The Deadly Hopes in Trans Women’s Lives: Comparison of Indonesian Film “Lovely Man” and Japanese Film “Midnight Swan”

Abstract

This paper will discuss the depiction of trans women in the films Lovely Man and Midnight Swan, comparing the two main characters, Ipuy and Nagisa. Discrimination against transgender individuals persists in contemporary society, particularly in patriarchal Asian countries such as Indonesia and Japan. The films Lovely Man and Midnight Swan are of Indonesian and Japanese origin, respectively. A close analysis of both films reveals that they feature protagonists who embody the exact symbolic representations as entertainers, parents, sexual objects, and pariahs. According to Peirce’s semiotics, these four symbolic representations are determined. A thorough examination of the cinematic expressive movements in both films reveals four metaphorical expressions: the trans woman as an entertainer, the trans woman as a parent, the trans woman as a sexual object, and the trans woman as a pariah. These four metaphorical expressions are validated through extralinguistic references, reflecting socio-cultural realities in Indonesian and Japanese societies. They become arguments through the interpretation of both films. The similarities between the two films can be understood as a social critique of the issues facing trans women in Indonesia and Japan, who require greater attention to their human rights to survive in society.

1. Introduction

A trans woman is one of the identities within the LGBTQ+ community representing the male-to-female gender transition. In Indonesia, trans women are known as waria and became widely recognized in 1978 (Hegarty 2023). This word is an acronym for the words wanita (woman) and pria (man). The acronym seems to emphasize an abnormal state in waria, who have an identity that is neither female nor male. The New Order government (1966–1998) coined this acronym to replace the term banci, which was more insulting to trans women (Hegarty 2023). Trans women who are called banci are also associated with prostitutes and entertainers (Hegarty 2017a). In Japan, a trans woman was called an okama in the past. Morphologically, the word is formed from the prefix o (which makes the mention more polite) and kama (kettle/pot). In Japan’s patriarchal tradition, men were more respected than women and did not reside in the kitchen. Mentioning okama is considered to lower a man’s social status to that of a woman. Okama also refers to the buttocks. These two definitions demonstrate discrimination against trans women (Valentine 1997). Historically, the negative stigma associated with trans women is “mizu shobai” (water trade) (McLelland 2004). This idiom refers to prostitution and implies that trans women are associated with entertainers who sell their skills for public display.

Various fictional depictions, especially in films, illustrate the differences in how Japanese and Indonesian people view trans women. In Japan, for example, trans women characters are familiar in anime, such as Mr. 2 and Kikunojo in One Piece and Alluka Zoldyck in Hunter x Hunter. These characters are usually treated like any other character and are not required to disclose their identity or be seen as “different.” In contrast, trans women characters in Indonesian films are usually portrayed as men dressing and acting like women. They are typically seen merely as comedic relief without any proper discussion about their identities and are sometimes portrayed as exhibiting masculine behaviors. The masculine side of these characters is often drawn upon when they need to defend themselves (Murtagh 2013).

This paper examines the films Lovely Man and Midnight Swan, both of which explore the theme of trans women. The previously outlined descriptions of trans women in Indonesia and Japan are reflected in both films, providing cultural context for the exploration. Lovely Man, directed by Indonesian filmmaker Teddy Soeriaatmadja in 2011, and Midnight Swan, directed by Japanese filmmaker Eiji Uchida in 2020, each offer a distinct national perspective. Both films have garnered wide recognition. For example, not only did Lovely Man receive recognition domestically, but it also won several international awards, including Best Film at the Tel Aviv International LGBTQ+ Film Festival. Similarly, Midnight Swan received one of the most prestigious honors in its home country, the 44th Japan Academy Film Prize for Best Film.

Lovely Man tells the story of Ipuy, a trans woman who is reunited with her daughter, Cahaya, after leaving her behind in childhood. Ipuy works as an entertainer at Taman Lawang in Jakarta. The story’s conflict lies not only in the development of Ipuy’s relationship with Cahaya, but also in the tragedy of the violence Ipuy endured. Similarly, Midnight Swan tells the story of Nagisa, a trans woman who works as a dancer in a Tokyo nightclub. One day, she meets Ichika, a neglected niece, and takes on the role of a parent. Nagisa, who has undergone gender reassignment surgery, faces discrimination, especially from her family. The movie ends with Nagisa’s death.

In addition to their numerous awards, both films can be considered canonical due to their provocative and controversial themes. Kerr (2012) states that tolerance is desperately needed in Asia, a need that Lovely Man addresses. Marsh (2021) also states that Midnight Swan addresses the still-taboo subject of transgender issues in contemporary Japan, a country that is not progressive on sexual issues. These two statements summarize the plots of both films, which depict the tragedies that befall the main characters due to transphobia. As mentioned earlier, both films depict trans women associated with entertainment and as a “pariah” group. Four symbolic representations demonstrate the similarities between the two films, which is why we chose them as objects for comparison. These four representations are determined according to the concept of semiotics, as described in the section below, as conceived by Charles Sanders Peirce. These four symbolic representations are metaphorical expressions of transwoman as: (1) entertainer, (2) parent, (3) sexual object, and (4) pariah. Despite being produced in different countries, the two films demonstrate similar issues of discrimination against trans women. The purpose of this paper is to understand the issues facing transwomen as reflected in Lovely Man and Midnight Swan, examining four symbolic representations in the context of historical-social-cultural realities in Indonesia and Japan. By comparing two films from different societal traditions and cultures through intersecting themes, such as the portrayal of trans women, films function as cultural ambassadors, highlighting not only the cultural differences of a society but also the cultural similarities across countries (Coates 2021, p. 5). The four symbolic representations above reflect the similarities and differences in the cross-cultural and cross-national phenomenon of transgender women in Indonesia and Japan, both of which are part of the Asian region.

