Dalmatians and Dacians—Forms of Belonging and Displacement in the Roman Empire
Abstract
:1. Alburnus Maior, Roman Dacia
1.1. Displacement or Labour Mobility?
1.2. ‘Illyrians’ in Alburnus Maior
Maximus Batonis puellam nomine | Passiam, sive ea quo alio nomine est an|norum sex [above line: circiter p(lus) m(inus) empta sportellaria] emit mancipioque accepit | de Dasio Verzonis Pirusta ex Kaviereti[o] | * ducentis quinque. … dari fide rogavit | Maximus Batonis, fide promisit Dasius || Verzonis Pirusta ex Kaviereti[o]. Proque ea puella, quae s(upra) s(cripta) est, * ducen|tos quinque accepisse et habere | se dixit Dasius Verzonis a Maximo Batonis …
Maximus son of Bato has bought and accepted as a mancipium a girl by name Passia, or if she is (known) by any other name, m(ore or) l(ess) around six years old, having been bought as a foundling, for 205 (denarii), from Dasius son of Verzo, a Pirustian from Kavieretium. … Maximus the son of Bato asked to be given in faith, Dasius son of Verzo a Pirustian from Kavieretium promised in faith. Dasius son of Verzo said that he received and has for this girl, w(ho) i(s) w(ritten) a(bove), 250 denarii from Maximus son of Bato. Done at Kartum on the 16th day before the Kalends of April when (emperor) Titus Aelius Caesar Antoninus Pius and Bruttius Praesens were consuls (for the second time)… 19
1.3. Internal Divisions?
D(is) M(anibus) | Dasas Liccai (filius) | Del(mata) k(astello) Starvae | vixit an(nis) XXXV |5 pos(uerunt) Beucus | Sarius et ḌẠ[…] | […]i heredes b(ene) m(erenti).
To the spirits of the dead. Dasas, son of Liccaius, Dalmatian, from the fortified settlement (kastellum) of the Starvae, lived 35 years. The heirs Beucus, Sarius, and Da[-] set up (this epitaph), well-deserving.
1.4. Shared Experiences
1.5. Polyonymy
2. Krokodilo, Eastern Egyptian Desert
2.1. Dacians in the Desert
1Dida Damanai filius nationis Daqus |2 eques alae Uocontiorum turma Maturii |3 armatum(!) feci stationi (!) me(n)ses quinque |4 pro salute{m} imperatore (!) feliciter85
I, Dida, son of Damanaus, born in Dacia, cavalryman in the wing of the Vocontii, squadron of Maturus, stood five months under arms on post. Long live the emperor! Good luck!
Δεκιναις Καικεισα τῷ ἀδελφῷ χ(αίρειν). | ἀσπάζου Ζουτουλα καὶ Πουριδουρ. | ἐρωτῶ σε, Καικισα, σκύλητει | πρὸς ἐμὲ ἐπὶ χρίαν σου ἔχω· |5 ἐρωτῶ σε, ἔρχου ὡς πρὸς ἐμέ· | ἐγὼ ἤκουσα ὅτι πάντες οἱ Δάκες | ὑπάγουσιν μετὰ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος | ἰς Ἀλεξάνδ(ρειαν)· ἐὰν εἰδῇς ὅτι ὑπάγου|σιν ἰς Ἀλεξάνδ(ρειαν), γράψον ἰς Κόπτον |10 ἵνα ταχὺ ἀναβῇ. | ἔρρωσο.
“Dekinais to Kaikisa, his brother, greetings. Greet Zoutoula and Pouridour. I beg you, Kaikisa, move yourself and come because I have need of you. I beg you come and join me. I heard saying that all the Dacians are going with the prefect of Egypt to Alexandria. If you learned that they are going to Alexandria (with certainty), write to Koptos so that he(?) may hurry to go up(?). Farewell.”89
