Emotional contagion at the individual scale constitutes a well-studied phenomenon. There is clear evidence that emotional contagion is causal, and the mechanisms of the contagion have been increasingly well-understood [
1,
2]. When an individual is exposed to a particular emotional state, they are more likely to experience that emotional state themselves, primarily as a result of facial mimicking and behavioral observation. Some research has also found that certain emotional contagion mechanisms are chemosensory, implying that emotion can spread without direct social interaction [
3].
The consequences of emotional contagion are certainly widespread but likely not well-measured. Just as the consequences of infectious disease are that more people are more easily infected with a sickness, a clear adverse consequence of emotional contagion is that more people are plagued with negative emotions. Unlike an infectious disease, however, emotional contagion may be beneficial when it constitutes the spread of positive emotions. Emotions are essential to human well-being, and sustained positive emotions are strongly associated with a number of health benefits, including “lower blood pressure, reduced risk for heart disease, healthier weight, better blood sugar levels, and longer life.” [
4].
Just as a natural consequence of a disease being contagious is that it spreads across geography and large groups of people, should the same not be true for emotional contagion? Little research has been done on large-scale in-person emotional contagion. This is likely a result of the data necessary to study it historically being unavailable. For such a study to be done, one needs, at a minimum, (1) real-time emotion data on large groups of people and (2) real-time data on interpersonal contact within that large group of people. The first type of data has become available with the advent of Twitter data [
5], while the second type of data has become available through the advent of cell phone mobility data [
6].
In this paper, I study emotion by looking at 13,387 Twitter users in seven cities in the Hampton Roads region of Virginia during September 2021. (Although the pandemic did hugely impact mobility, studies show that mobility patterns had already returned to pre-pandemic levels by this period [
7].) These users tweeted quite often, 1.7 times per day on average. Using this volume of tweets, I estimate the sentiment/emotion associated with tweets of residents of specific cities during specific two-hour periods. I treat these mean emotion levels as a proxy for the ambient sentiment/emotion among all residents of the specific city at the specific time. I subsequently utilize detailed data on cell phone mobility patterns to estimate the degree of in-person contact between residents of different cities during matching two-hour periods. By combining these data sources, I study how synchrony in emotion between residents of different cities is dependent on the level of contact between them. I find that ambient emotions in a specific city tend to be predicted by preceding ambient emotions in other cities, but this effect is only significant conditional on the level of contact between residents.
Furthermore, this relationship only appears to hold true for positive emotions. Daily patterns and variations in the volume of activity on Twitter cannot explain this relationship, implying that synchrony in emotions between cities is a consequence of the level of contact between them. These results may provide suggestive evidence of a measurable, large-scale emotional contagion, but as there are multiple sources of bias that are unaccounted for, I strongly discourage causal interpretation in the absence of further research.
1.1. Emotion and Emotional Contagion
Emotional contagion has been defined as “the tendency to automatically mimic and synchronize expressions, vocalizations, postures, and movements with those of another person and, consequently, to converge emotionally” [
1]. Multiple mechanisms have been implicated in emotional contagion.
Facial expressions are an essential component of emotional contagion. When two individuals interact, they tend to mimic each other’s facial expressions [
2]. Theories of social appraisal, in turn, suggest that how individuals view an event or interaction is a product of how others view that event or interaction. Thus, if an individual sees another individual portraying a facial expression associated with a particular emotion, they not only will mimic those facial expressions but will likely adopt that emotional perspective about the event/interaction occurring. Even in the absence of social appraisal, an individual may “transmit” a specific emotion to a third individual through facial mimicking.
Physiologically, emotional contagion can operate through the convergence of autonomic nervous system responses and neural representations. Research has linked specific emotions to specific arousal states [
2], again suggesting a strong specificity in emotional contagion. Research has also suggested that neurological reactions constitute an additional mechanism of emotional contagion.
Beyond contagious emotions, physiological states that may be linked to emotion may also be contagious. Specifically, stress and cortisol are transmitted easily from person to person [
8,
9]. Distinct from simple emotional contagion, research has found that stress can spread through chemosensory cues, implying that stress can spread independently from any social interaction. Stress, in turn, is closely associated with various emotional states, such as anger [
3]. The spread of stress has been documented to travel with people between different contexts and locations. Bolger et al. [
10] showed that spouses spread stress between one another and bring stress to and from home and work with them.
