norito goto (太祝詞事) in the event of a disaster.17 The text then states that the evils will be purged by four “purification deities” (祓戸四神: Haraedo no shishin): Seoritsu Hime, Haya’akitsu Hime, Ibukido, and Hayasasura Hime. Ibukido is one of the four deities of purification. I have noted above that the first half of Hotsuma Tsutae was based on Great Purification; the reasons can be summarized as follows. Nakatomi Incantations (Great Purification), included in the third Jingi Teiyo (神祇提要—a text of the Yoshida branch of Shintoism), were said to have been written in the jindai moji during the reign of Emperor Jimmu by Ama-no-Taneko, the grandson of Ame-no-Koyane and son of Ame-no-Oshikumone. Further, they were rewritten in the kanji by Tokiwa-no-Omuraji, who was the 19th generation from Ame-no-Koyane, during the reign of Emperor Ankan.18 The same account later appeared in the text Fusuiso (風水草) by Yamazaki Ansai (1619–1682).19

Many claimed that Great Purification was written in the jindai moji after Ansai, including Kuwana Shoun (1662–1731) in Nakatomi no Harae Morohagusa (中臣祓諸葉草), Takada Bihaku (1630–1716) in Nakatomi no Harae Seimeisho (中臣祓清明抄), Atobe Terumi (1658–1729) in Nakatomi no Harae Kiyomekusa (中臣祓清浄草), Okada Masatoshi (1667–1744) in Nakatomi Harae Misogi Gusa (中臣祓禊除草), and in the oral instructions of Tamaki Masahide (1671–1736) as recorded by Okada Masatoshi in Nakatomi no Harae Niju Kuju (中臣祓二重口授). Given that all these scholars were proponents of the Suika Shinto (垂加神道) branch of Shintoism, it seems likely that the claim of Great Purification being written in the jindai moji prevailed primarily within the Yoshida Shinto and the Suika Shinto which followed it. On the status of Great Purification in the Edo period, Okada Yoneo said the following:

During the Edo period, all Shinto priests went to the Yoshida household in Kyoto to receive their training. There, for the first month, beginners learned, in addition to the purification rite itself, how to read and interpret Nakatomi Incantations, and then received lectures on the Deity Chapters (神代巻: Kami no yo no maki) of Nihon Shoki. However, the order was reversed from the time of Yamazaki Ansai: the students first attended lectures on the Deities Scroll, and then learned Nakatomi Incantations. This was because it was difficult to understand the true meaning of the incantations without understanding the contents of the Deities Scroll. In other words, the first Nakatomi Incantations scroll summarized the key contents of the Deities Scroll.

(Okada 1977, p. 30)

Although the Yoshida branch and Yamazaki Ansai disagreed on the order of learning in Great Purification (Nakatomi Incantations) and Nihon Shoki, both clearly emphasized the importance of Great Purification (Nakatomi Incantations). Any literary source claiming that this important text was originally written in the jindai moji would be beneficial to followers seeking to recognize the jindai moji as an ancient script and the official writing system. By basing the Hotsuma Epic on Great Purification as written in this “official” script, its author portrayed the text as older than Nihon Shoki and even older than Great Purification.

Now, let us look at the roles of Seoritsu Hime, Haya’akitsu Hime, and Hayasasura Hime—the purification deities other than Ibukido. Chapter 8, “Tamagaere hatare utsu aya” (タマガエレ。ハタレウツアヤ—Rebirth and the Smiting of Rebels) of Hotsuma Tsutae, discusses them.

