The Natural Frontiers of a Global Empire: The Pineapple—Ananas comosus—In Portuguese Sources of the 16th Century

Abstract

The great oceanic voyages had unexpected consequences on the pace with which plants moved between the most far-removed corners of the globe. From the mid-sixteenth century onwards, the huge distances covered led to an unprecedented change in the distribution of vegetable species. Settlers and voyagers took European plants with them and introduced them into the Americas, Africa, and Asia. African plants were transferred to America and Asia, and Asian species were dispersed across all continents. These biological transferences led to global changes in people’s dietary habits and therapeutic practices, as well as giving rise to new business opportunities and previously untested ways of exploiting the land. Originally from Brazil, the pineapple—Ananas comosus—made a great impression on those who came across it. Refusing to take root in the cold European latitudes, the fruit crossed the Atlantic Ocean aboard Portuguese ships in search of other territories with an adequate climate. In this essay, I will analyze the references to pineapple in the chronicles, botanical texts, and missionaries’ letters in circulation in the 1500s. I will examine the cultural context that permitted the diffusion of this botanical species and follow the oceanic routes traced by this exotic plant that allowed the wide dissemination of the fruit throughout the Portuguese empire.

1. The Flora of the New World: An (In)Comparable Wonder

When Columbus arrived on the islands of Central America (1492), he recognized little of the natural world he encountered1. Ignorance of ancient references rendered the Admiral’s descriptions inconsequential and revealed the absolute necessity of bringing, on subsequent voyages, erudite men who were familiar with the classical sources in circulation. The trees, herbs, and fruits recorded during the second Columbine expedition that left Spain in 1493 led to changes in the perception of the American nature and environments. The narrative of Dr. Alvarez da Chanca2, who knew the medical–botanical texts and was aware of the importance of confirming the success of Columbus’s expedition, drew clear analogies between the plants observed and highly sought-after Asian spice trees3.

By alluding to botanical species that shared something in common with the trees and rhizomes of the East Indies, Dr. Chanca reinforced the importance of the Columbine achievement. Moreover, comparing the species encountered with nutmeg, cinnamon, lignaloes, and ginger plants would have added credibility to the route established by the Admiral.

The doctor’s narrative thus kept the possibility of finding Asian drugs and spices open. However, this does not seem to have been the only reason why his focus was on species that were already known. There was also the difficulty of deciding which of the countless new species to describe, as well as the complexity of raising the profile of a plant world that was completely unknown to Europeans. These factors may have discouraged these first explorers from describing American flora. Nonetheless, they quickly turned their attention to the usefulness of American plants. As there was a complete lack of knowledge regarding the qualities and virtues of these botanical species, seafarers observed, tested, and recorded their local uses. It was by observing the daily lives of the native peoples of Central America that Europeans realized which barks, roots, balms, seeds, or fruits they could benefit from4. Reshaping the landscapes, Europeans began to cultivate local species alongside plants that arrived from Iberian ports and gradually adapted to the tropical environment. In addition to the roots, seeds, leaves, and balms that revealed unexpected medicinal qualities, the voyagers were also enticed by tasty American fruits5. Among these, the pineapple—Ananas comosus—stood out. This was a species that, due to its peculiar shape, intense perfume, and unique sweetness, enchanted the sailors and surprised their highest representatives at Court6. Just as they had done in Central America, pineapples attracted the attention of Europeans who landed on the Brazilian coast7. However, as I will suggest later in this essay, the botanical characteristics of this species and the consternation caused by some of the fruit’s local uses appear to have held back the spread of this species throughout the Portuguese empire. Therefore, the help of missionaries seems to have been called upon to untangle and better understand this natural wonder. As we will see, once it had been disassociated from Amerindian traditions, the fruit seems to have been taken as sort of a sign of encouragement for missionary activity in the tropics, beginning with the religious of the Society of Jesus8. Taken and transferred from its place of origin by missionaries to other tropical lands of the Portuguese empire, the ananas became common across the “colonial” world.