In addition to the four symbolic representations being similar, Lovely Man was selected as the object of study for a specific reason. It is a work of fiction with a trans woman theme and was the most recently released film on this topic in Indonesian cinemas. The majority of Indonesian Muslims do not easily accept films with LGBTQ+ themes. Similarly, Lovely Man was shown in domestic theaters for only a few days, due to criticism and protests from several community organizations. A previous study stated that the trans woman, represented by the main character Ipuy, exhibits deviant behavior prohibited by Islamic views. Thus, this film could affect societal norms (Damara et al. 2023). However, the trans women’s group appreciated the portrayal of trans women’s lives in this movie (Achmad et al. 2017). In contrast to the aforementioned studies and Izharuddin’s v research, which focus solely on the characteristics of motherhood as an embodiment of the transgender character’s trans-femininity, this paper expands its focus. It includes three other symbolic representations and compares them to those represented by the film Midnight Swan (Damara et al. 2023). However, the trans women’s group appreciated the portrayal of trans women’s lives in this movie (Achmad et al. 2017). In contrast to the aforementioned studies and Izharuddin’s (2020) research, which focuses solely on the characteristics of motherhood as an embodiment of the transgender character’s trans-femininity, this paper expands its focus. It includes three other symbolic representations and compares them to those represented by the film Midnight Swan.

Midnight Swan is the second transgender-themed film in Japan, following the release of Close-Knit in 2017. While boy love (BL) dramas depicting homoerotic relationships have been popular in Japan since the 1970s, they are generally considered inferior to heteronormative romances in Japanese society (Shimauchi 2024). The annual LGBTQ+ film festival in Japan, popular since the 1990s, has had little impact on homophobia in society, becoming merely a cultural artifact (Qin 2020). This reality reveals that Japan’s status as a developed country does not align with providing equality for sexual minorities. It also demonstrates that Midnight Swan is comparable to Lovely Man in its symbolic representation of transgender individuals. Wan’s (2024) research also confirms the argument that the main character, Nagisa, expresses motherhood as a form of resistance to heteronormative understanding. It also confirms the similarities between Nagisa and the problematic character, Ipuy.

2. Interpreting the Symbolic Representations

The most crucial step in comparing the films Lovely Man and Midnight Swan is clearly defining the basis of comparison: the portrayal of transgender characters, specifically Ipuy and Nagisa. This paper argues that by analyzing how each film represents its transgender protagonists, we can uncover significant similarities in their approaches to depicting transgender experiences. To make this comparison meaningful, we will interpret Ipuy and Nagisa as cinematic signs that reveal not only narrative parallels but also underlying thematic alignments between the two films.

The idea of individual empowerment stems from reading others’ and creating one’s own narratives that transcend the socially constructed gender binary (Nagoshi and Brzuzy 2010). Watching and analyzing these films, told from the perspectives of transgender persons, can inspire the audience to understand and to act humanely in real life. When film and narrative are inseparable, film can also be seen as an imitation of life. This concept utilizes Aristotle’s term “mythos,” which posits that narrative texts are mimesis, or an imitation of life (Dowling 2011). Like our lives, which are filled with signs, films also rely on signs as narrative texts. A sign is anything outside of humans that must be interpreted to be understood (Hoed 2014). For this reason, interpretation—or the process of giving meaning—is the key act of signification. This is especially true of narrative texts. Even if a narrative is considered mimesis, it does not necessarily imitate reality explicitly and connotatively express it. As the saying goes, “narratives are openly false” (Ehrat 2005). This happens because there is a distance between the creator, who is the sender, and the reader or audience, the receiver. This shows why interpreting signs is essential. The empowerment proposed by Nagoshi and Brzuzy (2010) can be realized by interpreting the symbols present in the two films. The way in which the two transgender protagonists are interpreted as symbols can encourage audiences to consider how social constructs can interfere with individuals’ ability to maintain their personal identities. Although Indonesia and Japan are two countries in Asia that differ significantly from Western countries in terms of social construction, these two countries share similarities in the public perception of transgender people, while also exhibiting socio-cultural differences.

This paper will discuss sign interpretation as described by Charles Sanders Peirce, an American philosopher. Peirce saw signs as cognitive processes instead of fixed structures (Hoed 2014). This focus led Peirce to develop a triadic or three-part system (Yakin and Totu 2014). The three parts are: (1) representamen, (2) object, and (3) interpretant (Christomy 2004). Each part includes three levels: firstness, secondness, and thirdness.

A representamen is the source or vehicle for what is being signified. This category includes qualisign, sinsign, and legisign, which are types of ontological existences. In this paper, the Lovely Man and Midnight Swan serve as the ground, or representamen, used to determine the three levels of categories. These categories—qualisign, sinsign, and legisign—can also be referred to as image (firstness), diagram (secondness), and metaphor (thirdness) (Lee and Cobley 2020). We will use these latter terms for easier tracking of representations in both films. In films, the image-diagram–metaphor continuum does not mix ontological categories. Diagrams can be seen as structures of images intermingled with words and figures, and represented in sequences or causal relationships visually; visualization is the process of diagrammatization (Lee and Cobley 2020). In films, an image refers to a visual or shot that communicates with the audience’s cognition, particularly when combined into a diagram of secondness. Diagram structures present specific messages using allegory. These allegorical messages function as metaphors, representing the thirdness category.