To summarize, the hatare, enraged by the deities, launched volleys of arrows, but every arrow missed, further enraging them. When the hatare eventually gave up and tried to flee, the deity Tachikarao seized them, tied them up, and presented them to Amateru. In the trial scene, Amateru stood in the center holding a magatama (勾玉—a comma-shaped jewel), Seoritsu Hime stood on the left holding the mirror, and Akitsu Hime stood on the right holding the sword: the Three Sacred Treasures. The trial of the hatare Harunahahamichi began, and Ibukido asked him why he committed such acts. Of the Sacred Treasures that they possessed, the mirror was used to verify whether the hatare spoke the truth.20 After drawing blood from the hatare, the mirror was used to see their reflections and check whether their witchcraft had broken, following which they were restored to their original form. The story also describes how the blood was drawn and reflected in the mirror of Seoritsu Hime as they turned back into humans. Ultimately, 700,009,000 hatare were turned back into humans by Seoritsu Hime’s mirror. This is followed by the account of the burial and purification of the hatare as discussed in Chapter 3. For his achievements at Mount Takano, Ibukido was conferred with the divine seal, “The Deity of Mount Takano”. This was followed by the conquest of the six bands of hatare and Susanoo composing the famous Yakumo no Uta, symbolizing the return of peace to Japan21. It is worth noting here that although the Hotsuma Tsutae account is based on Great Purification, only Hayasasura Hine does not appear in Hotsuma Tsutae. An insight into her absence might be found in the commentary to Nakatomi Incantations, Nakatomi no Harae Kunge (中臣祓訓解), a Shinto–Buddhist work produced during the Kamakura period. The book refers to her as one of the deities of the Buddhist netherworld (冥道: Myodo) (Osumi 1977, pp. 50–51). Kwon provides the following argument:

Here, Susanoo seems to have been recognized as Hayasasura Hime no kami and Lord Enmao. We can also infer that Ne-no-Kuni (根国底国—the Netherworld) was understood to refer to the realm of the dead. Thus, Susanoo came to be seen as a deity that governs the realm of the dead. Particularly relevant is the passage “The deities mentioned above rule over Myodo. Mercy is given to all children for the sake of all sentient beings. They will wash away the stains of life and death with the wishes of the bodhisattvas.” This indicates that Susanoo, now compared with Hayasasura Hime of Ne-no-Kuni, served the role of “washing away the impurities accumulated in the cycle of birth and death,” implying that Susanoo now served in this specialized role—purifying souls.

(Kwon 2013b, p. 260)

This is Kwon’s commentary on the interpretation of Nakatomi Incantations. It indicates Susanoo being equated with Hayasasura Hime. Additionally, the bold text in the above paragraph indicates Susanoo’s role in cleansing souls of their impurities. We can also apply this interpretation to Hotsuma Tsutae, under which Hayasasura Hime is absent, and the purification was performed by Susanoo himself. While three of the purification deities cleansed the evil, Susanoo himself, as the cause of the evil in the first place, sang Yakumo no Uta, heralding the arrival of peace in Japan. After this, the story progressed to the passing of the Three Sacred Treasures. In other words, the description of the conflict in Japan based on Great Purification seems to have been an essential part of the story completing the inheritance of the Three Sacred Treasures and slightly differing from the Sword Chapter in The Tale of the Heike.22

5. Role of the Sword in the Three Sacred Treasures

Although Susanoo’s role was to bring peace to Japan, we examine the role of the Sword, one of the Three Sacred Treasures as described in Hotsuma Tsutae, to understand the necessity of resorting to force. For this, we need to explore how each of the Three Treasures is described in Hotsuma Tsutae. Since Hotsuma Tsutae is about the Sword, it is important to investigate the representation of all three to understand the role of the Sword. Let us start with Yata no Kagami (八咫鏡). Chapter 17 of Hotsuma Tsutae, “Kan Kagami yata no na no aya” (カンカガミヤタノナノアヤ—The Heavenly Mirror and the Name of Yata) contains a passage where Ame-no-Koyane asks Amatersasu about the significance behind the name “Yata” of Yata no Kagami (with “ya” meaning eight and “ta” being a unit of measurement). Amaterasu replies that “yata” refers to the original height of the eight peoples.

He then explains that he had gathered 800 thousand subjects together, measured their heights, and calculated the average. Then, he divided the room into eight equal sections to measure one tsubo, named after eight peoples (八民Yatami), added the sun and the moon, and divided it into ten sections, each named one kiri. Thereafter, he divided the measure into four (fire, wind, earth, and water) and connected these to a part of the sky to create the “heavenly measure”. It was then rounded into a mirror measuring six shaku (尺) and four suns (寸) (= eight yata). As Amaterasu explained, it was named “Yatakagami” (eight-sided mirror) because the Mirror was directed at the eight subjects and used to rule their hearts.

