Black Deaths Matter Earning the Right to Live: Death and the African-American Funeral Home
Abstract
:“The trouble with us is we are always preparing to die. You ask a white man early Monday morning and ask him what he is preparing to do…he is preparing to start a business. You ask a colored man…he is preparing to die.”Booker T. Washington1
“The death of black subjects or the invisibility of blackness serves to ward off a nation’s collective dread of the inevitable. Someone else bears the burden of the national id; someone else—always already—dies first.”.Sharon Patricia Holland2
1. Introduction
2. Deathcare Segregation and Burial Societies
It was no different in the African American community, where cemeteries were purchased for the burial of African Americans,12 and the rise of both the insurance business and the African American funeral home business were some of the few businesses that black Americans were allowed to own and run. Due to the refusal of whites to take care of black bodies, even in death, burial societies were often first to emerge in communities of Africans, both free and enslaved. In fact, the first known sickness and burial organization, the “Free African Society” was founded in Philadelphia in 1778 by Richard Allen, the founder of Mother Bethel African Methodist Episcopal church and Absolom Jones, an Episcopal preacher.When people came from Europe, they banded together with people from their towns, says Florence Marmor, 75, a woman who studies Jewish genealogy and had her own run-in with a burial society—in her case, over her own grave. She explains that burial societies sprouted up as one way to keep people together. “They didn’t register with the government. They had to bury their dead, and they wanted to bury them among their own people.” As time passed, burial societies literally took over some cemeteries—controlling up to 80 percent of the land, particularly in Jewish cemeteries. “In effect, the burial society land is a cemetery within a cemetery,” says Joel Barkin, a spokesman for the office of the Secretary of State, which oversees cemeteries.
This was no small amount. By today’s standards, $16,814 would be equal to somewhere between $539,000 and $135 million dollars,14 and the collected totals allowed for large amounts of capital to be pooled to help the community in Philadelphia while providing needed resources for the sick, dying and dead. These early burial societies were able to generate large amounts of capital, making the early rise of the burial insurance society—and later the funeral home—one of the more important and profitable businesses. Like the emergence of the African American hotel, black bodies generated income for the black community, since they were the ones responsible for their own well-being.15By 1838 there were 100 such small groups [sickness and burial organizations], with 7448 members, in the city. They paid in $18,851, gave $14,171 in benefits, and had $10,023 on hand. Ten years later about 8000 members belonged to 106 such societies. Seventy-six of these had a total membership of 5187. They contributed usually 25 cents to 37 ½ cents a month; the sick received $1.50 to $3.00 a week and death benefits of $10.00 to $20.00 were allowed. The income of these 76 societies was $16,814.23; 681 families were assisted.
3. A Brief Case Study of Early Burial Societies: Mother Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church
4. Insurance: The Business of Insurance and the African American Market
5. Civil War and Early American Deathcare
Thus, in what many believe to be the predecessor of the contemporary Memorial Day in the United States, the African American church and deathcare industry demonstrated their continued close affiliation even after the popularity of burial societies had diminished and been replaced by insurance companies.The official dedication ceremony was conducted by the ministers of all the black churches in Charleston. With prayer, the reading of biblical passages, and the singing of spirituals, black Charlestonians gave birth to an American tradition. In so doing, they declared the meaning of the war in the most public way possible—by their labor, their words, their songs, and their solemn parade of roses, lilacs, and marching feet on the old planters’ race course…
Because of segregation and economic detour, the funeral home emerged as not only one of the more successful black businesses, but also a creator and cementer of identity.Utilizing the carpentry skills learned from and exploited by Whites through slavery, now Black men were using this knowledge to make coffins and properly prepare the deceased of their community for the afterlife at an economic gain for themselves… Understanding that death, but more so the ceremonial prepping and sending off to the afterlife, was of high priority, undertakers were able to capitalize and fulfill a greatly needed service in the Black community. Once slavery was abolished and Blacks experienced the spatial freedom that comes from the absence of slavery, they immediately sought to take part in elaborate death ceremonies for their kin… Now during this Reconstruction era with economic prosperity on the horizon, African Americans (who were adopting some Western cultural funerary norms) used expenditures as a way to signify their immense love for their deceased kin. Everything was extravagant and top-notch, mainly the casket and the hearse. At the turn of the twentieth century, hearses and high-class funeral carriages were where patrons were spending their money and where African American undertakers were receiving dividends hand over fist.