While much research has examined emotional contagion on a positive-negative scale, more refined research has documented that more specific types of emotions tend to be contagious. For example, Olszanowski et al. [
11] exposed subjects to videos of individuals displaying either sadness or anger. While sadness and anger are both generally considered negative, subjects’ exposure to the emotions resulted in specific mimicking and specific self-reported feelings. This research suggests that reducing emotion to a sentiment continuum may overgeneralize the emotional state. Additional research suggests that contagion is emotion-specific, and specific emotions transmit to other distinct emotions minimally. Wild et al. [
12] found that exposing subjects to happy faces tended to result in subjects experiencing happy affect, exposing subjects to sad faces tended to result in subjects experiencing sad affect, and exposure to either had a less consistent effect on distinct emotions such as anger, disgust, surprise, fear, and pleasure.
More recent work has documented the transmission of emotion at larger scales. Coviello et al. [
13] documented emotional contagion in an online social network. Their work utilized an instrumental variable approach, showing that rain near where an individual lived predicted negative emotion in their Facebook posts, which predicted negative emotion in their friends’ Facebook posts, even ones that did not experience rain. The authors argued that online social networks magnify global emotional synchrony by allowing emotion to spread quickly across vast geographical distances. Other research has provided more compelling evidence of the contagion using experimental methods. Kramer et al. [
14] modified Facebook users’ news feed to show either more positive or negative content. The authors found that the likelihood of a user’s post being either positive or negative was directly manipulated by the amount of positive or negative posts they were exposed to. These results notably demonstrate that in-person contact is unnecessary for emotional contagion. Notably, the effect sizes of the experiment were acknowledged as being very small.
In this article, I hope to build on past work that has measured emotion using online social media data by adding real-world human mobility data as a measure of the connections and relations through which emotion may spread. While past research has focused on how emotions spread between online social media users who are presumed to strictly be connected through digital means, I believe in-person, aggregate measures of human contact may be a more useful pathway with which to analyze diffusion. Research on emotional contagion suggests that in-person interaction components, such as witnessing facial expressions, behavioral observation, and exposure to chemosensory signals, are the dominant mechanisms of emotional contagion. Thus, little theory suggests that a digital emotional contagion would be substantial. On the other hand, an in-person large-scale emotional contagion should be far more sizeable.
1.2. General Hypotheses
While much work has studied emotional contagion in single settings, less work has looked at it as a large-scale in-person process [
15]. Often, traditional epidemiological models analyze and predict how and when individuals shift between three states: Susceptible, Infected and Recovered. The probability that individuals will shift between these states determines the predicted scale and speed of disease spread. In the case of applying emotional contagion to this model, I lack the detailed, fine-grained data to simulate large-scale person-to-person spread accurately. So instead, I will focus on theorizing based on the two coarse attributes of contagion that make the most considerable difference: the probability of infection when exposed and the duration of infection prior to recovery.
The strength of emotional contagion has been frequently investigated. Research strongly suggests that emotions are diminished in intensity through contagion rather than perfectly replicated or amplified. Wild et al. [
12] demonstrated the importance of expression strength in evoking emotions. Notably, they found that weaker happy and sad expressions evoked weaker levels of happiness and sadness. Additionally, emotional contagion is not uniform, and there is wide variation in the level of emotion evoked. Not everyone becomes happier when exposed to happy expressions, even when that exposed level of happiness is very high. Presumably, this diminishing of intensity and the variation in effect will lead emotional contagion to weaken very quickly after just a few degrees of contact.
The duration of emotional states varies considerably depending on the emotion considered [
16]. Research has found that most emotions last between one and six hours. Some emotions, such as shame, relief, and disgust, tend to last less than an hour, while anger, enthusiasm, and sadness have been found to last for 24 h or longer. More important than the unique emotion, however, perceived event importance and rumination explain most of the variability in how long emotions last. A realistic model of emotional contagion assumes no overt awareness of the contagion effect, thus implying no perceived “event” was tied to the emotional transmission, subsequently minimizing the likelihood of substantial, if any, perceived event importance and rumination. This suggests that the duration of infection for an emotional contagion should be fairly short-lived, likely no more than a few hours.
Ultimately, two variables are important to consider in predicting how emotion might spread among large groups of people. First, while emotions are strongly contagious, emotion is not a discrete concept, and a contagion effect cannot be expected to uniformly affect individuals’ emotional states and likely cannot be measurable over many degrees of contact. Second, emotional states that result from emotional contagion should be short-lived. Taken together, these two attributes inform how emotional contagion on a large scale should appear. Large-scale analyses of emotional contagion should focus on aggregate or averaged levels of emotional state. Strictly looking for extreme cases of emotion is inappropriate as emotion is fluid and spreads variably but generally diminishes in intensity as it spreads. Additionally, large-scale emotional contagion is likely diluted quickly and cannot be expected to be measured over many steps. Lastly, given assumptions regarding how long emotions that result from emotional contagion last, emotional contagion is likely best measured within a few hours of the initial exposure.