The aim of this article is to discuss how Ananas comosus was appropriated by Europeans in the 1500s. I will examine the first descriptions of pineapples found in Central America and the first records of this fruit in Brazil, as well as the cultural context that allowed their diffusion. In addition, I intend to shed some light on what may justify the silence of the Portuguese documents about this botanical species during the first half of the 16th century, as well as about the relevance it assumed in the second half of the same century, and, thus, contribute to a better understanding of the process that led to the cultural and scientific appropriation of this tropical fruit in the early modern times.

2. Pineapples from Central America

2.1. A “Wholesome” Fruit

The first reference to the pineapple appears in a letter written by the Italian voyager, Michele da Cuneo9. In this missive sent to Girolamo Aimari on 14 October 1495, he relates his Atlantic crossing and his visit to the islands of Central America. He praises aspects that, from a commercial, strategic, geographical, ethnographic, botanical, and zoological point of view, might be of most interest to the community to which Aimari belonged. A keen observer of the natural world, Cuneo focused his attention on the plants and animals used by the native peoples and, in his descriptions, frequently used analogies with European or Asian specimens so that the readers could build up an image of these distant lands. The case of pineapple, compared to artichoke, is paradigmatic10. This comparison with “artichoke plants” suggests that he saw the pineapple, planted or in the wild11. On the other hand, the descriptions of the size of the plants and their fruits could be an indicator of the extraordinary fertility of the lands he visited. In addition to these tasty fruits, Cuneo mentions plants of medicinal interest, as well as plants from which products for everyday use could be extracted. As in Chanca’s testimony, similarities with prized Indian spices were emphasized and, probably, he may have understood the marketable potential of the different plants he saw for the first time, namely pineapple.

2.2. The King’s Favorite

From the beginning of the 16th century, references to American trees, fruits, and vegetables began to appear in the letters, reports, and testimonies of European sailors, travelers, and chroniclers. However, while the pineapple was much appreciated by Amerindians and Europeans landing in Central America, it was beyond the reach of the majority of those who remained in Spain, as it was too sensitive to survive the long ocean crossing.

Bringing together the information sent by the first explorers, Peter Martyr described the native fruits and trees of Darién (in Central America), which were both tasty and healthy12. The pineapple was lauded as the King’s favorite fruit and soon rose to fame in Castilian texts13. Martyr adds some precision to Cuneo’s description, comparing the consistency of the pineapple to that of the melon and draws a parallel with the “artichoke or acanthus”. While the former might refer to a plant of the Cynara genus, the latter introduces a different plant, the acanto, perhaps a species of the Acanthus genus common in Mediterranean Europe which, despite its coarse appearance, had proven medicinal properties. Its leaves had long been depicted in heraldry and as the ornament of capitals and columns and its depiction conveyed a sense of purity and high status. Martyr concludes his description of the pineapple by mentioning the difficulty of bringing fruits to Europe. In fact, the specimens that had been transported had rotted during the ocean crossing14. The beautiful and pure natural world of the Americas seemed to crumble as it drew closer to Europe. Its fruits, just like the native people Columbus had tried to take to the King, had not withstood the Atlantic air or the proximity of Europe.

2.3. Naming the Fruit

The same difficulty was noted by Gonzalo de Oviedo15. In Historia General y Natural de las Indias, having listed the local animals, he emphasizes the diversity of the vegetable world. On reaching the chapter dedicated to “plantas y yerbas” (plants and herbs), Oviedo highlights the fertility of the soil on both the islands and the mainland, explaining that the plants grown there included ones which resembled those of Spain, as well as plants that had, in fact, been brought from Spain16. Thus, alongside the large-sized potatoes, melons, pumpkins, and eggplants, Oviedo writes about a fruit he calls “piña”17, highlighting a notable peculiarity of this fruit that reproduces through its shoots18. To overcome the challenges arising from the fact that “the shoots are the seeds”, he explains that it was enough to put the “crown” to root in order for a new fruit to be born the following year. This particular form of reproduction, whether it was a sign of the land’s wilderness or indicative of divine intervention, was more than European gardeners, missionaries, or scholars could comprehend19. There was something in this extraordinary phenomenon that went beyond the botanical knowledge of the age. However, Oviedo simply describes this unusual form of vegetative propagation without trying to explain it20.