2.2. Shared Experience
2.3. Decebalus!
3. Conclusions
Conflicts of Interest
Abbreviations
AE | Année Epigraphique. |
ChLA | Chartae Latinae Antiquiores. |
CIL | Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. |
IDR | Inscriptiones Dacicae Romanae, Bucarest. |
IGR | R. Cagnat et al., Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas pertinentes, Paris 1906–1927. |
I. Ko. Ko. | A. Bernand, De Koptos à Kosseir, Leyden 1972. |
ILJug | Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMII et MCMLXX repertae et editae sunt, Ljubliana. |
ILS | H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Berlin 1892–1916. |
O. Claud. | Mons Claudianus. Ostraca Graeca et Latina, Cairo. |
O. Did. | Cuvigny (2012). |
O. Ka. La. inv. | unpublished ostraka from Kaine Latomia (Umm Balad). |
O. Krok. | Cuvigny (2005). |
O. Krok. inv. | unpublished ostraka from Krokodilo (al-Muwayh). |
LexMyth | W.H. Roscher (ed.). Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, Leipzig 1884–1937. |
RAC | Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, Stuttgart. |
RIB | Roman Inscriptions of Britain. |
Appendix A
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1 | Mrozek (1969, pp. 141–42); Mrozek (1977, p. 99). Daicoviciu (1958, p. 260) has the Dalmatians being sent by Rome (“l’envoi par Rome”); Wilkes (1969, p. 173) has them “transported” to Alburnus Maior, the Nemetis (Nemeti and Nemeti 2010, p. 111) speak of “dislocation”. Other scholars are a bit more careful in describing the movement of communities from Dalmatia to Alburnus Maior. |
2 | During the period of expansion under emperor Augustus (27BCE–14CE) young men of a conquered people could be forced into newly created auxiliary units (often carrying the name of the people they were recruited from, e.g., ala I Asturum or cohors I Cantabrorum); these units often served distant from home. With the consolidation of territorial gains during much of the 1st c. CE, recruitment to auxiliary units shifted from these original sources of manpower to volunteers, conscripts, and substitutes (for conscripts) from within and beyond the garrison province, see Haynes (2013, pp. 95–102, 121–34). With the conquest of Dacia the ‘Augustan’ practice was seemingly revived, though some Dacians were dispersed in small groups to units in provinces distant from Dacia (see below). |
3 | Use of the concept ‘displacement’ in this essay follows the definition set out in the introduction to this Special Issue. The terms ‘relocation’ or ‘resettlement’ are used here to describe a spatial movement and change of permanent residence by individuals, by a group, or a community; the terms are understood to be neutral, i.e. to be free of any implication as to rationale or impetus for this movement. For the use of ‘identity’ as describing a sense of sameness shared by a collective or group to which individuals associate themselves, or are associated by others, see Barnard and Spencer (2002, p. 292); Nünning (2005, pp. 71–72), with further bibliography. The term ‘ethnic’, in this essay, is very narrowly defined as a category of ascriptions or designations in Latin or Greek used by Greco-Roman authors and Imperial authorities for groups or ‘peoples’ (Gk. ‘ethnē’, Lat. ‘nationes’) and which are adopted/adapted as self-descriptive names by groups. We do not know whether or not terms such as Dacian, Dalmatian, Illyrian, etc., reflect group descriptions in non-Greek/Latin languages at all. For a general discussion of ‘ethnicity’ as a concept in ancient history and archaeology, see Jones (1997); Hall (2002); various contributions in McInerney (2014). |
