What Are Women Sources Seeking from Interactions with Journalists? Insights to Address the Gender News Gap

Abstract

News coverage provides an influential platform for sharing and amplifying women’s perspectives and expertise, yet women remain significantly underrepresented as sources in the news. Despite increasing awareness of the gender imbalance in news, progress has been minimal. While quantitative research has documented the dominance of male voices, there is limited understanding of the factors that may encourage or deter women from engaging with the media. The study outlined here addresses this gap by analysing qualitative survey responses from 157 Australian women experts and spokespeople. Guided by the research question, “What are women sources seeking from their initial interactions with journalists?”, this research highlights the importance of journalists’ communication in addressing women’s reservations about media engagement. By centering women’s perspectives, this study offers practical recommendations to promote gender equity in news coverage and enhance the diversity of voices represented.

1. Introduction

News media coverage provides an influential platform for the views and expertise of the people it includes. News coverage can set the public agenda and shape public opinion. As Franklin and Carlson (2010, p. 2) observe, those quoted in news stories, referred to as news sources, “have the power to define the world”. Recognising this, a growing body of research has considered who is given the opportunity to have a voice in the news. After early studies revealed a significant over-representation of men in news content (Cann and Mohr 2001; Zoch and Turk 1998), this field of inquiry has expanded to consider women’s inclusion in the news in locations around the world. The resulting literature has consistently found that the news media amplifies men’s perspectives and experiences. Men comprise about 75 per cent of the people quoted in news coverage. They dominate certain prominent areas such as politics, business and sport (Global Media Monitoring Project 2021; Price and Payne 2019; Cukier et al. 2019).

After pooling results from three key datasets—the Global Media Monitoring Project, the Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media and the Advancing Gender Equality in Decision-making in Media Organisations, Djerf-Pierre and Edstrom (2020, p. 32) concluded, “The combined analyses across countries and over time reveal a persistent global gender gap in the representation of women in the news media. Women are, to various degrees, marginalised in news content in almost every country in the world.” The implications of this gender imbalance are profound. As the authors of the Global Media Monitoring Project (2025, p. 11) Highlights of Findings argue, “Gender equality in the media is an issue of national security, economic stability and democracy.” News attention signals to the wider community what issues are important and confers authority to those chosen to contribute their views (Ross 2007). If women are not given the same opportunities as men in this public sphere, their experiences and expertise will not be adequately heard and considered. Conversely, news coverage of women as contributors and leaders is a crucial component for role modelling to young women (Campbell and Wolbrecht 2006).

In their gatekeeping roles, journalists and editors exert power through the selection of sources. These selections often reinforce gendered expectations about who has the authority and credibility to be quoted in the news. Journalists tend to seek out men, particularly white men, and privilege their perspectives and experiences. Journalists’ interactions with women sources, particularly inexperienced women sources, are often characterised by a power imbalance. As Berkowitiz (2009, p. 11) argues, “not all sources are equal in their relationship with reporters, with women and minorities tending to have the weaker position”.

The under-representation of women in the news may be attributed, in part, to societal gender biases that the media inadvertently reflects and reinforces. It is also likely a result of media practices and routines, such as the need to secure interviews within tight deadlines, and male-dominated editorial leadership and decision-making (Beckers et al. 2024). The issue is compounded by societal expectations about how women should behave and structural barriers such as recruitment and promotion bias.

In this article, the attention shifts from news content and representation to the experiences and attitudes of women sources. It provides a qualitative analysis of survey responses from 157 Australian women experts and spokespeople. The analysis was guided by the following research question: What are women sources seeking from their initial interactions with journalists? The initial interaction between a journalist and a source can determine the outcome of the interview request (Shine 2022; Worth et al. 2018). If journalists are better informed about what women sources are seeking from that experience, they could improve their chances of securing an interview and expand the perspectives represented in their reporting.

While previous research has considered the news media’s inclusion and portrayal of prominent women such as politicians and elite sportspeople, this article instead focuses on women experts and spokespeople. Although women in these roles have the potential for regular media engagement, they remain under-represented in news content (Cukier et al. 2019; Global Media Monitoring Project 2025; Vernal-Vilicic and Reyes-Betanzo 2024). In line with the aim of this special issue, it provides a solutions-focused response to the news gender imbalance by centering the perspectives and experiences of women.