This fruit, which, according to the chronicler, was one of the best in the world, was grown by the local population who knew how to identify the ripe and ready-to-use fruits (Figure 1). Oviedo’s text also reveals the ability of indigenous peoples to master certain techniques that allowed them to carry out agricultural tasks, namely planting “en carreras y en orden como cepas de viña” (as in vineyards), and underlines the fact that both “indios y cristianos” (Indians and Christians) practice large-scale pineapple cultivation. These references suggest that the fruit was appreciated by both Amerindians and Spaniards, and can be useful to understand probable changes in the landscape due to the possible increase of pineapple cultivation fields. Apparently, the large consumption of wine produced by fermenting fruit juices was also a common practice.

To prevent the fruits from rotting during the sea crossings, they experimented with harvesting the fruit while it was still green so that it would ripen during the voyage. However, as Oviedo notes, this method resulted in a deterioration of the fruit and made them “lose their goodness”21. Therefore, in order for the fruit to make it to Europe, it either had to be transplanted and acclimatized or taken in a sugar syrup preparation. Apparently, one of the fruits made it all the way to the court of Charles I (1500–1558) who, despite admiring it, refused to taste the gift. This episode would be related years later by José de Acosta22.

3. A Brazilian Wonder

3.1. The Most Delicious Fruit

Soon, these tropical fruits attracted the attention of aristocrats, religionists, and wealthy people who sought, at all cost, to have them in their gardens and on their tables. In Brazil, the pineapple was within the reach of all and was one of the fruits referred to by Antonio Pigafetta during his journey through the region of Verzin (1519)23 and by André Thevet in Singularitez de la France Antartique, 155724. In Antonio Pigafetta’s text, we find a somewhat elusive reference to some “pignes douces” (sweet pine-cones), which seems to correspond to the pineapple25, while in Thevet’s description, the pineapple is referred by the native name “nana” and is considered according to its medicinal properties26. Thevét refers to several Brazilian vegetable species of dietary value, medicinal value, or technical use27. It is important to emphasize at this point that these reports were the first two printed references on the Brazilian pineapple and that, given their wide circulation, they are relevant to the following section. It should be noted that, although neither of these men remained in Brazilian territory for long, the value of the fruit was obvious to both. This fact makes the fruit’s absence from later Portuguese texts puzzling, written as they were by religious men who had long resided in the territory.

3.2. Unexpected Encounters

Despite the circulation of news about pineapples from Brazil, Portuguese sources remained silent on them. We have to wait until 1563 for the pineapple to appear in printed Portuguese sources, when it was mentioned in Colóquios dos Simples, e Drogas he Coisas Medicinais da Índia (de Orta 1563), written by the Portuguese physician Garcia de Orta28. This work constituted the first medical–botanical text published in Goa wholly devoted to the natural resources of Asia. Written in Portuguese, the text consisted of a set of fictitious dialogues between two Iberian doctors (Orta and Ruano) who met in Goa. Over the course of 59 conversations, the two physicians discuss their knowledge of the written sources and exchange experiences of Asian products29. In the last colloquium, Dimas Bosque30 is invited to participate in the work to correct Orta and clear up several points.

It is in this conversation between Dimas and Orta that the reference to the pineapple appears:

“Dimas: Have you written about this fruit called ananaz, for it is certainly the king of fruit as regards taste, and more so as regards scent? Orta: Oviedo has written on this fruit, he who wrote of the Western Indies, as one proper to that land, so that it was not necessary for me to treat of it. In the Province of Santa Cruz called by us Brazil, they know better how to describe it”.