6. The African American Funeral Home
7. Funeral Homes in the Civil Rights Era
8. The National Funeral Directors and Morticians Association
The funeral home industry has created one of the more profitable and successful industries for African Americans in the United States, an industry that has been key in establishing, maintaining, and reinforcing black identity in a society that continues to ignore the inequities of its healthcare system, and disregards the murder of its young African American men. Ironically, many feel that integrating the funeral home industry may actually undermine black identity in a time when black deaths have been largely ignored. Adonnica Toler, a historian of Ritz Theater and Museum in Jacksonville, Florida, says, “They [members of the white community] didn’t want to live with you when you were alive, and they didn’t want to spend eternity with you.”37 The black funeral home, then, offered a respite from a society that simultaneously wanted to separate itself, yet profit from, black lives and bodies.Federal statistics showing high mortality rates among young blacks and industry surveys showing that most blacks reject low-cost cremations in favor of high-markup burials have made them an attractive target to the industry’s big players. But for the nation’s estimated 4000, mostly family-owned black funeral homes, and the communities they serve, more than dollars are at stake. African-American funeral homes grew out of the ugliness of segregation to become mainstays of black community and culture. In many places, they remain among the last black-owned institutions catering to and supported almost exclusively by African-American consumers. Some funeral-home directors worry that, should they be forced aside by chains—or bought out by white-owned companies—the blow to the African-American community will be enormous. “It actually frightens me,” says O’Neil D. Swanson Sr., owner of two funeral homes in Detroit and another in Pontiac, Mich. “Before integration, every major city had a black hotel that we could be proud of. And all of those businesses were just killed off by chains. That just might happen to us.”
9. Black Lives Matter and The Contemporary Funeral Home
Similarly, Associate Professor of African and American History at Albright College, Dr. Kami Fletcher, remarked on Floyd’s gold casket on Twitter, “Y’all see the gold casket right? George Floyd is memorialized with the highest of honor and respect. African Americans have always used death material culture to resist, using last rites as a tool to subvert the racist, stereotypes caricature of thug and brute.”49 The grandiosity of the funeral in Floyd’s funeral is thus not only intentional but viewed as an act of resistance that demonstrates materially how much black lives do, in fact, matter. The open casket of Emmett Till, the closed caskets of the victims of the Birmingham bombing, and the gold casket of George Floyd all signal that black deaths matter, and will continue to matter until Black Lives Matter more. Just as Emmett Till’s body was the burden of proof to convict Jim Crow, the bodies of Trayvon Martin, Tamir Rice, George Floyd, and others unjustly slain prove that Jim Crow’s decedents—more covert forms of racism that plague our justice system are alive and well in the twenty-first century. The African American Funeral home continues to play an important role in American culture, and though its very existence, argues against racist policies and practices evident in the high mortality rates of blacks in the United States.“We were contacted by the family a day after Mr. Floyd passed away to conduct the services and facilitate the services for his celebration of life,” Fort Bend Memorial Planning Center owner Bobby Swearington said. Swearington said Floyd’s family asked that the funeral service be grand. “Not an easy thing to do with the magnitude and the amount of visitors that we are expecting to embark upon Houston when his services commence,” Swearington said. “It’s just so much that we are having to put together, we want to make sure that we are able to exercise social distancing, so we had to find a facility…We’ve had just an outpouring of support from so many people,” Swearington said. “People wanted to send carriages and doves and arrangements to the family. Artists, monument makers, just everyone is finding an avenue to commemorate Mr. Floyd.”
10. Tokenism, Erasure, and White-Washing: The Whitening of Death Studies
Funding
Conflicts of Interest
References
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1 | |
2 | |
3 | (Renata n.d.). |
4 | Anna Belle Kaufman writes that “The very fact of being boxed shows us that the contents are important to someone in some way: whatever is inside is being protected, collected, saved.” (Kaufman 1996). Open and closed caskets hold significance to the grieving—they are intentionally used to reveal or to hide and conceal. |
5 | (Massey and Denton 1993) for more on racial segregation in churches. |
6 | The Negro Act in 1740, passed in the state of South Carolina and quickly enacted elsewhere, made it illegal for enslaved people to gather in groups, earn money, raise food, or learn to write, and also gave slave owners the right to kill those viewed as rebellious. This made it quite difficult for enslaved people to gather for funerals. For more, see (Olwell 1998). |
7 | (Arnold 2016). Arnold is creating the first database on enslaved Americans, and documenting all known burial sites of enslaved people. http://www.memorializeamericanslavery.com/, last accessed 8 April 2016. |
8 | (Stanley 2016). |
9 | |
10 | |
11 | (Rayman 2009). |
12 | Burial societies continue to be of great importance in Africa today, and are sometimes seen as having competing interests with the Church, as many burial societies have their meetings on Sundays at the same time as local churches. However, burial societies function not only to provide the community with good burials, but also often serve to actually nourish and feed the living through their elaborate funeral feasts. Thus, the meetings, during which refreshments and food are served, also function to provide sustenance to the community, and unfortunately, many churches find that their spiritual sustenance is no competition for the physical sustenance provided by the burial societies. For more on this, see (Semenya 2013). |
13 | |