1.3. Causal Peer Effects and Subsequent Limitations
Measuring contagion, otherwise known as causal peer effects, is an incredibly challenging problem in causal inference and statistics. A notable example, Christakis and Fowler [
17] argued they had evidence of obesity spreading as a contagion through a social network based on an individual’s weight gain being significantly predicted by the weight gain of friends, siblings, and spouses. However, their paper was subsequently heavily criticized for utilizing a methodological approach from which inference of causal peer effects could not be plausibly drawn. Among the greatest criticisms, researchers have pointed out that Christakis and Fowler [
17] had no way of controlling for confounding environmental factors, which certainly affect the likelihood of weight gain. Indeed, a subsequent study by Cohen-Cole and Fletcher [
18] found that environmental factors could entirely explain the “contagiousness” of weight gain.
Various methods have been utilized to draw a stronger degree of causal inference in peer effects. Among the most popular is the instrumental variable approach. In this approach, researchers utilize variables that are predictive (in both conceptual and operational terms) of a specific target individual experiencing a particular outcome but that are theoretically unrelated to an individual’s friends experiencing the same outcome, other than the causal path that runs through a contagion effect. An example of this application can be found in Aral and Nicolaides [
19], where the authors examine data from an online exercise-focused social network where individuals can document and share information on their runs. The authors argued theoretically and demonstrated statistically that local weather conditions (specifically rain) are a relatively strong predictor of whether or not someone runs. Since the social network is online, an individual may be connected to others on the site that live in geographically distant locations (where different weather conditions are occurring), and the authors used rain as an instrumental variable, finding that running is significantly “contagious”.
A fundamental property of drawing causal inference in peer effects is getting the temporal ordering right. Fully synchronous effects say nothing about causal peer effects as they can easily result from a time-varying confounding mechanism, such as exposure to a common environmental factor that induces the specific outcome. Additionally, in many cases, theory suggests the contagion effect has some delay or that the likelihood of the contagion effect is a product of the duration of exposure, which would also suggest a delay. Thus, a fully synchronous effect in many cases would not indicate a causal peer effect. On the other hand, somewhat delayed effects of the theoretically aligning duration with adequate controls for time-varying covariates provide a more substantial degree of causal inference.
In this work, I use a unique approach for attempting to draw causal inference in peer effects. Unlike much data involved in causal peer effects, connections and contact operationalized from mobility data are highly dynamic. In effect, this allows one to estimate and draw from counterfactual scenarios of if contact had occurred to a lesser extent. Since emotional contagion requires in-person contact to spread and the level of in-person contact should theoretically predict the level of contagion, in the assumption of no unobserved confounding, the level of contact between residents of different cities should only predict the level of correlation in emotion if emotional contagion is present. Unfortunately, as I will explain, there are confounding variables that are unaccounted for in my statistical models.
While I caution against drawing strong causal inferences from this article, I do attempt to demonstrate causal inference to the greatest degree the data makes possible. In terms of fitting my methods into the context of causal peer effects studies, I must acknowledge the limitations of my methodology. Regarding the actual data, it is possible that tweets are poor proxies of individuals’ actual emotions/sentiments. The sentiment associated with individuals’ online activity has been argued to be strongly influenced by other activity on the social network. While I do not have the data to control for sentiment spread between social network users directly, I do demonstrate that my findings are robust to controlling on the level of activity on Twitter in the immediate geographical area, a logical proxy of how influential Twitter activity is on users at the specific time. In either case, emotions/sentiments extracted using Natural Language Processing may not accurately reflect the real-world emotions individuals are experiencing.
In terms of the statistical methods for drawing causal inference, this work has two notable shortfalls. First, the application of mobility data as a real-time measure of contact between groups of people may introduce shared-exposure bias into the estimated effect [
20]. Shared-exposure bias suggests causal peer effects may be a noncausal artifact of shared exposure to a common environment. In the case of mobility patterns, individuals are physically exposed to more similar environments, which may induce a shared emotional state.
A second, albeit less likely, source of bias is homophily bias. Potentially, people are driven together or to the same places because of their emotional state. For example, people who are feeling energetic and in a good mood may go to a recreational center to exercise, a decision they may not have made if they were feeling sad. While this source of bias seems less likely, the scale of its impact is unknown, and thus it remains a critical limitation that needs to be acknowledged.
Because of this shared exposure and homophily bias, I do not make causal claims regarding these results. Instead, I make predictive claims and emphasize the importance of real-time mobility patterns in predicting synchrony in emotion. Unlike other topics in causal peer effects, mobility patterns are highly dynamic and constantly varying, thus giving mere predictive power greater value.