(de Orta 1913, p. 468)

Somewhat abruptly, the character of Orta deflects the subject of the pineapple to Oviedo, the Chronicler of the West Indies, or for those in the province of Santa Cruz. The underlying responsibility for the identification and description of botanical novelties did not belong, in this case, to Garcia de Orta, but to those who were in Brazil or the New World. Apart from Orta’s refusal to provide information about the pineapple, the question posed by Dimas is an interesting one. What interest could an allusion to the pineapple hold for the Chief Physician of Dom Constantino of Bragança? Might he have been, in some way, involved in bringing the American fruit to Asia? Did he have privileged access to news of the Brazilian natural world? If so, then what news of the plants and animals of the Province of Santa Cruz circulated in Goa?

From the early 1550s onwards, rulers and missionaries posted to the region of Brazil looked with growing interest at the natural resources of the Province. Not only were there mines with precious metals and stones at stake, but also agricultural production and livestock. The rains which followed the severe droughts of 1552–1557 revealed fertile lands particularly suitable for agriculture. The variety and quality of the region’s produce led the Portuguese rulers posted in Brazil to introduce them into their diets. Apart from the information-gathering about the region carried out by the priests of the Society of Jesus at the behest of Ignatius of Loyola, the Portuguese elites awaited news on the natural resources of the region with interest. It would not be surprising if the tables of the Portuguese residents in Bahia had abounded with tropical delicacies. It would seem natural that rulers, such as D. Duarte da Costa31 or Mem de Sá32, were won over by the excellence of the aroma and flavor of the local meats, fruits, and vegetables.

Indeed, it was D. Duarte da Costa who crossed paths with one of the leading figures in the diffusion of the pineapple: D. Luís Fernandes de Vasconcelos. He was the Captain-Major of the fleet that set sail from Lisbon in 155733. Unfortunately, the voyage did not go as initially planned. The departure of the flagship, Santa Maria da Barca, had to be delayed because, while still in Restelo (Lisbon), she had already taken on several palms of water. Once the necessary repairs had been made, the ship departed, but was soon held up again by calm Atlantic waters. She then headed on to Brazil, where she arrived in mid-August and where the crew and ship overwintered. Bernardo Gomes de Brito relates that the Governor D. Duarte Costa welcomed the seafarers enthusiastically. It is highly likely that the Governor would have served local delicacies and, naturally, the pineapple would have been one of them. Therefore, it does not seem impossible that the Santa Maria da Barca, upon weighing anchor and heading to its final destination of Goa, would have taken with it some of these fruits to refresh the seafarers on their way34. The voyage then proceeded and, on the following year, the ship landed in Mozambique. The armada accompanying Dom Constantino of Bragança on his way to Goa (where the fidalgo would take office as Viceroy) was also wintering on this part of the East African coast, waiting for the good monsoon. It is not impossible that the Captain Fernandes de Vasconcelos told D. Constantino and his personal physician (Dimas Bosque) of the wonders he had witnessed in Brazil. Perhaps, all that would have remained of any pineapples aboard would have been the “crowns” that, carefully rooted in barrels, could be planted in Mozambique, and later, upon arrival in Goa, transplanted to the city gardens to produce new fruits. The Santa Maria da Barca finally arrived at its destination on September. D. Luís Fernandes de Vasconcelos remained in India until January 1559, when he set sail from Cochin back to the Kingdom. The História Trágico Marítima relates that the Santa Maria da Barca sank off São Lourenço (later Madagascar) with the Captain-Major and 60 crew members, who were rescued alive and returned to Goa35.

Back in one of the gardens of Goa, Vasconcelos might have left one of the Brazilian crowns of Ananas comosus to root; the fruits would only appear in the mid-1560s. If this scenario is true, Fernando Rego’s statement would be confirmed: “With winter over, D. Luiz Fernandes de Vasconcelos set sail for India and is said to have taken the first pineapples from Brazil with him” (Rego 1989, pp. 5–76)36.

