1. Introduction
This paper focuses on energy policy: specifically, the addressing of the effects of climate change and the associated transition to a larger share of renewable energy (RE) based generation. This is an important challenge being faced by many governments around the world, and has been labeled by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) as one of the most significant being addressed by the international community [
1].
The OECD incorporates 34 nations from around the world, from emerging countries through to the most advanced, with the mission of promoting policies that will improve the economic and social well-being of people and the goal of building a stronger, cleaner and fairer world. The OECD provides a forum in which governments can work together to share experiences and seek solutions to common problems in order to understand what drives economic, social and environmental change [
2].
This grouping of OECD nations with common policy goals and a desire to develop policy which can be sustainable, incorporating the three sustainability pillars of economy, society and environment provides a suitable basis for research, comparison and ultimately improvement of energy policy making processes leading to better sustainability outcomes. This is an important endeavor, as OECD nations account for approximately 41% of the world’s greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions as a result of energy use, with a GHG intensity per capita approximately 2.5 times that of the rest of the world [
3].
OECD nations facing the challenges of climate change have adopted a broad range of energy policies and policy tools in order to shift to a more sustainable energy system and to reduce climate change impacts. The policy tools in place across the OECD in order to meet energy policy targets include feed-in tariffs (FiT), RE or Green Certificates (REC), tax concessions and a number of other market-based instruments. Energy policy targets themselves have changed over time, often with a change of government, and a general inconsistency in energy policy approach is apparent in the OECD, evidenced by the large number of strategic policies and tools which have been employed over time within member nations [
4,
5,
6].
This inconsistency may be due (at least in part) to shortcomings or unsuitable approaches to energy policy making within the OECD [
7,
8,
9], which may have led to the implementation of energy policies that were underdeveloped or poorly designed. Policy weaknesses are identified, and remediation begun post-evaluation, at the beginning of a new policy cycle. These approaches have led to less than optimal policy outcomes, not only in terms of the economy and environment but also with regard to the third pillar of sustainability: societal considerations. This is evidenced by the high level of income inequality in the OECD, and the fact that inequality has been prioritized as a social issue requiring improvement within OECD nations [
2].
The aim of this research is to investigate and address these issues by: (1) identifying the nature of the energy policy making process and national sustainability priorities within the OECD; and (2) to identify any weaknesses with regard to sustainability outcomes inherent in these processes. Additionally, these findings will be adapted in order to propose a more robust energy policy making process which prioritizes policy design in order to smoothen the energy policy cycle and promote more sustainable outcomes.
In order to achieve these aims, eight OECD nations, consisting of four constitutional monarchies (Australia, The United Kingdom (UK), Canada and Japan) and four republics (the United States of America (USA), Greece, Chile and Mexico), are compared using a Qualitative Content Assessment (QCA, outlined in
Section 3) process considering governance, the policy cycle steps and policy sustainability priorities. These nations are chosen because of their comparatively high income inequality (evidenced by their respective GINI coefficients) levels, suggesting that the social aspects of sustainability within their policy portfolios require additional attention in order to redress this issue.
Within this group of OECD nations, the hypotheses that the current energy policy development process lacks robustness and that policy mechanisms are poorly developed in order to achieve policy priorities is investigated utilizing QCA, seeking to identify firstly whether or not the policy development process is consistent within the OECD, and secondly, how energy policy tools are formulated, implemented and evaluated within this cycle, and how well this process contributes to sustainable energy policy outcomes.
2. Policy Making Theory
The description of a “policy cycle” dates back to 1956, initially proposed by Harold Laswell, incorporating the seven stages of intelligence, promotion, prescription, invocation, application, termination and appraisal [
10]. These stages have largely stood the test of time in public policy theory, however is now generally agreed that appraisal follows application and that the overall process is cyclical and therefore excludes a “termination” phase. This may be because new policies are being developed in an already crowded policy environment, leading to policy succession rather than a wholesale replacement of policies already in place [
11]. Additionally, the policy cycle is deliberately iterative, in that evolving policy issues are addressed by a prescribed set of tools and activities over a period of time [
12].
Establishing that the policy making process is indeed cyclical and iterative, and includes discrete stages involving different actors and institutions in order to undertake deliberate problem solving [
13], the order and nature of these discrete policy making stages requires investigation. There is general agreement across the available literature that the policy process begins with agenda setting (also called problem or issue identification) and ends with evaluation before beginning anew [
10,
13,
14]. The steps undertaken in between usually only vary in their nomenclature or level of separation.