Next, let us look at the Sword. In Chapter 23 of Hotsuma Tsutae, “Miha sadame tsurugi no aya” (ミハサダメ。ツルギノアヤ—Selection of the August Garment and the Name of the Sword), Amaterasu explained that the Sword originated from Ame no Hoko (the Heavenly Spear). There was no need for a spear during the heavenly reign of Kuni-no-Tokotachi. This was because people were honest and law-abiding, and there was no need for a spear. With hearts as white as snow, they had a lifespan of over ten billion years. However, by the time of Ubichini, people started to adorn themselves, reducing their life spans to a million years. When the heavenly rule passed to the deity Omotaru, looting and violence began, which is why he had a blacksmith forge a spear. At the time, the human lifespan was eighty thousand years. Innocent blood was shed, children were lost, and Omotaru’s reign came to an end along with his family line.23 He was then succeeded by Izanagi and Izanami, who went to the Land of Abundant Rice (Mizuho-no-Kuni) to take up the “To” and the “Hoko”. “To” is perhaps a reference to the deity To, which indicates the use of the Hotsuma script, and Hoko refers to their weapon, the Sakahoko spear. Eventually, as the number of people increased, they had them make a sword that could cut better than the Hoko. This was the Yaegaki sword. Although Hotsuma Tsutae includes accounts of the Mirror and the Sword, it makes no mention of the Sacred Jewel. This might be because the Treasure symbolizes Amaterasu herself, who was born of an egg.24

Chapter 24 of Hotsuma Tsutae, “Koyekuni harami Yama no aya” (コエクニハラミヤマノアヤ—The Land of Koye and Mount Fuji), the Three Sacred Treasures were given to the new sovereign deity, Oshihito (Oshihomimi), who was the son of Amaterasu. At this point, Oshihito was attended by Futotama and Kakuyama. Koyane and Mononushi (Komori) acted as guardians and were described as the wings of Ninigine. Subsequently, the Mirror was given to Koyane (Kasuga), and the Sword—to Komori, with Oshihito having a connecting role. The subsequent Chapter 27, “Mioya kami funatama no aya” (ミオヤカミフナタマノアヤ—The August Parent and the Making of Boats), then explains what happened to the Sacred Treasures. The Chapter describes the Three Treasures coming together naturally at the time that the true government (Hotsuma) was established and creating the roots of the people. This, apparently, is the true government. A similar passage exists in Chapter 28, “Kimi Tomi nokon nori no aya” (キミトミノコンノリノアヤ—Rules Passed Down by Lords and Ministers). Here, Oshihito explained that since the Three Sacred Treasures were given separately to him and his vassals, he was able to rule the people with one mind and transform the country into a true government (秀真之国: hotsuma no Kuni). Thus, it was not enough to just bequeath the Treasures separately; for them to carry meaning, the three holders had to govern the land synchronously. This idea is consistent with the commentary on the Three Sacred Treasures set forth by medieval scholar Kitabatake Chikafusa (1293–1354) in Chronicles of the Authentic Lineages of the Divine Emperors (神皇正統記: Jinnō Shōtōki), where he wrote, “The divine edicts regarding the Three Sacred Treasures must surely indicate the proper way to govern the country” (Iwasa et al. 1965, p. 60). Chapter 24 of Hotsuma Tsutae contains the following song:

• kagamitomikoyanekami
• amateruōnkami
• turugitomikomorikami
• かがみとみこやねかみ
• あまてるおおんかみ
• つるぎとみこもりかみ

which places Amateasru (Amateru) in the middle, with Koyane on the right and Komori on the left, since the Japanese text is written vertically and not horizontally. Another song is as follows:

• awawotasu amasuberagino morohatomi kasugatokomori kimitomino kokorohitotuni miyakotori katatihayatami kubihakimi
• kagamitoturugi matenohane mononobehaasi kagamitomi
• tugihorobureba tamihanare hitugihumarezu turugitomi
• tugihorobureba monohuware yowōbawaruru yataomiha zorōuharuno tamiwazawo kangamirumezo kakiomiha yokomawokarasi mononohuno tikaramorutezo konoyueni migusawowakete sadukuruha
• nagakuhitotuni naruyosiwo ayanisirusite otedukara
• humiwomimagoni sadukemasu seorituhimeha mikagamiwo
• motitekasugani sadukemasu hayaakitumeha miturugiwo
• motitekomorini sadukemasu mitabiuyamai minaukuru
• yamatohitugino miyakotorikana
• あわをたす　あますべらぎの　もろはとみ　かすがとこもり　きみとみの　こころひとつに　みやことり　かたちはやたみ　くびはきみ　かがみとつるぎ　まてのはね　もののべはあし　かがみとみ　つぎほろぶれば　たみはなれ　ひつぎふまれず
• つるぎとみ　つぎほろぶれば　ものふわれ　よをうばわるる　やたおみは　ぞろおうはるの　たみわざを　かんがみるめぞ　かきおみは　よこまをからし　もののふの　ちからもるてぞ　このゆえに　みぐさをわけて　さづくるは　ながくひとつに　なるよしを　あやにしるして　おてづから　ふみをみまごに　さづけます　せおりつひめは　みかがみを　もちてかすがに　さづけます　はやあきつめは　みつるぎを　もちてこもりに　さづけます　みたびうやまい　みなうくる　やまとひつぎの　みやことりかな

This song is known as Miyako Tori no Uta.25 It describes a proper model of governance, with the ruler and the ruled acting in harmony. This song is set in the background, and at the beginning of this chapter, the deities, Amaterasu, Seoritsu Hime, and Haya’akitsu Hime, each have one of the Three Sacred Treasures. After the hatare went on a rampage, the Mirror was used to return several of them to their original form. Most could not revert and were buried at Mount Takano under Ibukido. Here, Seoritsu Hime, Haya’akitsu Hime, and Ibukido are the deities appearing in the incantations for the Great Purification. Further, other sections of Hotsuma Tsutae have antagonists named after diseases and maladies appearing in the Great Purification incantations. Ultimately, the deities—primarily, Seoritsu Hime and Haya’akitsu Hime—cleansed Susanoo of his wickedness; thereafter, peace returned to Japan, following which the Three Sacred Treasures were bequeathed to Oshihito. This is the point where Miyako Tori no Uta is sung. The song describes the bequeathing of the Three Sacred Treasures—specifically, the Mirror passed from Seoritsu Hime to Kasuga and the Sword passed from Haya’akitsu Hime to Komori. Given that Komori was the adopted son of the thunder god Takemikazuchi, both Kasuga and Komori were associated with Kasuga Myojin (春日明神). Thus, the author seems intent on incorporating the actual links between Komori and Kasuga Myojin—namely, the connection with the Isagawa Shrine, where Komori is venerated. It may also have intended to convey how the Fujiwara clan (Nakatomi) served the Emperors.

What, then, is the significance of Miyako Tori? “Tori” could potentially mean “bird” (鳥) in Japanese, but it could also mean “take” (取り). A commentary on Ise Monogatari believes it to be a reference to the Emperor “taking the capital (都: Miyako)”. Further, since Hotsuma Tsutae states that Amaterasu was born as an egg, the song may also have been influenced by mythological narratives of Kaguya Hime’s birth from a golden egg, like Amaterasu, in The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter (竹取物語: Taketori Monogatari)26. In other words, Miyako Tori may refer to the emperorship of Amaterasu, just as it is used in the Ise Monogatari notes for Emperor Yozei. This is also consistent with the Makoto-ofusuma (真床追衾) ritual, a part of the post-enthronement ceremony of the Emperor, Daijō-sai (大嘗祭), where the future Emperor is wrapped in a blanket. In fact, in Hotsuma Tsutae, Ninikine was wrapped in a blanket before being given the Three Sacred Treasures. Thus, Ninikine would have needed to become a ball-shaped egg to receive the ball-shaped gem of the Three Sacred Treasures in Miyako Tori.