It is said that Dom Constantino of Bragança received this valuable fruit with a sense of great wonder, but, just like Charles V, did not try it37. The Portuguese scholar Manuel Severim de Faria (1584–1665) also referred to the introduction of pineapples in Goa during the rule of the Viceroy38. Dimas Bosque and, most likely, Garcia de Orta must also have taken the time to analyze this strange fruit. However, would the observation of a single specimen in Goa be enough for the evaluation and validation of the therapeutic qualities of a species of Brazilian origin? How could these Portuguese physicians forward opinions on a fruit about which they had no direct sources and knew little more than what the Castilian chroniclers and religious men passing through Brazil had mentioned? Did the Portuguese physicians in Goa have privileged access to information circulating in the Society of Jesus’ epistolary network?

4. First References to “Ananaz” in Portuguese Sources

4.1. Jesuit Correspondence

The description of Brazilian natural resources in the Jesuits’ letters revealed the need to gain a gradual overall understanding of the tropics. In 1554, Ignatius of Loyola, one of the founders of the Company of Jesuits, requested that religious men posted overseas began gathering information on the regions of their missions. Alongside information about the climate, geography, and peoples were descriptions of the natural world of these territories39.

In the letter Ignatius of Loyola addressed to Father Gaspar Barzeu40, we read that:

“Some important persons of this city (Rome) read with great interest the letters from India and expressed their desire to read about the cosmography of those regions where ours live; for example, how long are the days in summer and winter, when the summer begins, if the shadows fall to the left or to the right. Finally, they wish to know if there is anything else that seems to be extraordinary, as it may be about animals and plants not known in Europe or not with their size”.

(Ignacio de Loyola in Agustín (Udías 2015, p. 105))41

While Loyola sent his letter to Asia, Father Manuel da Nóbrega received a similar missive from Rome asking him to supervise the collection of detailed information about the natural world of Brazil42. Busy directing and organizing the mission in Brazilian lands, Nóbrega, as can be seen in Jesuit correspondence, tasked Brother José with writing these letters. Joining the mission to Brazil in 1553, Brother José [José de Anchieta] stood out immediately for his solid intellectual education and his uncommon observational skills. In the letter that he addressed to the Father General on the last day of May of 1560, he attempted to respond to his superior’s request.

Regarding plants, it was essential to discover which were edible or useful and distinguish these from the poisonous. Recognizing the dietary and therapeutic value of the flora was a way of ensuring the success of the settling of Brazilian lands and the recovery of many missionaries who were held back by sickness. The shortage of drugs from Europe led to a growing interest in the everyday practices of the Amerindians and their use of local products. The survey of flora set out in his letters was therefore driven by the necessity to find pragmatic solutions for everyday life43. Disease, be it of the body or soul, resulting from a physical, moral, or spiritual disorder, could only be overcome through the expulsion of the offending humor. A cure found by these men of religion for physical ills was seen by the native peoples as a sign of their privileged relationship with the divine and, in many cases, led to their conversion. This, in addition to the combined effects of syrups, remedies, ointments, bleedings, and purges, resulted in confession and prayer. Throughout their missives, these religious men often allude to the importance of this holistic approach44.