Table 1 gives a general overview these steps and how they vary slightly dependent on the assessor’s choice of terms. A summary of approaches is given later in this study in
Section 3.1, further reaffirming this commonality of steps and variety of granularity of nomenclature used across different nations.
Each of the stages identified in
Table 1 can subsequently be broken down into their constituent parts or sub-processes as follows.
Agenda setting or problem identification is the initial policy making step, and assumes the recognition of a policy problem. Although this stage of policy making is inherently political and not in the direct control of any single actor [
10], it can occur in a bottom-up or top-down fashion, although it is unclear how successfully public opinion influences policy identification [
15]. As there is limited capacity within society and political institutions to address all possible policy responses to identified policy problems, actors actively promote policy issues important to them in order to have them promoted to the policy agenda, and to remain prominent within the political debate [
16].
Policy formulation, incorporating issue analysis includes the identification of policy proposals in order to resolve identified issues. This process occurs within government ministries, interest groups, legislative committees, special commissions and policy think tanks [
15]. The policy formulation process precedes decision making, and is undertaken by policy experts who assess potential solutions and prepare them to be codified into legislation or regulation, along with initial analysis of feasibility, including but not limited to political acceptability and costs and benefits [
17]. Policy experts are also responsible interacting with wider society, their policy networks and other social actors undertaking consultation in order to further shape policy proposals. Once a policy proposal (or proposals) has been formulated, it is presented to decision makers, usually cabinet, ministers and Parliament, for consideration prior to implementation [
10].
Implementation is the phase at which all of the preceding planning activity is put into practice [
14]. Resources are allocated, departmental responsibilities are assigned and often rules and regulations are developed by the bureaucracy in order to create new agencies with the role of translating laws into operational procedures [
15]. The implementation phase is a technical process, whereby the “street-level” bureaucrats need to interpret guidance from central authorities whilst providing everyday problem solving strategies in order to ensure a successful implementation structure [
18].
Evaluation is the final stage of the iterative policy cycle, and policy outcomes are tested against intended objectives and impacts. In addition, an evaluation is made to determine any unintended consequences of policies, in order to establish whether a policy should be terminated or redesigned according to shifting policy goals or newly identified issues [
10]. The evaluation is undertaken by both governmental and societal actors in order to influence a reconceptualization of policy problems and solutions. This evaluation can be administrative (managerial and budgetary performance), judicial (judicial review and administrative discretion), or political (elections, think tanks, inquiries and legislative oversight), or a combination of the three in order to influence the direction and content of further iterations of the policy cycle [
14].
Although we can establish a consensus on the requisite stages of the policy making process, through this review of policy making theory literature, it is important to recognize that in some cases, policy cycle stages may be compressed or skipped, or enacted out of order [
14] and that deviations may occur within the proposed models [
19]. This paper attempts to be responsive to the fluid nature of the policy cycle by formulating research questions broadly across the policy cycle stages and using an analysis method which thoroughly describes each stage, as well as responsible bodies, capturing similarities between nations and also accounting for outliers or any irregularities between nations and their policy practices and priorities—specific to the energy policy making process.
3. Methodology
The methodology chosen in this study to evaluate policy making processes and priorities in a sample of OECD countries is Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), as it allows for an organized, systematic analysis of text in order to reveal common elements, themes and patterns within procedures, and to interpret and make observations of assessed, relevant data. QCA can assess a variety of social phenomena, and in the past has been used to assess economic growth [
20], education [
21], nursing research [
22,
23] and aesthetics [
24], among others, suggesting its applicability to the investigation of energy policy.
In this study, QCA is used to assess governance systems, policy processes and priorities across 8 OECD nations. As data are readily available in the form of energy policy reports, academic papers and government publications, a deductive content analysis process is used [
25] in order to assess key commonalities in the OECD policy development process and to discover any national peculiarities within these processes utilizing 12 focused research questions investigating governance, policy processes and policy priorities.
3.1. QCA Process Flow
In order to make a comparative analysis of governance, policy processes and priorities in the assessed nations, energy policy documentation (including policy targets, the development, implementation and review process) in the form of government documents and reports, third party and academic analysis is first collected and sorted by nation and type. In order to organize the data assessed and to identify similarities and any outliers, a structured categorization matrix is developed according to the key research questions to be clarified by this research.