Capturing and understanding a scene in a movie as a metaphor is an activity performed by the audience (Sutanto and Sutandio 2023). In this process, the audience engages with audiovisual media, such as films, through cognitive processes. Metaphors occur in the audience’s cognition through expressive movements in films. They are not explicitly presented. These expressive movements exist at the level of secondness and appear in the film sequence. Metaphors, according to Kappelhoff and Müller (2011), are formed through these expressive movements, and this process takes place at the level of thirdness. Since this ontological expression of metaphor is not stated directly in the film, it becomes a symbolic mode in phenomenological terms. The ontological shift from firstness to thirdness is a dialogical process between the audience and the film’s internal text. Using Ricoeur’s terminology on split reference, these dynamics form a movement within intralinguistic reference. In this case, the audience views the text according to “what it says” (Ricoeur 2016b).

Once the scenes in the film are understood as metaphors of thirdness in representamen, the meaning of the text begins to unfold. Next, we phenomenologically examine the structure of the sign’s existence. Interpreting metaphorical expressions gives rise to symbolic representations of sequences or scenes in narrative texts, such as films. Here, symbolic representation through metaphorical expression shows objects as things raised via representamen. Representamen constructs objects. The objects produced via metaphor are symbols or thirdness. As Bateman (2018) stated, thirdness representamen can freely combine with any object: symbol (third), index (second), or icon (first). Thus, metaphorical expressions in the film sequence represent symbols on objects.

The “object” sign is crucial because it lets us compare the transgender phenomena in Lovely Man and Midnight Swan. The object sign clearly expresses the similarities and differences between the two films. The interpretive sign shows how external reality shapes the sign. The object sign, from a metaphorical expression, is established as a symbol. This results from its connection with external reality, as symbolic representation links narrative texts to the audience, enabling them to give meaning to the text (Lee 2012). Thus, the relationship between the representamen (metaphor—legisign) and the object is one of thirdness (symbol), not similarity (icon) or cause-and-effect (index). This connection is habitual or agreed upon (Bateman 2018; Christomy 2004) and is tied to external reality. If a sign’s ontological existence means moving within intralinguistic reference, then symbolic representation that leads to meaning involves moving within extralinguistic reference. Extralinguistic reference seeks “what is said” (by the text). It addresses matters of historical, social, and cultural reality and bridges the metaphor from audience cognition to the real world (Ricoeur 2016a, 2016b).

Extralinguistic references bridge objects and interpretations. They enable logical analysis connecting ontology and phenomenology (Lee and Cobley 2020). Through these references, the film’s metaphorical symbols are interpreted by examining phenomenological events in historical, social, and cultural contexts. Interpretation occurs at the level of thirdness (argument), relating the symbol to the “world” through the interpreter (Bateman 2018).

3. The Representamen

The following exposition illustrates the process of tracing representamen that fall under the category of thirdness. The four representamen findings below refer to the image-diagram–metaphor continuum. This continuum originates from the cinematic expressive movements of Lovely Man and Midnight Swan. These four metaphors then become signs of objects and serve as elements of comparison between the two films. This discussion focuses on the two main characters of both films: Ipuy and Nagisa. Images of these characters appear in the opening scenes of each film. Viewers can immediately tell they are trans women, primarily because of the actors who play them. Ipuy is played by Donny Damara, an acclaimed Indonesian actor who has won several national and international awards for this role. Nagisa is played by Kusanagi Tsuyoshi, an actor, singer, and television personality. Kusanagi is a former member of the popular Japanese boy band SMAP.

In the first shot of the opening credits, Ipuy’s image is shown through the depiction of a person wearing a red minidress, high heels, and a long-haired wig. The mise-en-scène of this figure indicates that there is something unconventional about their gender. Nagisa’s image also appears in the opening credits, showing a face wearing red lipstick lighting a cigarette. The scene continues with a mise-en-scène of a group of people dressing up and performing a ballet on a club stage. After that, several men and people with feminine looks sit together in a clubroom. At minute 2:55, a man says, “Koko tte, zenin otoko nan desu yo ne?” (Everyone here is a man, right?). This comment shows that the feminine-looking people are not women. As a result, the film’s style signals that its main character and subject is a transgender woman.

The following presentation summarizes the portrayal of the two transgender female characters, Ipuy and Nagisa, as understood through the film’s narrative. There are four categories: (1) entertainers, (2) parents, (3) sexual objects, and (4) pariahs. This portrayal falls within the category of thirdness, derived from ontological existence through shot movement, expressive movement, and metaphorical expression.

3.1. Ipuy and Nagisa as Entertainers

This section describes how the two main characters earn a living through their professions. In Lovely Man, cinematic expressive movements explain Ipuy’s profession. The explanation starts with a scene at 10:10. In this scene, Cahaya asks the owner of a small shop near Ipuy’s apartment building. Cahaya is described as Ipuy’s daughter who comes to Jakarta to get to know her father. The shop owner’s response tells Cahaya that Ipuy is working that night. This suggests that the activity we see Ipuy engaged in during the next scene is her primary profession. Ipuy’s middle-aged female neighbor also confirms this by stating that he works on a bridge. At 13:07, it is shown more specifically that Ipuy works as a sex worker, serving the biological needs of promiscuous men. The depiction of the bridge where Ipuy works shows an area where trans women gather at night to offer sexual services to passersby. The image of Ipuy wearing a red mini-dress, a long-hair wig, and heavy makeup throughout the narrative allows the audience to understand the expression of “Ipuy as an entertainer.”

The cinematic expressive movements that introduce Nagisa’s profession in Midnight Swan appear at the beginning of the film. Nagisa is among a group of people getting dressed in a dressing room while chatting. Wearing white ballerina outfits, the four of them move toward a dimly lit stage (at 02:00), then perform a ballet, accompanied by classical music. Subsequently, the scene shifts to a group of people saying “kanpai” (cheers) while chatting in a bar, where Nagisa is also present. This mise-en-scène reveals that, based on the location where she performs, she is not a professional ballet dancer but rather an entertainer at a nightclub. These expressive movements convey the expression of “Nagisa as an entertainer” to the audience.

