1. Introduction
The representation of women among doctorates in science, technology, engineering and mathematical (STEM) fields has grown significantly over the past decades [
1] but the underrepresentation of women in the STEM labor force persists [
2]. Women with STEM doctorates are less likely than men to work in STEM occupations, and those who do are less likely to be employed in the most prestigious and well-paid positions in academia, government, business and industry [
3,
4]. The observed gender inequalities in the STEM labor force are generated by myriad influences and sorting processes operating continuously throughout the life course [
3], but recent evidence points to the critical and long-term impacts of the immediate post-degree transitions. For example, a primary cause of the continued underrepresentation of women among recent cohorts of research university faculty is that women may be less likely than men to apply for faculty positions [
4,
5]. Identifying the extent, character and causes of gender differences in early employment transitions is therefore central to understanding gender differences in the STEM labor force and developing policies that support the optimal and equitable development of STEM talent.
In this paper, I present a detailed analysis of the immediate post-degree transitions of doctorates in STEM fields, using data from nine cohorts of doctorates from the 1995–2013 waves of the
Survey of Doctorate Recipients (SDR). I focus on the transition to the labor market within two years of Ph.D. completion and examine gender differences in multiple employment outcomes that capture the full range of post-degree labor market experiences that may impact career development. This analysis is motivated by 4 research questions:
Are there gender differences in the immediate post-degree labor market outcomes of STEM doctorates?
Which labor market outcomes have the greatest gender disparities?
Have the observed gender disparities changed over time?
Do the gender differences in labor market outcomes vary by STEM field, and are they associated with the doctorates’ family characteristics?
This analysis is largely descriptive in that I identify where the labor market experiences of women and men differ and if those differences are correlated with a set of variables measuring the family characteristics of the STEM doctorates. By disaggregating the transition to the labor market and examining gender differences across multiple aspects of early employment, I provide a more nuanced assessment of the degree to which women are less likely to utilize their educational investments and to leave the STEM labor force. I focus on assessing the influence of family characteristics on gender differences in employment outcomes because prior research identifies parenthood and other family characteristics, e.g., dual-earner couple status, as having particularly negative effects on women’s employment outcomes in the STEM fields. The demands of childbearing and of caring for young children appear to have a particularly negative influence on the likelihood that women will stay in STEM fields and attain career success on a par with their male colleagues [
3,
6,
7]. Research has also identified employer behaviors, such as unconscious bias against women in general [
8,
9,
10], and against mothers in particular [
11], along with structural and cultural aspects of STEM workplaces [
12] that operate on the demand-side to inhibit the career progress of women.
This study is designed to address four empirical limitations of prior research. First, analyses of gender differences in STEM tend to focus on single employment outcomes and to collapse all alternatives into a single comparison category. Such simplistic operationalizations of the transition process can identify neither the relative probability of competing employment outcomes nor the correlates of those outcomes. The employment outcome that has received the most attention is the attainment of a tenure-track job, and the focal question is: why are women
not attaining/choosing academic jobs? Analyses addressing this question often use a dichotomous classification of employment outcomes, academic vs. non-academic positions, which obscures the heterogeneity among the alternatives to academic employment. When a clearly-defined outcome is contrasted with a heterogeneous aggregation of “other” outcomes, only the characteristics of the focal employment outcome and the influence of correlates associated with its achievement can be measured with accuracy. Studies that employ this strategy cannot adequately address why women choose non-academic jobs, what characteristics of non-academic jobs they attain, and how they fare in those jobs relative to men. Studies that focus on the academia-vs.-other dichotomy also reify the assumptions that employment in academia is the most desirable outcome and that other types of employment represent a “loss” at both the individual and institutional levels—individual women disproportionately “lose” in the competition for academic employment and the science pipeline “loses” women disproportionately. This assumption is further bolstered by a tendency for the research to focus on factors that might “push” women out of academia (e.g., chilly climate, incompatibility of academia with family formation, etc.) [
13,
14,
15] and to neglect positive aspects of non-academic employment options that might “pull” women to other sectors of STEM employment.