In any case, although the Hotsuma Tsutae’s accounts of the Three Sacred Treasures were influenced by Kojiki, Nihon Shoki, and beliefs from the medieval age, it also contains its own perspectives, such as the link with the Great Purification. The Emperor, who represents the jewel, is flanked by the deity Kasuga Myojin—Kasuga and Komori—ruling over Japan, with the sovereign and subjects uniting their forces.

6. Conclusions

Therefore, the role of military force in Hotsuma Tsutae as raised in the Introduction seems intent on demonstrating the legitimacy of the Sword through Susanoo and his reincarnation, Yamato Takeru. This “Sword” refers to one of the Three Sacred Treasures, signifying the legitimacy of the Emperor’s rule. This is evident from the fact that Hotsuma Tsutae is positioned as a text about the Sword. Is it possible, then, that the epic of Hotsuma Tsutae concludes with Yamato Takeru being worshipped by the Emperor who received the Sword? Let us look at Katsuyoshi Watanabe’s theory of soul pacification for insight. Watanabe argues:

We see in detail that although the Emperor can personally intercede to pacify the souls of the Imperial ancestral deities, the Emperor cannot appease the malevolent deities of clans outside the imperial lineage... Likewise, we see that even in the case of Sujinki (崇神記—Chronicles of Emperor Sujin) Omono-no-nushi no Kami (大物主大神) insisted upon Ota Taneko being the chief priest (hafuri) of his shrine, suggesting that the job of soul pacification (tamashizume) was only open to those from the clan devoted to the deity in question, which is to say, those of the deity’s bloodline.

(Watanabe 1994)

Applying this perspective to Hotsuma Tsutae, we can interpret that it was only after Susanoo and Yamato Takeru’s forces pacified the land of Japan using force that Japan became a land governed legitimately by its Emperor. Further, in Sujin ki of Nihon Shoki, Ota Taneko plays the role of a soul pacifier, who, according to the epilogue of Hotsuma Tsutae, is also the one who authored Hotsuma Tsutae. This claim, along with the fact that the text was written in mourning for the deceased Yamato Takeru, seems to emphasize the legitimacy of Hotsuma Tsutae by invoking Ota Taneko’s original office as the chief priest and his role in accordance to Nihon Shoki. We can thus conclude the two possible purposes of this book: first, to appease the spirit of Susanoo, i.e., Yamato Takeru, with military force for the sake of peace under the Emperor. This is to say, Susanoo and Yamato Takeru’s battle against the deities was a necessary step to achieve a peaceful Japan ruled by its Emperor.

The second possible purpose is the transmission of the Three Sacred Treasures. On the inheritance of Miyako Tori no Uta along with the Three Sacred Treasures during enthronement, Matsumoto Ikuyo wrote:

The imperial origins and the oral tradition of kingship expressed in the accession ritual (即位法: Sokui ho) can be classified ideologically as part of esoteric Buddhism, and discursively, they are linked with medieval mythology. Conventionally, a version of the accession ritual conducted according to the method of the Toji Temple (東寺即位法: Tōji sokui hō), was considered to be the definitive accession ritual according to the Shingon sect of Buddhism.

(Matsumoto 2005)

Thus, the passing on of the Miyakotori song and the Three Sacred Treasures points to early modern or jindai moji accession rituals informed by medieval mythology.27 The conquering of Susanoo and his reincarnation Yamato Takeru by Ibukido, the god of purification, and the divine forces and the ensuing peace in Japan seem to explicitly represent the transmission of the Three Sacred Treasures and the legitimacy of the Sword in particular. In other words, since Hotsuma Tsutae positions itself as a canonical history more authoritative than Nihon Shoki, the author had to include accounts supporting the legitimacy of the Sword. Military power proved to be crucial here, as in The Tale of the Heike, to establish a narrative of soul pacification (of Susanoo’s spirit). This is a topic for future research, along with the study of the early modern conception of the Emperor and the perspective in Jinno Shotoki (神皇正統記—Succession of Imperial Rulers in Japan).