As established earlier, the audience readily recognizes Ipuy and Nagisa as trans women. Through a dialogical process between the audience and the film’s internal text, Ipuy and Nagisa expressed themselves as entertainers. This solidifies the metaphorical expression “trans women as entertainers.”

3.2. Ipuy and Nagisa as Parents

The expressive cinematic movements depicting Ipuy and Nagisa in this section contrast with the description above, creating a negative impression of their economic activities. In Lovely Man, the relationship between Ipuy and Cahaya dominates the plot and narrative. The film opens with Ipuy, after which the mise-en-scène shows a young woman wearing a hijab vomiting in the train restroom. This woman is Cahaya, who has come to Jakarta to search for her father, Syaiful Herman, and get to know him, despite her mother’s prohibition. When they meet, Ipuy looks nothing like the father Cahaya remembers or the man in her photo. At first, Ipuy is not particularly welcoming of Cahaya’s arrival. However, as the narrative progresses, numerous scenes show Ipuy gradually opening up and becoming kinder toward Cahaya. This change is especially evident in the scene at 46:44, when Ipuy and Cahaya discuss their relationships with men. In this conversation, Ipuy advises Cahaya to be open with her boyfriend about her pregnancy, which also explains why Cahaya vomited on the train at the beginning of the film. During the discussion, Ipuy reveals that she has never been a “parent” to Cahaya, yet the scene up to 50:58 shows their interaction resembling that of a parent and child. The film concludes with Ipuy giving Cahaya money, an act that demonstrates her parental responsibility. Notably, the money was stolen by Ipuy from gangsters, a risk she took to fund her gender reassignment surgery.

In Midnight Swan, the mise-en-scène at the 11:33 mark depicts Nagisa and Ichika’s initial meeting. Much like Ipuy, Nagisa initially dislikes Ichika’s presence in her life. Ichika, who has come to Tokyo from her hometown in Hiroshima, is entrusted to Nagisa due to her biological mother’s neglect. Responding to a request from her own mother, Nagisa reluctantly agrees to let Ichika stay with her. At first, Nagisa treats Ichika unkindly and avoids interacting with her. However, their relationship begins to improve when Ichika gets the opportunity to pursue her passion for ballet at a nearby studio, which in turn helps Nagisa’s sense of motherhood grow. A key mise-en-scène supports this transformation at 1:01:00, when Ichika’s ballet teacher, Mika, accidentally calls Nagisa “okaasan.” She says, “Demo, okaasan, keizoku desu. Taihen deshou kedo, ganbatte norikirimashou.” (But, mother, keep going. It’s hard, but let’s do our best and get motivated.) This gives Nagisa a sense of pride and highlights how others now recognize her as Ichika’s mother.

The expressive cinematic movements in this section highlight the relationships between Ipuy and Cahaya, as well as between Nagisa and Ichika. Cahaya addresses Ipuy as “father” throughout, but Nagisa’s connection with Ichika shifts more dynamically over the narrative. Ultimately, Ipuy hands Cahaya all the money stolen from the gangsters to fulfill her parental duty, risking her own life. In that moment, Ipuy appears as a typical middle-aged man, not a trans woman. After losing Ichika to her biological mother, Nagisa undergoes sex reassignment surgery to embrace her role as Ichika’s mother fully. However, Nagisa faces rejection from her family, experiencing humiliation and being deemed unfit to care for Ichika because she is transgender. By the film’s end, Ichika, now graduated from high school, visits Nagisa, who is suffering complications from the failed surgery. Nagisa dies soon after.

In the end, Ipuy relinquishes all her trans woman attributes to become a “parent” to Cahaya, risking her life. Meanwhile, Nagisa loses her life undergoing surgery to become a “parent” to Ichika. These scenes produce the metaphorical expression “trans women as parents” through their portrayal of Ipuy and Nagisa’s actions toward Cahaya and Ichika.

3.3. Ipuy and Nagisa as Sexual Objects

The cinematic, expressive movements representing this element in Lovely Man begin at 51:52. The scene starts with Ipuy narrating how she embezzled money from gangsters, intending to use it for her sex reassignment surgery. At that moment, Ipuy asks Cahaya to shop at the mini market and then sits in front of it waiting for her. The gangster who has been searching for Ipuy for a long time catches up with her at that moment. Ipuy tries to escape but is eventually cornered by three people: the gangster leader and his two henchmen. In that slum alley, Ipuy was beaten until she fell to the ground. Then, one of the gangsters raped her. These expressive movements highlight the treatment of trans women as mere sexual objects whose humanity is considered inferior.

In Midnight Swan, the mise-en-scène that begins at 1:05:54 conveys cinematic expressive movements that represent this stigma. Nagisa walks through a slum to meet Mizuki, a fellow trans woman. Mizuki then guides Nagisa into an old, dilapidated building. They ascend the stairs and arrive at a hallway with rooms on either side. During a conversation between Nagisa and Mizuki, it is revealed that Nagisa began doing sex work to earn extra money for Ichika’s ballet lessons. The plot then shifts to show Nagisa in her room, where she receives a visit from a man with a flat nose. When the man approaches and touches her, Nagisa becomes frightened and runs out of the room. Her reaction angers the man, who chases after her, shouting as he pursues her, intent on catching her. Suddenly, Mizuki appeared and hit the man on the head with a floor cleaner, helping Nagisa, who was screaming hysterically. At 1:10:47, Mizuki yells angrily at the lecherous man, “Sonna ni erai no?! Nande uchira ga kekkō hidoi me ni awanai to ikenai no?!” (Are you that great??! Why should we have to suffer so much?). Mizuki’s outburst reveals the abuse her community often endures at the hands of lecherous men and demonstrates that she and Nagisa are merely sexual objects.