Data extracted in response to the research questions from the sorted energy policy documentation are then incorporated into the categorization matrix, from which data can then be coded and summarized, identifying common and outlying themes in order to test the hypotheses stated in the Introduction. This is often an iterative process as new themes can also be identified throughout the data extraction process [
23]. A visual representation of the QCA process flow for this study is shown in
Figure 1.
3.2. Research Questions
The key aim of the QCA process is to elicit the key factors of each evaluated nation’s policy making processes and governance structure and to identify policy priorities. These factors will be investigated through a series of research questions which are structured in order to derive conclusions which can assist in the development of a conceptual model of OECD governance, energy policy making processes and priorities. The questions are divided into two streams, the first of which assesses governance and policy making structures, and the second investigates the energy policy goals and sustainability priorities (across environmental, economic and social equity factors) within each nation.
3.2.1. Governance and Energy Policy Making
The first set of questions (Governance and energy policy making) aim to elicit the energy policy making processes and responsible national government bodies in each jurisdiction.
The questions are framed to identify the key national level governmental bodies which are responsible for the policy development process, and to elicit the key stages of policy making and how these are undertaken. The research questions identified in
Table 2 are derived from theoretical approaches to policy making (discussed in detail in
Section 2), which are broadly reflected in Australian, United Kingdom, United States and Provincial Canadian Policy Cycles, as shown in
Figure 2.
In each of these policy cycles there are key stages of policy development. Research Questions 1 to 6 seek to clarify each nations approach to policy making through a review of each of these steps in the RE policy making process. In order to capture data from non-identical policy cycles, terms for each of the steps (as described in
Table 1 and
Figure 2) are used interchangeably for each nation based on their individual cycles.
3.2.2. Energy Policy Goals and Priorities
The next set of questions (Energy policy goals and priorities) aims to elicit key energy policy goals across the nations and to assess policy implementation priorities, see
Table 3.
The questions are framed in order to capture not only the stated energy policy goals in each nation, but also to understand how these goals are set and what mechanisms are enacted in order to achieve policy success. Alongside quantitative policy targets, the consideration and priority given to the environmental, economic and social equity aspects of energy policy sustainability are also assessed.
3.3. Evidence Assessed
The evidence assessed in order to answer the research questions is summarized in
Table 4,
Table 5 and
Table 6 and comes from 3 sources: Government documentation, third party energy policy analysis and academic energy policy review papers.
3.3.1. Government Documents
For each of the eight nations, the RE legislation (Acts and laws), policy manuals and supporting Government based evidence is reviewed as summarized in
Table 4.
3.3.2. Third Party Analysis
Three comprehensive, international publications were selected in order to evaluate each nation’s policies, legislation and policy measures on an even playing field, see
Table 5.
3.3.3. Academic Papers
Academic policy review papers were selected based on their comprehensive analysis of national RE legislation and for the provision of a contrast of domestic and foreign RE policy approaches, not to introduce any new content, but in order to supplement and provide a check and balance for identified issues in the Government and third party analyses, where necessary, see
Table 6.
In order to answer each research question comprehensively, documents are added according to identified need throughout the QCA process. Documents are given a reference number in order to streamline the referencing process in the categorization matrices. The method of data extraction varies from question to question but involves comprehensive literature review, keyword mining and examination of energy policy documents and iterations. No specialized computer programs are utilized, however some basic word search functions specific to proposed questions are used within electronic documents in order to assist the manual QCA and data extraction process. Official English translations of non-English evidence documents are used wherever possible, however, in some cases translations from external sources are used.
5. Discussion—Identified Issues and Implications for Policy Making
Through an assessment of energy policy development and the process followed in eight OECD nations, some inconsistencies are brought to the fore. The most striking of these inconsistencies is the apparent misalignment of energy policy tools with energy policy goals, particularly with regard to the social aspects of sustainability. From the summary of the QCA process undertaken, provided in
Table 9, there is a clear disconnect between issue identification, policy formulation (tool selection and target setting) and the latter steps through to evaluation. The qualitative targets proposed are all based on an increase in the share of RE generation and environmental improvement, with no quantitative targets in place to address the social implications of energy policies in any of the nations assessed. The policy tools used reinforce this issue, with only economic tools specified, rewarding only the RE generators who are not bound in any way to reduce potential impacts on society. Although energy policy documents qualitatively mention ideals with regard to society and fairness, no check, balance or policy tool is in place to realize these aspirational goals in any of the nations assessed. The QCA process also identified that the social factors of sustainability are prioritized below environmental and economic considerations at all stages of the energy policy making cycle.