In the letter sent from São Vicente to the Father General on the “last day of May 1560”, Brother José describes sea and land animals, insects and birds, roots and herbs, trees and medicinal herbs, and stones and shells, as well as extraordinary or monstrous beings45. Despite the rudimentary nature of the descriptions, it is important to note that many of the animals and plants described were recorded using their local names, which attests to the concern of the missionary–grammarian about maintaining consistency between the terms he used to describe this world and the context in which he recorded it. This missive written by Brother Anchieta includes information about the plants and animals of the region as well as news about the climate, seasons, the terrain, and the peoples. He begins by referring to subjects relating to the exoticness of the climate, the seasons of the year, and inclement atmospheric incidents, before mentioning land animals, such as panthers, anteaters, tapirs, sloths, monkeys, armadillos, mountain cats, fallow deer, wild boars, or lamas. He then describes insects, such as ants, bees, flies, and mosquitoes; reptiles, slithering beings, and creepy-crawlies such as snakes, serpents, alligators, scorpions, and spiders. He goes on to mention birds of prey, seabirds, and parrots, as well as numerous fish and marine animals. Although no reference is made to it, his narrative echoes Gonzalo de Oviedo’s Historia General de las Indias. In the report of 1560, the Jesuit does not seem particularly concerned about the description of flora, merely referring to “erva viva”, cassava, some trees, and medicinal roots46. Written in Latin, Brother José’s letter was translated into Italian and published in Venice in 1562 to the delight and edification of European readers, who awaited with growing interest the news related by the Jesuit priests The long missive ends with the statement: “I have narrated these things briefly, as I was able to, though there are doubtless many others worth mentioning, which are still unknown to us” (Brother José de Anchieta)47. Perhaps because he did not have access to relevant information, or because he disapproved of the local use, or just because he did not deem it worthy of mention, the missionary did write of any tropical fruits, such as the pineapple. The fruit was mentioned by Father Manuel da Nóbrega in a letter sent two years later from São Vicente (Brazil) and addressed to Father Francisco Henriques. According to Serafim Leite, Father Francisco Henriques was then in Lisbon, where he was serving as Attorney General of the Province of Portugal and the three Overseas Provinces: India, Ethiopia, and Brazil. The information sent was, therefore, important for the whole Province. Manuel da Nóbrega’s letter accompanied jars of pineapple conserve and marmalades made from tropical fruits like ibás, camucis, and araçás. In it, we read:

“The master takes these preserved fruits for the patients, the ananases [pineapples] for kidney stones; though the ripe ones do not have such virtues as the unripe, they are nonetheless still of use. The Brothers recovering from this illness would do well to come here for the treatment received. Along with the preserved fruits, I am also sending ibás, camucis, and araçaze jam and some pumpkin for diarrhea”.

(Father Manuel da Nóbrega)48

This passage contains a detail worth considering more closely: The reference to the virtues of “unripe” pineapples. What quality might Nóbrega be referring to here? The high levels of acidity in green fruits mean that consuming unripe pineapple can cause significant mucosal irritations. Many peoples link the acidity of unripe fruits to their medicinal properties49. Might the Jesuit be referring to some local use that, from the missionaries’ perspective, was reprehensible?50 Apart from some adverse effect arising from the pineapple’s use, there was also the production of pineapple wine—a mixture that, due to its strong fermentation, resulted in a drink of high alcohol content. By keeping the indigenous people in a permanently dazed state, this drink would have been at odds with the Mission’s work. Therefore, from a religious point of view, perhaps the pineapple needed to be converted and its use “domesticated” before it could be shared. If possible, it should be transferred from the region and converted into a product of evident virtues: A bearer of Salvation. As such, the conserves, products transformed by the missionaries, served two purposes: They were part of the cure not just for the priests participating in the Mission (thereby enabling the realization of the divine plan), but also of all those in the Kingdom who needed to be cured of their ills. So that the Society of Jesus could test the qualities described, Nóbrega sent jars of fruit conserve along with his letter. Therefore, through Nóbrega’s quill and ingenuity, Brazil and its fruits were appropriately transformed and appeared as precious aids to the Salvation of body and soul51.

The economic survival of the missions was a problem often referred to in correspondence, and was one that afflicted the everyday life of the religious. It was up to them to find livelihoods consistent with Loyola’s spirituality. Putting new formulations and local remedies into circulation on a global scale by way of the Society’s network of colleges and apothecaries, the Ignatians could contribute to the subsistence of the mission across the globe. Jams made from local fruits and other sweet preserves could therefore contribute, through the joint work of local peoples and religionists, to the survival of the villages and the missions that supported them. Beyond providing new sources of income within the Company, Manuel da Nóbrega made no reference to the cultural value that the pineapple might have had amongst local populations. With this allusion to the medicinal qualities of the fruit conserve (properties that no one would question), a new history of the pineapple could be written. This was a task that Garcia de Orta would not take on, but one that was later taken up by the missionaries and chroniclers of Brazil.