4 | |
5 | Lamar and Thompson (1981, pp. 3–13); Marx (2003, pp. 123–24); Osterhammel (2014, pp. 326–27); see also Osterhammel (1995, pp. 111–14). |
6 | Osterhammel (2014, pp. 328–29). For the use of ‘frontier’ as a concept to describe the grab for resource in the internal peripheries of the developing world, see Geiger (2009); Rasmussen and Lund (2017, pp. 390–93). |
7 | Alternatively, the term ‘borderland’ or ‘border’ could be employed; in its narrow sense, i.e., a zone connected with a border between two political entities, ‘borderland’ seems less applicable, whereas in the wider sense as a cipher for a ‘social space where cross-group interactions take place’ (Sanders 2002, p. 328) it is conceptually too vague to be of analytical use, because it excludes the sense of remoteness from settled and ordered society (Lamont and Molnár 2002, pp. 167–69; Reger 2014, pp. 115–16). |
8 | It is entirely possible that the conquered Dacians did not adopt the habit of setting up inscribed monuments which might also partly explain their absence from the textual record. |
9 | Northwestern Spain: Florus 2.33.59 f.; Germania: Hirt (2010, p. 334), with further bibliography; Britain: RIB 2: 2404.31–6. 61–2; Jones and Mattingly (2002, pp. 66–77). |
10 | An Ulpius Hermias, an imperial libertus, a former slave manumitted by Trajan, is attested at Ampelum, serving as procurator for the Dacian goldmines under Trajan or Hadrian; CIL 3: 1312 = ILS 1593 = IDR III/3, 366, with Noeske (1977, pp. 296, 347, AMP 1). For the mining administration at Ampelum: Hirt (2010, pp. 126–30, 149–52). |
11 | CIL 3: p. 921; according to X. Neugebauer, in the ‘Josephigrube’, St. Joseph mine, six tablets were found in 1791 “neben einem alten Mann, der sofort zu Staub zerfiel als man ihn anrührte”, next to the corpse of an old man who immediately crumbled to dust when touched. For an overview of inscribed monuments, see Ciongradi (2009). |
12 | |
13 | 8.6.2: Traianus victa Dacia ex toto orbe Romano infinitas eo copias hominum transtulerat ad agros et urbes colendas. |
14 | 8.6.2: Dacia enim diuturno bello Decibali viris fuerat exhausta. |
15 | See p. 2 with n. 1. |
16 | Plin. NH. 33.67; Stat. Silv. 4.7.14-15; also see 1.2.153 and 3.3.89–90.; Mart. 10.79. |
17 | For a survey, see Škegro (2000); Škegro (2006, pp. 149–52). Much of the data provided, though, hails from publication of surveyors and mining engineers of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the late 19th century, detailing what they think are Roman vestiges. On this problematic complex, see (Mladenović forthcoming). |
18 | According to Hélène Cuvigny (1996, p. 145) the wages the miners at Alburnus Maior received, seems to be well above average pay for menial labour, an indication that specialist work such as mining was well rewarded. |
19 | |
20 | TC VI, CIL 3, p. 936.6 (p. 2215), l. 4: de Dasio Verzonis Pirusta ex kaviereti[o]. It is not quite clear whether the toponym Kavieretium/k(astellum) Aviereti(um) refers to a place in or near the mining district of Alburnus Maior or whether it needs to be sought in Dalmatia in the territory of the Pirustae, see Daicoviciu (1958, p. 263); Piso (2004, p. 293, n. 146); Ciongradi et al. (2008, p. 254, n. 35). Dasius, son of Verzo, is furthermore mentioned as party to a land sale or the exchange of a lump sum in TC XVII, CIL 3, p. 954, see Noeske (1977, p. 409); Piso (2004, p. 280 no. 71). |