As all nations assessed are members of the OECD, the fact that income inequality is at its highest level for the past half century [
2], provides a platform for the prioritization of this issue. Indeed, the OECD specifically encourages member nations to design policy packages to tackle high inequality and promote opportunities for all, and warns that high wealth concentration limits investment opportunities [
59]—linking the social and economic aspects of sustainability within policy making and priority setting.
In order to improve the policy making process and to align policy goals with policy tools and desired sustainability outcomes, the QCA evaluation of policy making in this study has identified the opportunity for the introduction of a “policy pre-evaluation” phase, in which different policy tools can be measured against not only environmental and economic goals but also from a social impact point of view. A specific sub step of this phase would be the introduction of a “sustainability evaluation” in order that economic, environmental and social equity impacts of a given policy (or several alternatives) can be measured against nationally desirable targets in order to achieve the economic and environmental goals and to meaningfully incorporate the identified social equity ideals specific to each nation. This early, pre-implementation evaluation phase will enable policies to meet sustainability goals to a higher degree than is currently experienced, and will also improve the policy making process such that post-implementation evaluation can be reduced in severity, and to avoid policy termination in preference for radically different policy approaches, allowing the final evaluation to focus on balance, in order to re-align energy policies with changing national level goals or shifting national sentiment and to maintain energy policy sustainability.
Figure 4 outlines this proposed refinement to the existing process, specific to energy policy making within the assessed nations.
An additional stage entitled policy pre-evaluation is added to the energy policy cycle, in which a sustainability assessment of policy tools considering national environmental, economic and social goals is made, prior to decision making. This assessment prioritizes energy policy sustainability, and allows current economic approaches and prioritized technologies within the energy system to be tested against the abovementioned sustainability factors in order to derive policies that can best achieve goals in the most sustainable way.
The reason for the introduction of a separate step is twofold: firstly, the separation of policy formulation and policy design draws attention to the need for sustainability evaluation prior to decision making and implementation. Secondly, by introducing a distinct policy design step in the policy cycle, specific expertise can be allocated to it, if this expertise cannot be found within the current bureaucracy.
6. Conclusions
In this study, eight unique nations, representative of constitutional monarchies, republics, parliamentary and congress style governance systems and each with high income equality within the OECD were evaluated through a QCA process assessing governance, policy processes, goals and sustainability priorities.
The hypotheses proposed by this research asked two questions: (1) whether the energy policy development process is consistent across the eight nations assessed within the OECD; and (2) whether this policy making process lacked robustness, and policy mechanisms are poorly designed in order to achieve sustainability goals.
Through the evaluation conducted, both hypotheses were shown to be true for the 8 OECD nations investigated, a fundamentally congruous “OECD policy making process” was identified, in both the nature of the policy cycle, policy goals and the variety of (exclusively) economic tools used to achieve them, as outlined in
Section 4.2 and summarized in
Figure 3. Secondly, building on these findings, it was further identified that policy processes in all assessed nations showed similar weaknesses. These were identified as the misalignment of policy tools and policy goals from a sustainability point of view, and a lack of policy focus on OECD identified important social issues such as inequality, in spite of the income disparity found in the assessed nations.
Based on the findings of this study, a proposed remedy is suggested: the addition of a discrete “policy pre-evaluation” phase in the newly identified OECD policy cycle, as shown in
Figure 4. This proposed revision is an important one because it not only addresses the identified shortcomings of current practice, but provides an evidence base for the improvement of policy making within the OECD through better policy design and improved sustainability outcomes resultant from energy policy implementation, particularly with regard to the social aspects of sustainability, and the incorporation of non-economically based policy mechanisms.
This study has sought to build on existing policy making theory and to apply it to an analysis of energy policy making processes, for the purpose of improving sustainability outcomes from an economic, environmental and the largely overlooked or undervalued social point of view. Future challenges for sustainable energy policy development within the OECD include the establishment of a policy design specific sustainability evaluation process which can help to guide the development of sustainable energy policy in a user friendly manner for the policy maker, and to assess its impact on the energy policy cycle and the effectiveness of this process in addressing identified OECD social issues and sustainability goals.