Through these cinematic expressive movements, the audience perceives Ipuy and Nagisa as “sexual objects,” showing the dehumanization of trans women. Therefore, if Ipuy and Nagisa represent trans women, these movements metaphorically express “trans women as sexual objects.”

3.4. Ipuy and Nagisa as Pariahs

In Lovely Man, four mise-en-scène sections with cinematic expressive movements represent Ipuy as an outcast. The first scene occurs at 8:06, when Ipuy invites Cahaya to dinner at a restaurant. The restaurant cashier looks at Ipuy and Cahaya with wonder. Ipuy responded to the cashier’s attitude through her words to Cahaya, saying that she was a “banci” (sissy) and said, “Udah biasa diliatin sama orang-orang.” (I’m used to people staring at me.). The second scene begins at 31:32, with Ipuy and Cahaya sitting on the front bench of a small shop on a narrow street. The old man who owns the shop seems to be serving Ipuy with a look of fear and surprise. Ipuy reprimands the old man, “Kayak ga pernah liat banci.” (Have you never seen a sissy?). The third scene begins at minute 51:04 with Ipuy asking Cahaya to buy cigarettes at a convenience store. As they are about to enter, a man reprimands Cahaya, “Eh, kok mau sih jalan sama banci?” (How could you want to go out with a sissy?). The fourth scene is the gangster leader speaking to Ipuy after beating him up (55:35), “Satu banci mati di Jakarta ga akan ada yang cari.” (No one will bother looking for one dead sissy in Jakarta.).

The expressive movements in the first and second scenes convey the idea that society views Ipuy’s existence as a trans woman as alien. In contrast, the third and fourth scenes illustrate the discriminatory treatment Ipuy experiences, portraying her existence as inferior to that of cisgender individuals. Together, these four scenes highlight society’s alienating and degrading treatment of Ipuy because her gender identity is considered deviant.

The fourth scene addresses the resolution of the plot, focusing on the symbolic death of Ipuy. The open ending presents Ipuy dressed as a man giving the stolen money and asking Cahaya to go home and never see her again. After receiving a threat from the gangster leader at the 55:35 mark, Ipuy loses her identity as a trans woman, both physically and symbolically. This scene signifies Ipuy’s death. This resolution further emphasizes the dehumanizing portrayal of transgender women, implying that they have no right to live as their true selves.

The cinematic expressive movements in Midnight Swan represent this stigma, particularly in the mise-en-scène at 1:32:45, which illustrates how Nagisa’s family treats her upon her return to her hometown as a woman. Another significant moment is the scene at 8:52 when Nagisa talks on the phone with her mother. In this conversation, we learn that Nagisa’s birth name is Kenji, indicating her status as an outsider in Tokyo, reinforced by the dialect she uses. Nagisa’s choice of the masculine pronoun “ore” (I) and her deep voice suggest that she is concealing her gender identity from her family. Furthermore, the plot reveals at 1:29:27 that Nagisa goes to Thailand to undergo sex reassignment surgery.

After her surgery, Nagisa returns to her hometown in Hiroshima to pick up Ichika, reflecting the strong bond they share. However, Ichika has already been picked up by her neglectful mother, Saori, and taken back to Hiroshima. During the cinematic expressive movements at 1:32:45, which is part of the plot’s climax, Nagisa is at her family’s house. There, she and Saori get into a physical struggle. Saori disapproves of Ichika hugging Nagisa and pulls her away. A man who appears to be Saori’s partner becomes angry when Nagisa fights back against Saori. He roughly pulls Nagisa away from the struggle, tearing the chest of her clothes. When Nagisa’s mother realizes that her daughter has altered her body, she screams hysterically. Saori then calls Nagisa, “Kono bakemon ga.” (This monster.). Both Nagisa’s mother’s reaction and Saori’s words emphasize the devaluation of transgender identity. Nagisa’s mother sees trans women as a disease that needs to be cured, while Saori views them as terrifying creatures from a non-human realm because of their gender identity. Despite Nagisa caring deeply for Ichika, she is treated as less human than Saori, who neglects her daughter, highlighting the injustice of their situations.

Similar to the plot resolution in Lovely Man, which ends with Ipuy’s “death,” Midnight Swan depicts Nagisa’s demise due to severe medical complications from gender reassignment surgery. This tragic ending highlights the vulnerability of trans women to losing their existence as human beings. Similar to the “sexual object” example, these cinematic expressive movements portray Ipuy and Nagisa as “pariahs,” emphasizing the dehumanization of their figures as transgender women. These movements create the metaphorical expression “trans women as pariahs” by highlighting Ipuy and Nagisa’s identities as trans women.

4. The Symbolic Representations—The Interpretants

Based on the ontological existence obtained from “what the film says,” four metaphorical expressions are obtained as manifestations of object signs in the trichotomy system: (1) trans women as entertainers, (2) trans women as parents, (3) trans women as sexual objects, and (4) trans women as pariahs. The following exposition demonstrates that these expressions are symbolic representations of the object sign due to their relationship with the text’s external reality, which indicates “what it is said (by the film text).”

4.1. Trans Women as Entertainers

Ipuy’s work, as seen in Lovely Man, sheds light on the economic activities of trans women in Indonesia. Many trans women, like Ipuy, often choose to engage in sex work. Even those who become performers in the entertainment industry tend to engage in sex work (Laxamana 2021). Salon work is a common occupation pursued by trans women (Kjaran and Saeidzadeh 2024). This reality further emphasizes the intersection of their world of work and the entertainment industry.