21 | For ‘Illyrian’ names noted in this text and footnotes see the Appendix A. |
22 | The names of the witnesses were not appended in their own handwriting, but by the same scribe who wrote the main text next to the individual seals of the witnesses, see Th. Mommsen, at CIL 3, p. 922; Ciulei (1983, p. 14). |
23 | For Kartum (or k(astellum) Artum?), see Russu (1957, p. 245); Daicoviciu (1958, p. 263); Piso (2004, p. 272 n. 11). |
24 | For the ‘Illyrian’ names, see Appendix A. For the toponyms? Sclaietae and Marcinium, see Russu (1957, p. 248); Noeske (1977, pp. 277, 393); Piso (2004, p. 292), with further bibliography. Masurius and Messius might well be Latin names, but an Illyrian interpretation of their names has been suggested as well, see Alföldy (1969, pp. 98–99). |
25 | The text does not specify which council he was part of, but a small community such as Alburnus Maior could have had a council as well. Noeske (1977, p. 275); Piso (2004, p. 300). Councils and magistrates are attested for vici, small settlements, as well, see Tarpin (2002, pp. 261–82); if Masurius were a member of a municipal ordo decurionum one would expect a Latin gentilnomen and tria nomina. |
26 | Principes of Delmatae, see CIL 3:2776; of civitates, see princeps Desit(i)atum (1st half 2nd c. CE; Breza; ILJug 1582), princeps civitatis Docl(e)atium (ILJug 1853), pri[nceps civ(itatis)] Dinda[riorum] (mid/late 2nd c. CE; Skelani [Sreberenica]; ILJug 1544); of municipia (e.g., CIL 3:2774, mid/late 2nd c. CE, Danilo Gornje [Šibenik]) and of other communities, i.e., a princeps k(astelli) Salthua (2nd half 2nd c. CE?; Suntulija near Riječani [Nikšić]; ILJug 1853), a princ[eps] caste[lli] from the Upper Cetina valley (Milošević 1998, pp. 102–3), or a princeps of a hitherto unnamed municipium S[…]/mod. Pljevlja, which is thought to be within the territory of the Pirustae (2nd half 2nd c. CE; AE 2002: 1115 = 2005: 1183). Leaders of the Iapodes are known as praepositus (CIL 3: 14325), praepositus Iapodum (CIL 3: 14328), or praepositus et princeps (CIL 3: 14324, 1432) in inscribed votive monuments to Bundus Neptunus at Privilica near Bihać, see Džino (2014, pp. 224–25). |
27 | |
28 | CIL 3: 1322 (late 2nd c. CE). Splonum has not yet been located, but the prevailing suggestions see it either in the territory of the Sardeates (see below) or of the Pirustae, see Alföldy (1962); Alföldy (1965, p. 158, near Šipovo, BIH); Wilkes (1965, p. 123, Plevlja, MNE); Bojanovski (1988, p. 255) = Barrington Atlas Map 20 (Vrtoče near Drvar, BIH); see also Piso (2004, p. 300, n. 216). Delmata here probably means the province rather than the civitas or tribe of the same name, see Piso (2004, p. 300 n. 216). |
29 | Noeske (1977, pp. 342, 393). Patsch (1899, p. 265 n. 7) saw Aper as member of the civic elite at Splonum. Whether further Dalmatian settlers came or were brought in under Septimius Severus in order to renew gold mining operations is another issue, which is closely linked to the problem whether the mining district suffered from the Marcomannic Wars in the late 160s and early 170s or not. Noeske (1977, pp. 343, 369); Piso (2004, pp. 301–2) does not believe that the latest date attested on wax tablets (March 29, 167 CE) is a terminus post quem for a Marcomannic attack on Dacia, unlike Noeske (1977, pp. 336–37); Birley (1993, pp. 151, 252). |