In 1563, Father Juan de Polanco (at the behest of Father General Diego de Laynes) sent a letter to Father Gonçalo Vaz de Melo (Provincial of Portugal) from Trento. This city was, at the time, the nerve center of a changing Catholic world. In his missive, he mentions some of the requests and information sent by Nóbrega. On the subject of conserves made from tropical fruit, he writes:

“Manuel da Nóbrega talks of certain preserved foods for those with kidney stones and calls them ananazes [pineapples] and certain others for diarrhea. When you have the opportunity to send some of these things to these parts to assess their effectiveness, we would be happy to test them ourselves”.

(Father Juan de Polanco)52

With the blessing of Trento, the pineapple could now be circulated as a vehicle for Salvation for both lay people and the Society’s own men of religion. As such, from 1563 onwards, news of the medicinal properties of pineapple conserves circulated around the Society of Jesus. The reports of chroniclers and religious men describing the characteristics of this American fruit, combined with these therapeutic properties and salvific qualities, meant that it was imperative to transport this plant from the West Indies to other tropical regions. As such, it would trace, step by step, the Society of Jesus’s presence across the world, especially those missionaries serving the Portuguese Province.53

4.2. Chronicles and Reports

The first printed Portuguese report referring to the pineapple from Brazil was the text written by Pero Magalhães Gândavo54. His manuscripts on the Brazilian world have found themselves scattered across several locations55. The História da Província de Santa Cruz a que vulgarmente chamamos Brazil was published in Lisbon in 1576 (Figure 2). Dedicated to D. Leonis Pereira, son of the Count of Feira and hero of the defense of Malacca, it included poems by Luís de Camões. Between the manuscripts and the printed text, significant adjustments were made. In the latter, Gândavo left out references to fantastical beings. He also eliminated information that could have compromised the crown’s interests, such as some geographical coordinates, the number of sugar cane mills in each capitania, or information related to the sugar and cotton yields obtained in the region. He further excluded any allusions to animals whose existence could not be proved. With the aim of attracting settlers to Brazilian territories, the chronicler sought to give the land an image as credible and pleasant as possible, eliminating any aspect that might discourage interest in occupying the land56.

Gândavo begins his description of the Brazilian natural world with plants, foodstuffs, and fruits. He refers to mandioca, aipim, and macaxeira (fundamental elements of the indigenous diet); to zaburro maize (probably of the Sorghum genus); to bananas, the cream nut, and Brazil nut; to pineapples [Ananas comosus] and cashews, as well as to other fruits prized by the Portuguese who had brought them from Europe: Pomegranates, cucumbers, grapes, and figs. He also mentions plants of economic importance: Cane sugar and cotton, whose harvest yielded great income for some of the capitanias. As such, Gândavo limited himself to describing plants admired by the Portuguese or to species for which a use had been discovered. He next moved on to animals. Surprised at the absence of domesticated animals, he notes that all horses, mares, cows, oxen, hens, and ducks had been taken there by the Portuguese. For hunting, there were deer and peccaries, capybaras, tapirs, agoutis, armadillos, and tapetis. There were also plenty of fierce animals, sloths, anteaters, howler and other smaller monkeys, snakes, alligators, and other dangerous reptiles. In addition to these wonders, Gândavo recorded the most notable sea creatures, like manatees and whales. After the description of the “monster” that attacked Baltazar Ferreira in 1564 (probably the Ipupiara, to which other reporters also alluded), the chronicler moves on to the customs, practices, and beliefs of the Amerindian populations. He dedicates the final chapters to the metals, stones, and other riches that were known to exist in the hinterland. It was, then, within the context of the extraordinary and robust Brazilian natural world that Gândavo presented his description of the pineapple57.

It is curious that Gândavo, between the manuscript and the printed text, dropped the reference to the pineapple “roças” (areas of cultivation), which resembled those of the cardoon58. Might this mass production of the pineapple have been aimed at producing fruit for conserves? Is this a sign of significant intervention in the landscape? The production of these treats, previously referred to by Nóbrega and by Castilian chroniclers and physicians, seemed to take on some significance in the Brazilian context, since, as Gândavo writes: “They bring many of these pineapple conserves to this kingdom of ours” (author’s translation).