Dorce Gamalama was the first transgender woman in Indonesia to achieve recognition as a public figure and an artist. However, the term “waria,” which carries strong discriminatory connotations, is still associated with her (Rodríguez and Murtagh 2022), despite her accomplishments as a trans woman. Hegarty (2017b) Highlights that presenting as a trans woman can have economic advantages, as it is often linked to sex work. This idea is exemplified by Ipuy’s choice of a bright red minidress and heavy makeup, which she uses to draw attention to herself.

As mentioned at the beginning of this paper, trans women in Japan are often associated with the entertainment industry, which is closely linked to prostitution. In the 1950s, the term “gei-bōi” (gei means “art”) gained popularity in Japan. It referred to men who were artistic and identified as women. By the 1960s, the term “burū-bōi” (blue boy) emerged, becoming synonymous with transsexual performers. During the 1980s, new terms like “nyūhāfu” (new half) and “Mr. Redi” (mister lady) came into use, explicitly referring to trans women working as entertainers (McLelland 2004). The media further popularized the term “onē” in the 1990s, which describes trans women who present as women but identify as men. This term is rooted in binary gender thinking and contributes to the discrimination faced by transgender individuals (Thelen 2021). Additionally, it reinforces the association between trans women and the entertainment industry. Ho (2022) discusses Nishihara Satsuki, a transgender actress and model who rejects the label “onē.” Satsuki’s presence challenges discrimination against transgender people, but it also underscores the notion that trans women are closely tied to the entertainment world.

Finding employment is one of the problems often faced by trans women (Zhou et al. 2021a). As a result, opportunities in the entertainment industry are limited for them. Additionally, jobs in this sector are often temporary and part-time, leading to lower earnings compared to cisgender individuals (Hiramori 2016). This reality is reflected in the character Nagisa, a ballet dancer at a nightclub who lives in a cramped apartment.

Extralinguistic references that highlight the social and cultural realities of trans women’s work reinforce the metaphorical expression “trans women as entertainers.” In this context, the term “entertainer” refers to a person who provides entertainment, and “entertaining” is used in a metaphorical sense. Ipuy’s role as an entertainer representing trans women in Indonesia is closely associated with sex work. In contrast, even though Nagisa’s job may seem similar to prostitution, she is not a sex worker. Instead, she is a legitimate entertainer, albeit an informal worker with a low social status. Indonesia’s developing country status is reflected in Ipuy’s portrayal of her workplace on the streets. In comparison, Nagisa’s workplace appears more sophisticated, thanks to her artistic talents as an amateur ballet dancer.

Extralinguistic references to legal regulations surrounding prostitution in both countries may help explain the differences in how these “entertainers” are perceived. Although prostitution is illegal under positive law in both Indonesia and Japan, the legal status and societal attitudes toward it differ significantly. In Indonesia, prostitution is regarded as a deviant behavior that conflicts with social values and norms, particularly religious beliefs (Martha et al. 2023). In contrast, Japan’s Entertainment Business Law, established in 1948, legalizes certain sex-related businesses (Aoyama 2015). As a result, even though Nagisa works in a nightclub associated with the sex industry, she is not stigmatized as a sex worker. In Japan, being an entertainer is recognized as a legitimate profession. Thus, trans women working as entertainers are often not immediately linked to sex work. Conversely, Oetomo (2010) highlights that trans women in Indonesia who are found in public spaces, like streets and parks, are frequently targeted by the police and arrested under the presumption that they are sex workers. This exemplifies the stark contrast in the stigma attached to the professions of trans women in Indonesia and Japan.

The relationship between metaphorical expression and extralinguistic reference demonstrates a level of complexity in the object. The actions of Ipuy and Nagisa, who represent trans women, illustrate that entertainment is often the only avenue available for trans women to earn a living. “Trans women as entertainers” serves as an interpretant, which is the outcome of interpreting a metaphorical expression that serves as a symbolic representation of an object. This interpretation reveals how the audience derives meaning by connecting the film’s narrative to socio-cultural realities. Therefore, the interpretant “trans women as entertainers” can be understood as a category of argument.

4.2. Trans Women as Parents

The nuclear family, consisting of a husband, wife, and children, is often regarded as the ideal model, as seen in Indonesia and Japan. This ideal family structure is marked by harmonious relationships between spouses and between parents and children. However, the families of Cahaya and Ichika in these two films do not fit this ideal. Cahaya travels to Jakarta to search for her father, who abandoned her and her mother years ago. In contrast, Ichika faces abuse and neglect from her mother. Although Cahaya and Ichika have different motivations in their encounters with the transgender character central to the film, both ultimately find parental figures in Ipuy and Nagisa.

Discussions about transgender individuals becoming parents are closely tied to the stigma suggesting they may negatively influence their children. Generally, Indonesian society adheres to patriarchal views rooted in religious teachings, particularly Islamic ones, since Islam is the predominant religion. The presence of transgender women as mothers is often perceived as destabilizing to families, as it blurs traditional boundaries (Izharuddin 2020). Those who do not conform to established gender roles frequently encounter stigma, discrimination, or social exclusion (Daulay 2017). Consequently, it is evident how challenging it is for transgender individuals to navigate a society that upholds traditional gender norms.

In Japan, traditional gender roles in parenting persist, with the prevailing view that fathers are primarily responsible for earning a living while mothers handle household duties (Ishii 2018). This binary portrayal of parents as male and female restricts the roles that individuals can assume. Moreover, same-sex marriages and transgender individuals lack legal recognition, which often prevents them from adopting children unless they have an opposite-sex partner. Additionally, it is discriminatory that a transgender person seeking to change their gender legally faces restrictions regarding parental rights over children over the age of 20 (Knight et al. 2019). For example, a trans woman experienced challenges in obtaining legal parental status for her biological child after undergoing a male-to-female transition (Tatsumi 2024).