Second, the study of differences in employment outcomes tends to ignore the dynamic and contingent nature of career development. Despite the universal adoption of the “pipeline” characterization of the science career trajectory, the study of gender differences in STEM is segmented into literatures that focus on distinct career stages but rarely examine the transitions between those stages [
3]. The contingent nature of the successive stages of the career trajectory is acknowledged but not often incorporated into analyses. Research commonly compares the representation of women at prior stages in the trajectory to their representation at a subsequent stage without attending to the intervening transitions that condition the likelihood of the focal outcome. Yet inattention to intervening transitions may produce biased estimates of gender differences and misidentification of their causes. It is common, for example to compare the percent female among tenured faculty with the percent female among doctorates to assess the size of the gender gap in the tenure rates. The appropriate denominator for the calculation of gender differences in the tenure rate is a much-debated topic that hinges on the degree to which the transitions that intervene between degree attainment and achievement of tenure are acknowledged. Estimated gender differences in the rate of tenure attainment will vary from large to non-existent depending upon whether the denominator of the rate is all doctorates, doctorates who enter the labor force, doctorates who apply for tenure-track positions, or just the doctorates who attain a tenure-track position. Analyses of career outcomes that ignore the nested or conditioning effect of intervening transitions are unlikely to accurately represent the career-building process and, therefore, to identify the component processes that generate gender-specific outcomes.
Third, extant research has tended to ignore the heterogeneity within science fields and across the labor market for doctorate-level scientists and engineers. The distribution of doctorates across the STEM fields is significantly segregated by gender and since post-doctorate career pathways are also field-specific, gender segregation will yield significant aggregate-level gender differences in employment patterns. However, there is ample evidence of significant gender differences in academic employment, rates of promotion to tenure, salary and other employment outcomes among doctorates in the same field [
16,
17,
18]. These within-field gender differences in the career paths of doctoral scientists may be driven by influences that are unique to specific STEM fields. Analyses that aggregate science fields therefore risk obscuring or misrepresenting the magnitude of the gender differences that exist, and attributing gender differences in educational and occupational experiences in blanket fashion when they apply in only specific fields.
Fourth, prior research has measured “persistence in STEM” in a narrow way that may underestimate the degree to which women apply their STEM education in the labor market. Attaining a tenure-track faculty position at a research-intensive university is often characterized as the ideal labor market application of a STEM doctorate because such employment fully utilizes the educational capital the STEM Ph.D. represents. Other types of employment vary in the degree to which they utilize doctoral-level training in a STEM field and are part of “the STEM pipeline.” Some jobs will rival the research university faculty position in their demand for specialized knowledge and skills, some will demand only some of the specialized training gained in the pursuit of a STEM doctorate, while the performance of others will demand none of that training. Identifying the degree to which the STEM doctorate is utilized in various occupational outcomes is therefore at the heart of our ability to reliably identify gender differences in the utilization of STEM education and participation in the science labor market. Prior research on gender differences in the “science pipeline,” has relied on a researcher-imposed operationalization of educational utilization [
3], by which researchers classify a set of occupations as those that comprise the STEM labor market, and employment in one of these occupations is defined as the utilization of STEM education. I propose and apply a more data-driven approach to identifying STEM-related employment for the analysis presented in this paper. See
Appendix B for a discussion of the approach and
Section 2.1.2 for a description of how it is applied in this study.
To address the limitations of prior research, I consider post-doctorate labor market entry as a set of contingent transitions that result in employment in a range of academic and non-academic settings.
Figure 1 presents the conceptualization of the post-doctorate transition to the labor market that guides this analysis. I analyze gender differences in four nested employment outcomes and in the salary the doctorates earn 2 years after completing their degrees. The conditional nature of the labor market outcomes is reflected in the analytical design in that preceding states define the population at risk of subsequent outcomes.