30 | Two witnesses Planius Verzonis and Liccaius Epicadi seem to be named together with their places of origin, i.e., Sclaies /Scalaietae and Marcinium, respectivly. Daicoviciu (1958, pp. 263–64 n. 28), Russu (1975, pp. 189–90), and Noeske (1977, p. 277) think these toponyms refer to localities in Dalmatia, indicating their origo or place of origin. Patsch (1899, p. 266) places them in the relative vicinity of Alburnus Maior. Piso (2004, p. 292, with further bibliography) suggests reading Sclaietis and Marciniesi as names of gentes or tribes. |
31 | |
32 | Funerary association: CIL 3, p. 924 ff.; loan receipt: CIL 3, pp. 930 ff.; loan contract: CIL 3, pp. 934–35; work contracts: CIL 3, pp. 933, 948–49; slave sale contracts: CIL 3, pp. 936 ff., 940 ff., 959ff.; house sale: CIL 3, pp. 944 ff.; deposit: CIL 3, p. 949; loan association: CIL 3, pp. 950–51. |
33 | TC VIII tab. 1 r l.3, CIL 3 pp. 944–45. (6 May 159 CE). Further evidence: a writ on dissolution of a funeral association was posted in Alburnus Maior ad statio Resculi (TC I l.2, CIL 3, p. 924 [9 February 167 CE]); a receipt details payment at Deusara (TC II tab. 3 r l.2, CIL 3, pp. 931–32 [20 June 162 CE]); a further slave sale contract is concluded in in the civilian settlement (cannabae) adjacent to the legionary camp of the XIIIth Gemina at Apulum/Alba Iulia ( TC VII tab. 2 r l.19, CIL 3, pp. 940–41. [16 May 142 CE]); a second slave sale contract is concluded at the same site: TC XXV tab. 2 r l.17, CIL 3, p. 959 (4 October 140 CE). A contract for work in the gold mines was concluded at Immenosum Maius: TC X l.11, CIL 3, p. 948 (19 May 164 CE). |
34 | |
35 | |
36 | |
37 | |
38 | |
39 | |
40 | |
41 | AE 2008: 1166 (Panes Bizonis), 1167 (Dasas Liccai); Ciongradi et al. (2008); Ciongradi (2009, nos. 109, 119). |
42 | |
43 | Caes. B Gall. 5.1; Livy 45.26.13; Strabo 7.5.3; Vell. Pat. 2.115.4; Plin. HN. 3.139-14; Ptol. Geog. 2.16.5.; App. Ill. 4.16. Alföldy (1963, pp. 190–91); Alföldy (1965, pp. 56–59); Bojanovski (1988, pp. 51–52, 90–91); Džino (2014, p. 223). |
44 | Alföldy (1965, pp. 59, 176) assumed that in the early Principate their territory was broken up into the smaller territories (civitates) which is why Pliny makes no mention of the Pirustae but notes the civitates of the Scirtones (Skirtari), the Ceraunii, and the Siculotae instead (HN. 3.143). |
45 | |
46 | |
47 | Sarnade: It. Ant. 269.3; Sarute: Tab. Peut.; Alföldy (1965, p. 53, near Pecka); Wilkes (1969, p. 170, west of Jajce), followed by Piso (2004, p. 294); Ardevan (2004, pp. 594–95). |
48 | Ps-Skylax 23–24; Shipley (2011, pp. 2–3, for date); Alföldy (1965, p. 99); Wilkes (1969, pp. 3, 5); Ardevan (2004, p. 594); Piso (2004, p. 295). |
49 | ILJug 3: 2775; Baridustae: Ardevan (2004, p. 593); Piso (2004, p. 293); Ciongradi (2009, p. 16); contra Wilkes (1969, pp. 184, 244). |
50 | |
51 | |
52 | |
53 | In Roman funerary or votive inscriptions, the origin or origo of a person is usually provided if he/she is not from the settlement where his/her tombstone or altar is erected. If the inscription only provides the name of a kastellum or vicus of the deceased, we may presume that the place is located relatively close by and within the confines of the same civitas (an overarching territorial body and community which included other settlements). If the person in question hails from outside a civitas (or colonia or municipium), a geographical or ethnic determinant (e.g., Delmata, Dacus, Breucus, Pirusta) is often provided in addition to, or instead of, the name of the settlement. A comparative sample is provided by inscriptions from Northwestern Spain and Portugal, where members of civitates/tribes in the Northwest move to distant mining districts and have their origins indicated on the funerary stones, see Haley (1991); Sastre Prats (2002); Holleran (2016). |