It cannot be proven that transgender people cannot be good parents. Research shows that children with transgender parents do not experience any adverse psychological effects (Imrie et al. 2021). Instead, the stigma surrounding transgender people contributes to these misconceptions. When someone is labeled as “deviant,” they will face new problems resulting from their response to the label and the reaction of others (Bernburg 2019).

The actions of Ipuy and Nagisa are similar in that both women nurture the children they encounter, transcending gender identities and the societal stigma associated with them. Their nurturing ultimately leads to self-sacrifice, symbolized by their “death” at the end of the story. For Ipuy, this death represents the loss of her identity as a transgender woman, particularly illustrated by her portrayal as a middle-aged man. She relinquished all her possessions for Cahaya and risked her life by giving all her money to Cahaya—money that should have been returned to the gangsters. Ipuy had to “pay” for her desire to be a good parent with her life. In contrast, Nagisa died due to complications from a failed operation, which she underwent in her quest to be recognized as Ichika’s mother.

The difference between the two films in this section lies in how the children refer to their parents. Cahaya calls Ipuy “Father,” while Nagisa is referred to as “Mother.” This distinction in terminology reflects the differing socio-cultural backgrounds of the two countries. In Indonesia, where the majority of the population is Muslim, Islamic teachings have a strong influence on the patriarchal system. This system often places the father as the dominant figure in the household, requiring women to be submissive to their husbands. For example, sexual relations are viewed as the husband’s prerogative, while they are considered an obligation for the wife (Nurlaelawati 2022). This extralinguistic reference is what prompted Cahaya to call Ipuy “Father,” as if to emphasize that Ipuy had lowered her humanity by becoming a trans woman. In contrast, Japan’s ryōsaikenbo ideology, which translates to “good wife, wise mother,” emphasizes the significant role that mothers play in their children’s lives. This ideology, rooted in Confucian teachings and prevalent since the prewar period, upholds a patriarchal structure where women are expected to manage the household while men work outside. However, it also empowers women within their family roles (Sakamoto 2014). This dynamic explains why Nagisa is referred to as “Mother,” a title that brings her pride in being recognized as Ichika’s mother.

Despite the different references to Ipuy and Nagisa, both films show significant similarities. Namely, they affirm that parental affirmation should not be based on compliance with cis-normative norms where trans people are considered abnormal, but rather on parents’ willingness to sacrifice for their children. Metaphorical expressions: “Trans women as parents” expressed by both films, affirm the eligibility of trans women as parents. This affirmation is a sign of interpretation within the category of argument.

4.3. Trans Women as Sexual Objects/Pariahs

As previously mentioned, the Lovely Man and Midnight Swan portray trans women as both sexual objects and outcasts. These depictions symbolically reflect interconnected historical, social, and cultural realities. When trans women are seen as sexual objects, they face dehumanization and are perceived as having little or no value in society.

In Indonesia, trans women who work as performers in the entertainment industry often resort to sex work (Laxamana 2021). The stigma associated with trans women who engage in sex work makes them particularly vulnerable to violence, mainly due to their marginalization from families and communities (Hegarty 2017a; Ridwan and Wu 2018). For instance, as highlighted in Ipuy’s experience with sexual harassment, Oetomo (2010) notes that transgender women are frequently viewed as female sex workers and, as a result, are targeted by law enforcement for arrest. This situation often leads to instances of extortion and rape during the arrest process.

Indonesia is known as the country with the largest Muslim population in the world (Lestari 2021). With 87% of the population identifying as Muslim, most trans women in Indonesia are also Muslim (Toomistu 2022). According to Islamic teachings, being transgender is considered one of the prohibited acts that most adherents view as contrary to Islamic morality. This is based on the argument that modifying the body is a sin against God’s creation (Damara et al. 2023; Toomistu 2022).

This text examines the historical context of the post-reform era, which began in 1998, marking the end of President Suharto’s rule. Suharto was a key figure of the New Order era, which lasted from 1966 to 1998, spanning 32 years. This period was characterized by strict media control and military dominance. In contrast, the reform era aimed to promote freedom of expression and strengthen human rights within a democratic framework. However, the rise of Islamic beliefs in society led to the increasing expectation of Islamic morality. The enactment of anti-pornography laws in 2008 and the emergence of radical Muslim organizations advocating for sharia law in 2016 resulted in a more pronounced rejection of non-cisgender individuals, particularly trans women (Platt et al. 2018; Toomistu 2022). Consequently, trans women often face exclusion from their families and communities, as their identities are viewed as a source of shame for these groups.

This historical social reality is reflected in Ipuy’s character, a Muslim, as highlighted by her daughter, Cahaya, who wears a hijab. Ipuy’s dehumanization through sexual objectification and discrimination is reinforced by extralinguistic references, as described above. The stigma associated with being a sex worker, coupled with violations of religious norms, leads to transgender women like Ipuy being viewed as outcasts whose existence holds no value in the eyes of society.

Japan is an Asian nation classified as a first-world country and a member of the G7. However, of the G7 countries, Japan is the least progressive in addressing transgender issues. The Japanese term for transgender is “seidōitsuseishogai”, which translates to gender identity disorder. The presence of the word “shogai” suggests a focus on a disorder, but this does not equate to increased support from the government, such as access to facilities for people with other disabilities. Instead, this term emphasizes the notion of a disorder (Dale 2022; Shu 2021). Japan needs to reform its laws to meet First World standards. For instance, the requirement for a diagnosis of gender identity disorder and the necessity of sex reassignment surgery for legal gender recognition should be changed (Shu 2021). Although the Japanese legal system allows for changes in gender status, such changes are restricted to individuals diagnosed with gender identity disorder and are often influenced by family considerations. This further underscores that societal norms are defined by heterosexual standards, marginalizing those who seek to change their gender status (Hikita 2017).