14 | See MeasuringWorth.com, (Measuring Worth Website n.d.) for various estimates of currency values between 1848 and 2018. https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php, last accessed 31 July 2018. The smaller number is the real price value, which only takes into account annual inflation rates, while the larger number reflects the percentage value of the entire economy; in other words, the income generated through burying societies was not insignificant and represented a fair proportion of the economy in the United States at that time. |
15 | African American hotels were another successful black-owned business, since people of color were not allowed to stay in white-owned and patronized businesses. For more on this, see (Armstead 2005). |
16 | There are several noted instances in which white insurance salesmen would sell policies to African Americans and then turn around and lynch them in order to profit from the policies. For more on black-owned insurance companies and white racist policies, see (Chapin 2012). |
17 | |
18 | (Ibid., pp. 72–73). |
19 | Though there is not much written on the African American funeral industry and its rich history, Arzella Valentine writes some lovely web-published pieces on the African American funeral industry. See (Valentine n.d.; Cann 2014) for more on the history of embalming and the role of both refrigeration and train transport in the transformation of the death care industry in the United States from the Civil War period to the present day. |
20 | |
21 | |
22 | For more on reading on this, see my bibliography with Oxford on African American deathways: (Cann 2020). |
23 | One important difference between the two organizations apart from race, is that the NFDMA included morticians in their membership, while the NFDA only included funeral home directors. Thus, there is an implied class distinction between the two organizations, in that the NFDMA recognizes the trade of embalming, where the NFDA only recognizes ownership and funeral directing. |
24 | (Chestnut Funeral Home Website n.d.). The Chestnut Funeral Home was established in 1914 as Hughes & Chestnut Funeral Home. Charles Chestnut Sr. has been called the grandfather of black funeral service in Alachua County—his grandson (Charles III) and great-grandson (Charles IV) continue to run the business today. |
25 | (J.F. Bell Funeral Home Website n.d.). John Ferris Bell was born in 1890 and educated in Petersburg, Virginia, and upon graduation, taught tailoring for four years. He then trained as a Funeral Director and Mortician in Chicago, Illinois. Dr. John A. Jackson, his cousin from Petersburg who had become a dentist in Charlottesville, pointed out the city’s need for a mortician. Mr. Bell moved from Chicago to organize the J.F. Bell Funeral Home which continues today as the oldest family-run funeral home in central Virginia and the area’s oldest existing business owned by people of color. |
26 | The American Civil Rights era is generally thought to be the time period between the 1950s and 1960s, and was highlighted by the struggle for social justice for people of color. Though key legislation passed in this era advocated for the desegregation of schools and society, systemic racism continues to remain an issue, largely evidenced through unfair and predatory lending practices, and the continued practice of arresting and incarcerating people of color at much higher rates than whites. |
27 | |
28 | Beyond the scope of this article but in need of further study is the economic relationship between the African American funeral home and the emergence of black leaders whose origins stem from either or both the insurance industry or the funeral home business. Just this brief listing of leaders whose families had ties to these businesses reveals the essential importance of the African American funeral home to American culture. |
29 | As mentioned earlier, the NFDMA includes the role of morticians/embalmers in its title heading, thus acknowledging the role and equal importance of those preparing the body, and not simply managing the funeral home itself. |
30 | |
31 | There are varying estimates of the actual number of black funeral homes—though most estimate a total number of four thousand funeral homes that cater specifically to African American communities, the NFDMA represents about 2000 of these. |
32 | However, the corporatization of the deathcare industry may lead to shifting demographics in the funeral home industry (though on a very slow scale), so these changes should be tracked for future study. |
33 | (Long 2014). |
34 | |
35 | For more on this, see (Cann 2018). |
36 | |
37 | (Long 2014). |
38 | The segregation of the funeral home industry is rarely addressed in the academy and most books and articles discussing deathcare are actually studies of the death industry in white American culture, with occasional mentions of other diasporas as the outliers. Gary Laderman’s 2005 popular and seminal book, Rest in peace: A cultural history of death and the funeral home in twentieth-century America, (Laderman 2005) for example, discusses the elevated status and the positive reception of the black undertaker in the African American community in comparison to that of the white undertaker, arguing that in comparison, the white undertaker is often viewed with some suspicion or possibly even disgust. |
39 | |
40 | |
41 | (Garza 2014). |
42 | (Jackson 2016). |
43 | |
44 | (Jackson 2016). |
45 | (Ibid.) |
46 | |
47 | |
48 | (Willis 2020). |
49 | |
50 | An example of this can be found in the way that the aids epidemic was written about in the 1980s or even the current work published on the opioid epidemic. |
51 | (Rankine 2015). |
52 |
© 2020 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
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Cann, C.K. Black Deaths Matter Earning the Right to Live: Death and the African-American Funeral Home. Religions 2020, 11, 390. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11080390
Cann CK. Black Deaths Matter Earning the Right to Live: Death and the African-American Funeral Home. Religions. 2020; 11(8):390. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11080390
Chicago/Turabian StyleCann, Candi K. 2020. "Black Deaths Matter Earning the Right to Live: Death and the African-American Funeral Home" Religions 11, no. 8: 390. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11080390
APA StyleCann, C. K. (2020). Black Deaths Matter Earning the Right to Live: Death and the African-American Funeral Home. Religions, 11(8), 390. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11080390