Among the full population of STEM doctorates, all possible employment outcomes depend on whether a doctorate enters the labor market. Doctorates who enter the labor market and gain employment
1 may work full or part time, and since part-time jobs are not equally distributed across the labor market, the degree of labor force attachment has implications for the types of jobs doctorates may attain. Gender differences in part-time employment may therefore help explain other disparities in STEM labor force outcomes. Among full-time workers, STEM doctorates may enter a broad range of occupations which I classify as belonging to five discrete employment sectors: (1) postdoctoral positions; (2) tenure-track faculty positions in postsecondary educational institutions; (3)
non-tenure-track faculty positions in postsecondary educational institutions; (4) other academic positions, including those in elementary and secondary school, and government positions; and (5) positions in business or industry. Although each of these categories offers opportunities to utilize the educational investments that the STEM doctorates have made by doing work that is related to their doctoral field and training, there is significant between-category variation in the types of jobs they offer. The five categories also differ in the degree to which they capture a homogeneous set of jobs: the first and second categories are the most homogeneous, whereas the “other academic or government” and “business or industry” sectors are quite heterogeneous. I therefore distinguish different types of employment outcomes within each of these sectors. In light of the persistent underrepresentation of women among the faculties at research-intensive universities (those classified as R1 and R2 doctoral-granting institutions on the Carnegie Classification), and because the attainment of a postdoctoral position, especially at a research-intensive university, has become a necessary prerequisite a faculty position [
19,
20], I assess the likelihood of attaining employment at such institutions among the STEM doctorates who enter postdoctoral positions and tenure-track faculty positions. For doctorates entering the other three employment sectors, I examine the likelihood that they attain jobs where their educational investment is utilized—indicated by the degree to which the job requires a Ph.D., is closely related to their degree field, and research is a primary job activity. I also assess the degree to which the transition into these employment sectors is marked by gendered sorting by testing the association between the doctorates’ gender and the gender-type of the occupations they enter, as measured by the percentage of females among incumbents.
The relationships between the employment outcomes specified in
Figure 1 are more complex and recursive than depicted, but modeling the transition to the labor market as a discrete set of steps has a number of advantages. First, it reflects the contingent nature of the transition to the labor force by identifying the successively selective segments of the population of doctorates at risk of each type of outcome. Second, this approach to defining the population at risk of each outcome yields relatively conservative estimates of the gender gaps that characterize each and allows identification of where the gender gaps are greatest. Third, by considering both academic and non-academic employment outcomes, as well as those that are related and unrelated to doctoral degrees in STEM fields, this approach provides a more complete assessment of the career paths followed by STEM doctorates. It therefore can test the perception that women are disproportionately “lost” from science, and achieve a more nuanced assessment of how STEM doctorates utilize their educational investments.
I note that the conceptualization presented in
Figure 1 includes two outcomes that are characterized as terminal (indicated by red arrows): the transition out of the labor force and part-time employment. These transitions do not, in fact, preclude full labor market participation but gaps in labor force participation and full employment do impact job placement, promotion rates and earnings trajectories [
21]. However, I bracket such questions about gender differences in the experience and impact of these labor market states from this analysis.
4. Discussion
This analysis provides some insight into the gender disparities that characterize the transition of STEM doctorates to the labor market and that may affect their subsequent career trajectories. The time frame of this analysis is narrow—the 2 years following the doctorate’s degree attainment—so the parities and disparities identified are not necessarily representative of later career outcomes since they have yet to be affected by any significant exposure to labor market influences. They are consequential, however, since early career transitions and achievements may at least condition, if not determine, subsequent opportunities and outcomes.
Among the nine cohorts of STEM doctorates who earned their degrees between 1995 and 2013, I find that women are less likely than men to enter the labor force and work full-time, and that these disparities are consistent across STEM fields and have changed only slightly across the cohorts. I also find significant gender differences in the types of employment attained by STEM doctorates and some of these results contradict long-held perceptions of gender disparities in the STEM labor market. The results indicate that among the early cohorts of doctorates, women were more likely than men to enter postdoctoral positions but that the gender gap declined and then reversed so that men are now overrepresented among the doctorates entering postdoctoral positions. The gender gap in entry into postdoctoral positions varies by STEM field so the stark aggregate trend may reflect field-specific changes in the availability and career necessity of postdocs, as much as it may reflect changes in the behavior of men and women: while postdoctoral positions have long been a normative part of the career trajectory in the female-dominated biological sciences, over time they are increasingly available and a required precursor to faculty positions in the male dominate STEM fields.