Like the LGBTQ+ community in general, transgender people in Japan find it difficult to come out due to a social and cultural system that does not support equal rights for queer people. For example, there are no laws explicitly prohibiting discrimination against the LGBTQ+ community (Yoshida et al. 2022). Research conducted in the Okayama region indicates that over 50% of transgender respondents feel that their existence brings shame to their families (Zhou et al. 2021b). Furthermore, transgender women often experience adverse reactions from their fathers, which makes it even more difficult for them to come out. Ishii’s (2018) research on families with LGBTQ+ children shows that, compared to mothers, fathers tend to have a harder time accepting and supporting their children as they come out as LGBTQ+. This is due to the deeply rooted notion of masculinity in Japanese society. Men are expected to act as husbands, fathers, and breadwinners, which devalues MtF transgender individuals in society (Dasgupta 2005).

Kyodo News reported the results of a survey conducted by Professor Yasuharu Hidaka. The survey found that 38% of the 10,769 LGBTQ+ respondents in Japan had experienced sexual violence or harassment. Of the respondents, 69 transgender women, or 57%, confirmed that they had experienced such violence (38% of LGBT People in Japan Sexually Harassed or Assaulted: Survey, Kyodo News 2020). Additionally, according to data from the Tokyo Medical Examiner’s Office from 2009 to 2018, 42.9% of the 17,638 confirmed suicide victims were transgender (Sakai and Tanifuji 2021).

The extralinguistic references that point to the above socio-cultural reality reinforce the metaphorical expressions “trans women sexual objects” and “trans women as pariahs.” Ipuy and Nagisa are seen as outsiders, which leads to their dehumanization. The community’s rejection of trans women makes them easy targets for sexual objectification. The difference between the two films is that Ipuy’s rape seems more tragic than Nagisa’s. Moreover, the discriminatory treatment that demeans Ipuy’s existence as a transgender woman reflects society’s general attitude. Meanwhile, Nagisa is bullied by her family, reflecting the social reality that being transgender is considered a family shame. Her initial attempt to hide her gender identity from her mother demonstrates the dilemma of coming out as transgender.

Even though Lovely Man was released almost a decade after Midnight Swan, there has been little progress in Indonesian society regarding the rights of transgender and homosexual groups. Gender diversity is one of the diversity issues in Indonesia that has been slow to gain public support. Similar to Lovely Man, the 2018 film Memories of My Body faced strong public opposition due to its homosexual theme. As a result, the film was banned in 18 regions in Indonesia (Loematta and Rinawati 2021). In contrast, while Japan lags behind other G7 countries in terms of transgender rights, it is still more advanced than Indonesia. This progress is reflected in the availability of gender-neutral restrooms in several locations (Dale 2022). This reality can explain the tragic scenes that occurred in Ipuy.

Metaphorical expressions, the affirmation of “trans women as sexual objects” and “trans women as pariahs” in both films, are supported by extralinguistic references, as described above. These affirmations demonstrate that the expressions mentioned earlier function as interpretants with argument categories, as evidenced by the results of interpretation. These references also explain the differences in the portrayal of Ipuy’s and Nagisa’s tragedies.

5. Conclusions

Although Lovely Man and Midnight Swan are films from two different countries, their four shared metaphorical expressions prove the sociocultural similarities between Indonesia and Japan, both of which are located in Asia. There are four metaphorical expressions: (1) trans women as entertainers, (2) trans women as parents, (3) trans women as sexual objects, and (4) trans women as pariahs. These expressions became symbolic representations of trans women in the figures of Ipuy and Nagisa. They are validated through extralinguistic references as reflections of the sociocultural realities of Indonesian and Japanese societies. These four symbols of trans women are interpretants with argument categories. These categories are the result of interpreting cinematic expression movements from both films.

For trans women, both giving up the desire to be a woman and chasing the dream to become a woman physically can lead them to death. It shows how trans women always live under the shadow of death, whichever road they take. They might find hope, but only to see that it is as deadly as how society treats them. The ending that leads to death reflects the tragic lives of trans women in society. The similarities between the two films serve as a social critique of the issues facing trans women in Indonesia and Japan, who require greater attention to their human rights to exist within society. These films also confirm similarities in the social and cultural settings of Indonesia and Japan. Even though Japan often depicts homosexual and trans characters in its media, it remains centered on cis-normativity.

The differences between the two films reflect the socio-cultural backgrounds of the two countries, as well as the tragic scenes depicting the violence experienced by Ipuy. The differences identified based on extralinguistic references point to one fundamental difference: the socio-cultural reality in Indonesia is greatly influenced by religious dogma, particularly Islam, embraced by most of the population, while the secularism in Japan makes them act more liberal toward trans women compared to Indonesia.

These two films show how films can help voice the experiences of people at the margins of society and encourage the majority to broaden their view by learning from “others”, including the human beings in films. This not only empowers those at society’s margins but also every human being who wants to keep evolving, understanding more, and being humane. Without a determination to understand the “others” we do not know, many people and institutions may fail to acknowledge that all human beings have an equal right to live their lives. As more gender identities are recognized, new labels are sometimes prejudiced in cis-normative societies. This means that the shadow of deadly hopes persists in every corner of society for anyone struggling to find their place. Ultimately, hope should not mean “death.” Instead, hope is supposed to give life to those who need it.