5. The Natural Frontiers of a Global Empire

In addition to ensuring the refreshment and health of seafarers at freshwater stopping points, the circulation of the pineapple in the areas where agents of the Portuguese Crown were present seems to have been linked to the desire of those who, foreseeing their value, were willing to take them aboard their ships on long ocean crossings. That would seem to justify their early introduction into Santa Helena, Santa Maria (on the west coast of São Lourenço island/Madagascar), and, a little later, into Goa59. The Portuguese also took other food species they found in Brazil to other latitudes. It might have been around this time that the Portuguese took sweet potato, cashew, peanuts, and cassava to regions as far away as India, the Maluku islands, or the Java archipelago. It should be emphasized, however, that some tropical species, including Ananas comosus, were transferred to the region of the Philippines from the Americas by Spanish voyagers and missionaries on galleons that linked Acapulco and Manilla60.

What the collection of data presented here seems to reveal is that the pineapple (which, for decades, was seen by the Portuguese as the everyday fruit of sailors and of officials and missionaries resident in Brazil) became, from the 1560s onwards, an object of interest amongst Portuguese elites and the religious men of the Society of Jesus. Indeed, it seems likely that traders and religious men took the pineapple to faraway oriental empires.

Due to its ease of propagation and speed of growth in the tropics, the fruit was quickly naturalized in India. Between 1568 and 1572, the abundance of pineapples at the Goa market was such that the purchase price had become accessible to all. In addition to the pineapple, the cashew tree also seems to have been brought from Brazil, as several testimonies refer to the joint presence of these two Brazilian species on the island of Monfim, near Zanzibar61, and in gardens and courtyards in India62. Like Goa, news arrived from Baçaim in 1575 of the profusion of pineapples that were growing there63. The natural reference of the Jesuits to these fruits “vindas do Brazil” (sent from Brazil) leads us to think that the religious men of the Society were familiar with these species, and suggests they were responsible for their intercontinental transference and acclimatization. The pineapple would later be treated as if it were an Indian species, for example, in the works of Jan Huygen van Linschoten64 and Godinho de Erédia65. From the 1580s onwards, the accounts of Gabriel Soares de Sousa), José de Anchieta), and Fernão Cardim) never again lost sight of the pineapple, which became the Brazilian fruit, par excellence, and was transferred to all overseas territories ruled by the Portuguese66. Interestingly, the “ananás” of Brazil seems to have developed a different standing from that of the “piña” described in Historia General de las Índias. Like the pineapple from Central America, the Brazilian fruit was delicious and exotic. However, in addition to its sensorial qualities, the importance of the perceived medicinal and salvific properties of the fruit should be stressed. During the 16th century, ananases were taken from Brazil and introduced into Indian gardens, changing Asian landscapes and agricultural practices and proving a huge success in the most sophisticated courts and kingdoms of Asia67.

Tracing the ground trodden by missionaries, the pineapple (just like oranges, citrons, and lemons coming from the Kingdom) seemed to reflect the benignity of the land and the openness of its peoples to embrace the Christian message. Detached from the traditions and qualities that it held for Amerindian tribes, the fruit seems to have been taken as something of a sign of encouragement for missionary activity in the tropics, initially amongst the religious of the Society of Jesus and then amongst other orders. For this reason, it is important to bear in mind the emphasis that the fruit received in Simão de Vasconcelos’ text Notícias curiosas e necessárias das coisas do Brasil (1611) and, later, in the volume by Fr. António do Rosário, Frutas do Brasil (1702). Linked to Marian iconography, the pineapple, even in its local name nana, was evidence of its divine character68.

Taken from its land of origin and transferred by missionaries to the other lands of the Portuguese empire, the pineapple fields contributed to reshaping the landscape of the tropics. Praised by the elites as delicacy or medicine and prized by those serving in the tropics, the exotic fruit became common across the “colonial” world. The fertility of its crown suggested divine consent in the propagation of the ideals defended by the King of Portugal. The proliferation of the vast fields of Ananas comosus seems, after all, to establish the natural boundaries of the Portuguese empire.