54 | The altars dedicated by three soldiers, all beneficiarii consularis, are produced and the letters carved with a bit more finesse than the other votives, revealing the military’s social status and wealth. By contrast, the altars dedicated by civilians are less elaborately executed, see Dészpa (2012, pp. 28–29), with the catalogue in Ciongradi (2009) for individual altars. |
55 | The resulting interpretations are associative and, at best, offer a flavour of the hopes and anxieties individuals and communities shared and required the support of divine beings for. |
56 | AE 1990: 844 (Batonianus); AE 2003: 1498 (Dasius Sta(–) [qui et?] Durius); AE 2003: 1509 (Surio Sumeletis). On Terra Mater, see Gesztelyi (1981, pp. 447–48); Dušanić (1999, pp. 132–33); Piso (2004, p. 296). |
57 | Piso (2004, p. 296, with n. 175). Aeracura: AE 1990: 841; W.A. Roscher, s.v. ‘Aeracura’, in: LexMyth 1/1, col. 85-86; Wissowa (1912, p. 313); Dušanić (1999, p. 132). Soranus: AE 1990: 832; Wissowa (1912, p. 238); G. Wissowa, s.v. ‘Soranus pater’ in: LexMyth 4: col. 1215–16; Dušanić (1999, p. 132). |
58 | AE 1990: 830 (Nasidius Primus); AE 2003:1507 (Valerius Niconis and Plator). Sorin Nemeti (2004) made the suggestion that behind Neptunus there is perhaps a Dalmatian god of water springs, Bindus or Bindus-Neptunus. |
59 | Maelantonius: AE 1990: 831; Naos/n: AE 1990: 839. |
60 | Asclepius: AE 2003: 1493 (M. Ul(pius) Cle(mens?)); Asclepius Augustus: Ciongradi (2009, p. no. 42, Fronto Plarentis); Wissowa (1912, pp. 306–7). |
61 | W.A. Roscher, s.v. ‘Planeten’, in: LexMyth 3/2: col. 2532–34. Diana: AE 1944: 21 = IDR 3.3: 387 (Panes Epicadi qui et Suttius), CIL 3: 7822 = IDR 3.3: 385 (Celsen(i)us Adiutor), AE 1965: 42 = IDR 3.3: 386 (Dassius). Apollo Pirunenus: AE 2003: 1502 (Macrianus Surionis), for Pirunenus, see Piso (2004, pp. 297–98). Apollo: AE 1960: 236 = IDR 3.3: 384 (Panes N[o?]setis), AE 2003: 1456 (Plator Implai), CIL 3: 7821 = IDR 3.3: 383 (Implaius Linsantis), AE 2003: 1495 (Verso Dasantis qui et Veidavius). |
62 | |
63 | Liber Pater: IDR 3.3: 396 (Atrius Maximi); CIL 3: 7826 = IDR 3.3: 397 (?); AE 2003: 1506 (Suttis Panentis f.); Liber et Libera: AE 2003: 1497 (Beucus Dasantis). On function, see Wissowa (1912, pp. 297–304); Dušanić (1999, p. 132); Piso (2004, p. 296, with fn. 175). Sidus: AE 1990: 849 = AE 2003: 1510 (Aelius Quintus); on deity, see Dušanić (1999, p. 132); Piso (2004, p. 296, with fn. 179). |
64 | Mercurius: AE 1990: 829 (Nasidius Primus); AE 2003: 1479 (Plator Implei), 1485 (Verzo Platoris), 1494 (Beuc(us?) Sut(tinis?)); on Mercurius see Wissowa (1912, pp. 305–6); Combet-Farnoux (1981). |
65 | Whether the altar to Fortuna (AE 2003: 1492) must be interpreted in the same vein, is open to speculation, see Kajanto (1981). The veneration of Asclepius must be a stark reminder of the health risks involved in mining, see AE 2003: 1493 (M. Ulpius Cl[-]); Ciongradi (2009, p. 59, no. 42, Fronto Plarentis). |
66 | Wissowa (1912, pp. 247–52); Dušanić (1999, pp. 130–31); J. Scheid, s.v. ‘Diana’, in: Brill’s New Pauly, consulted online on 26. 03. 2018, http://dx.doi.org.liverpool.idm.oclc.org/10.1163/1574-9347_bnp_e316670. |