In contrast to prior studies, I find that women are more likely than men to enter tenure-track faculty positions within two years of completing their doctorate and that they are as likely as men to obtain these positions at research-intensive universities. I also find that the overrepresentation of women among doctorates who attain non-tenure-track academic positions emerged only among the most recent cohorts, when the availability of such positions increased significantly. The discrepancy between the results reported here and the existing literature may be attributed to differences in research design, and they thereby highlight the need for carefully constructed analyses. This study explicitly parses gender disparities in labor force participation and attachment from employment outcomes whereas prior analyses often conflate these, and thereby overestimate the gender gap in attainment of faculty positions, by simply comparing the representation of women among tenure-track assistant professors to that among recent cohorts of doctorates without additional controls. Furthermore, by focusing on a narrow post-degree period, the results of this analysis likely understate the gender differences that ultimately develop among each cohort of doctorates, but they more accurately indicate that those disparities develop at later points in the career trajectory. These points underscore the necessity of disaggregating employment transitions to the most detailed level possible to accurately identify the processes that drive gender differences in career trajectories. By looking at narrow slices of the career trajectories and explicitly examining how they are connected, we can more accurately identify where the disparities are occurring, what are their causes, and we therefore will be better able to develop policies that will generate greater gender equity in STEM career development.
By using an inclusive conceptualization of employment outcomes that includes and attempts to disaggregate non-academic career tracks, this analysis provides a more comprehensive and nuanced picture of gender differences in the career paths of STEM doctorates and in the likelihood they will “leave” science. The results show that women are less likely than men to gain employment in business and industry and that this gender disparity is greatest among doctorates in engineering and the mathematical and computer sciences, but that it may have declined over time. Among the doctorates who enter business or industry, the alternative approach to identifying who “stays in the pipeline” developed for this analysis shows that women are more likely than men to enter jobs that require a doctorate, and they are at least as likely as men to enter occupations that are related to their degree field. However, I also find that women in all fields, except the biological sciences, are significantly less likely than men to enter research-oriented jobs. Therefore, women may persist in STEM but are “lost” from research jobs. The gender-specific patterns of education-occupation matching identified in this analysis reflect processes of gender sorting across a range of occupational characteristics that has been under-appreciated and warrant further investigation. A more well-known pattern that this analysis clearly identifies as a persistent influence on the occupational attainment of doctorates, is occupational segregation by sex. In addition, while the results of this analysis suggest that the extent to which STEM doctorates enter gender-segregated occupations has declined over time, it remains significant among the most recent cohorts and in all STEM fields except the biological sciences.
The results of this analysis echo the refrain of the growing body of the gender and work literature: family structure has a negative impact on the employment outcomes of women in the STEM fields. However, this study joins the chorus in a limited way: I find that the presence of children and the gendered impact of being in a dual-earner couple are strong negative influences on the early employment outcomes of women, but only because they disproportionately inhibit their labor market entry and full-time labor force attachment. Gender differences in other dimensions of the transition into the labor market are not influenced as strongly by marital or parental status, nor is there evidence that the female-specific influence of the presence of young children or a working spouse are driving either the differential sorting of men and women across employment sectors and occupations, or the significant gender gap in earnings.
Overall, these results indicate that there has been some progress toward gender equity at the earliest stages of the career trajectories of STEM doctorates but that this progress is slow and variable across STEM fields. In general, the greatest gender gaps remain in those fields where women’s representation continues to lag, but disparities in outcomes persist even when gender parity in representation is approached. Further analysis of the labor market processes and outcomes that follow the initial transitions investigated here should assess if similar progress toward equity is being attained and how the gender disparities vary by race/ethnicity and other social identities. The experiences of STEM doctorates who enter jobs in business and industry is an area that is particularly in need of both data collection and analysis. Although an increasing number of STEM doctorates enter business and industry, there are few data sources that can adequately inform our understanding of their labor market experiences and outcomes, or the forces that influence the significant gender disparities in that sector which this analysis identified.