67 | Silvanus: AE 1960: 235 = IDR 3.3: 403 (Varro Scen[-], Aelius Be[-]); AE 2003: 1496 (Dexter and Martialis); CIL 3: 7827 = IDR 3.3: 402 (Pla[-] Baotius?); CIL 3: 12564 = IDR 3.3: 404 (Rufi(us) Sten[-]); IDR 3.3: 407. Silvanus Augustus sacer: IDR 3.3: 405 (Hermes Myrini). Silvanus Silvestris sacer: AE 1944: 19 = IDR 3.3; 406 ([-] Annai(?)ius); IDR 3.3: 405a (Varro Titi). Silvanus sacer: CIL 3: 7828 = IDR 3.3:408 (k(astellum) Ansi). Silvanus Domesticus: CIL 3: 7828 = IDR 3.3: 408 (Sameccus). On Silvanus, see Wissowa (1912, pp. 213–16); Dészpa (2012); Perinić (2017, pp. 1–15, with further bibliography). |
68 | AE 1990: 846 (Implaius Sumeletis); AE 2003: 1508 (Ael(ius) Mes[-]). H. Herter, F. Heichelheim, s.v. ‘Nymphai’, in: RE 17, col. 1581–99; Wolfgang Speyer, s.v. ‘Nymphen’, in: RAC 26, col. 1–30. |
69 | Iupiter Optimus Maximus: CIL 3: 1260 = IDR 3.3: 390 (M. Aur. Maximus, legulus); IDR 3.3: 391 (M. Aur. Su[pe]<r>atus und M. Aur. Supe[ri]anus); AE 2003: 1488 (Dasas Loni, collegi Sardiatensium); CIL 3: 7823 = IDR 3.3: 392 (Implaius Lisantis); AE 1990: 837 (C. Iucundius Verus, bf. cos.); AE 1990: 827 (Q. Marius Proculus, bf. cos); AE 1990: 828 (C. Calpurnius Priscinus, bf. cos.); AE 2003: 1499 (Panes Stagilis); AE 2003: 1481 (Platius); AE 1990: 843 (Tritius Gar[-]); CIL 3: 7825 = IDR 3.3: 393 (Ve(r)z(o) Pant(onis)); IDR 3.3: 395. Iupiter Depulsor: AE 2003: 1482 (Platius Turi). On Iupiter, see Fears (1981); Kolendo (1989). The altars to Iuno (AE 1990: 834, 838) may fulfil a function similar to Iupiter, see Wissowa (1912, pp. 181–90). Venus: AE 2003: 1483 (Beucus Daieci) |
70 | TC XX, CIL 3, p. 956: Dasas Loni qui et [-]); AE 2003: 1498; Dasius Sta(–) (qui et ?) Durius; TC VI, CIL 3, p. 939: Epicadus Plarentis qui et Mico; AE 1944: 21: Panes Epicadi qui et Suttius; CIL 3: 1270: Planius Baezi qui et Magister; TC X, CIL 3, p. 948; TC XI, CIL 3, p. 949: Titus Beusantis qui et Bradua; AE 2003: 1495: Verso Dasantis qui (et) Veidavius. |
71 | See OLD s.v. magister. |
72 | For example, at medieval Basel: Mischke (2015, p. 16). |
73 | The translation is dependent on the reading of the word ἐξεῖλον. |
74 | Scholia in Lucianum [ed. Rabe] 24.16; Ruscu (2004, p. 75 ff.); Strobel (2005/2007, p. 93); Strobel (2010, p. 283). |
75 | |
76 | Dana and Zăgreanu (2013, pp. 157–58). On the linguistic identification of Dacian names, see Dana (2014, pp. LXVII–LXXV) with further bibliography. |
77 | On settlement types and density in the Late Iron Age/La Têne and Roman period see Oltean (2007, pp. 210–11); Oltean (2009, p. 92). |
78 | |
79 | Dio 54.22.5; K. Dietz, in: Czysz et al. (1995, pp. 43–44). |
80 | This already appears to be the case during the Dacian Wars with Dacian tribal groups siding with Rome and being included in newly established units such as cohors I Ulpia Dacorum civium Romanorum in 104 (relocated to Syria, according to a military diploma from 22 March 129, see Eck and Pangerl (2006b, pp. 221–30, no. 4) and cohors II (Ulpia?) Dacorum in 101 CE (see diploma from 9/10 December 125/6 CE in Eck and Pangerl (2006a, pp. 102–4). We also find single Dacians assigned to units in disparate provinces such as Lower Germany, Britain, or Africa Proconsularis already before 106 CE, see Strobel (2010, p. 295). |
81 | |
82 | Dana (2003, p. 183). For some of these Dacians we know the units they were enrolled in: ala Apriana and cohors I Flavia Cilicia equitata at Mons Claudianus or ala Vocontiorum at Krokodilo. Dana (2003, p. 183, with n. 83). |
83 | Dana (2003, p. 183); lists with Dacians: O. Claud. II 402, 403, 404, 405; O. Claud. inv. 29, 392, 1076, 1209, 1239, 1412, 1693, 1792, 3027, 8362. Dana (2003, s.vv. Aptasa, Blaikisa, Dekibalos, Diengi, Diourpa, Diourdanos, Dotos, Dotouzi, Eithazi, Geithozi, I-/Eithiokalos, Natopor, Petipor, Thiais, Thiaper, Titila, Zouroblost(-)); O. Did. 64; |
84 | |
85 | l.3: read armatus instead of armatum, statione instead of stationi; l.4: read imperatoris instead of imperatore. |
86 | |
87 | |
88 | O. Krok. inv. 503; O. Ka. La. inv. 37; Dana (2003, p. 183); Dana and Matei-Popescu (2006, p. 201). Perhaps one might add a letter in Latin (O. Did. 417) found at the fort of Didymoi/Khashm el-Minayh, written by a Numosis in which he greets a Crescens as his compatriot (conterraneus). Dana (2014, p. 262 s.v. Numosis) thinks Numosis was perhaps a Dacian name (?). |
89 | ed. and trans. Cuvigny (2005, p. 167). |
90 | O. Krok. 98 |
91 | For further evidence of correspondence amongst Dacians, see O. Did. 392, 435, 439; O. Krok. inv. 610, see Dana (2003, p. 176 s.v. Dida, Diernais) |
92 | |
93 | |
94 | Kaigiza: O. Krok. 1 (AD 108 or earlier). Dida: O. Krok. 11/12 (AD 108), 24 (AD 109), 30 (AD 109), 36 (c. AD 109). Auizina: O. Krok 71 (c. AD 109). |
95 | O. Krok. 87. |
96 | See Cuvigny (2005, p. 203 s.v. ἱππεύc). |
97 | For ala or cohors in documentary evidence from the Eastern Desert, e.g., O. Krok. 6, 14, 87; for turma, e.g., O. Ber. passim (τύρμη); O. Claud. 177; O. Krok. 6, 14, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 47, 74, 102; O. Claud. 177. For turma, centuria and ala/cohors in votive and funerary texts, see IGR I.5: 1247, 1249, 1250; I. Ko.Ko. 19, 77, 92, 133; I. Pan 48 |
98 | |
99 | Baths: Brun and Reddé (2006); Peacock and Maxfield (1997, pp. 118–34, 137–38). On shaving, see O. Claud 176. |
100 | Diurpaneus, who waged war against Domitian (Oros. 7.10.4; Jord. Get. 76, 78) is also a name attested in the ostraca of the Eastern Desert, see Dana (2014, p. 145), but remains far less popular. |
101 | |
102 | That the use of historical and mythological slave names is a symbolic expression of Roman dominance over the conquered and victory over an external threat, is suggested by names such as Arsaces, Pacorus, Mithridates, Tigranes, Tiridates, or Pharnaces, eastern kings, most notably of Parthia and Armenia, who posed or pose a direct threat to Roman rule, see Solin (2003, pp. 240–44); Dana (2007, p. 46). |
103 | In the case of a child named Decibal[us] recorded on a third century tombstone from Birdoswald (RIB 1920), Haynes (2013) has suggested that the name Decebalus, together with the Dacian falx sword (on falx see pp. 289–92), seems to have become almost a cultural relic or regimental tradition, rather than the young boy being the son of a Dacian recruit (p. 133). The idea of the ‘martial race’ in docile service to Rome certainly permeates the description of Batavi and Tungrians by Tacitus in his narration of the battle at Mons Graupius (Tac. Agr. 35.2) or of the Batavi in his account of German tribes (Tac. Germ. 29). |
104 | |
105 | For a full list, see (Piso 2004, pp. 274–90). |
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Hirt, A. Dalmatians and Dacians—Forms of Belonging and Displacement in the Roman Empire. Humanities 2019, 8, 1. https://doi.org/10.3390/h8010001
Hirt A. Dalmatians and Dacians—Forms of Belonging and Displacement in the Roman Empire. Humanities. 2019; 8(1):1. https://doi.org/10.3390/h8010001
Chicago/Turabian StyleHirt, Alfred. 2019. "Dalmatians and Dacians—Forms of Belonging and Displacement in the Roman Empire" Humanities 8, no. 1: 1. https://doi.org/10.3390/h8010001
APA StyleHirt, A. (2019). Dalmatians and Dacians—Forms of Belonging and Displacement in the Roman Empire. Humanities, 8(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.3390/h8010001