2. Literature Review

Quantitative studies from around the world confirm the dominance of male voices in news media. The largest and longest-running of these, the Global Media Monitoring Project, has analysed gender in news coverage from more than 100 countries every five years since 1995. The most recent monitoring project, conducted in May 2025, examined radio, television, newspaper and online news from 160 countries (Global Media Monitoring Project 2025). It found that women made up just 26% of sources in news coverage from around the world. News about politics and government dominated the sample, comprising 26 per cent of the overall coverage. Within that topic, women comprised 22 per cent of sources quoted. Notably, when women were included, their contributions were most often limited to personal experience or opinion, with only 23% cited as experts or spokespeople. The report’s authors observed that after a period of gradual improvement, progress towards gender parity has stalled since 2010, highlighting the urgent need for renewed efforts to address this persistent imbalance.

The key strength of the Global Media Monitoring Project is the breadth of its reach. It has been described as “truly global in scope and not dominated by countries from the Global North” (Djerf-Pierre and Edstrom 2020, p. 24). It provides a gender breakdown of news by region. In 2020, the overall presence of women in news was 22% in Africa, 21% in Asia, 27% in the Caribbean, 28% in Europe, 26% in Latin America, 17% in the Middle East, 33% in North America and 31% in the Pacific region.

Another comprehensive, multi-country review (Kassova 2020) considered gender and sourcing in news coverage from India, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, the United States and the United Kingdom. The proportion of women quoted in the 2019 news coverage varied from 29 per cent in the UK to 14 per cent in India. The research also considered gender diversity in newsrooms. Despite increases in the numbers of women studying journalism and becoming reporters, it concluded most positions of news leadership were held by men, and that the news contemporary journalists produce was “overwhelmingly about men” (Kassova 2020, p. 63). When women were included, they were more likely to provide personal experience, popular opinion or eyewitness accounts than to be included as experts, protagonists or spokespeople.

Similar findings emerged from a study of mainstream online news coverage from 2019 published in the United States, Sweden and Egypt (Mostafa Taha and Fahmy 2023). Women were mostly relied upon to provide personal experience in coverage from all three countries. The Swedish news coverage recorded the highest proportion of women sources (33%) compared to the United States (27%) and Egypt (18%).

These global findings are reflected in regional and national studies in locations such as Belgium (Beckers et al. 2024), Chile (Vernal-Vilicic and Reyes-Betanzo 2024), Portugal (Araújo et al. 2022), Australia (Price and Payne 2019), the UK and Ireland (Wheatley et al. 2025), the United States (Shor et al. 2015) and Canada (Cukier et al. 2019). While the proportion of women sources has been found to vary and some improvement has been charted, the research has consistently confirmed the marginalisation of women in news coverage. Much of this has been quantitative research, with some exceptions, including a recent qualitative study of women as contributors to commercial radio programs in Ghana. While recording the under-representation of women, the authors also noted that when women were included in radio programs, their involvement “influenced the focus and direction of discourse” (Adjin-Tettey et al. 2025, p. 80).

To date, the literature has focused on mainstream news coverage in major media outlets. There has been little research about how women are included and portrayed in alternative or minority news sources. The limited research suggests that alternative media may be a more inclusive space for women’s expertise and perspectives (Beazer et al. 2023; Shine 2021).

2.1. Women as Experts in the News

While related research has examined the portrayal and experiences of women journalists and public figures, this study specifically considers women experts and spokespeople. This distinction is significant, as the presence of women in these roles shapes public perceptions of expertise and authority. Most research in this area has highlighted the persistent over-representation of men as expert sources, a trend identified by the Global Media Monitoring Project (2021) and consistently reaffirmed in subsequent studies.

In one of the first comprehensive studies to examine gender and expertise, Niemi and Pitkänen (2016) analysed news material from television and print media, interviewed journalists and editors, and surveyed social scientists from three universities. The location of Finland was considered appropriate because it was a progressive Nordic country, known for its commitment to gender equality. Despite this, and the fact that men and women were represented equally among lecturers and researchers, men accounted for 72 per cent of expert sources quoted. Journalists perceived the ‘best’ experts to be those who were well known and had appeared in the media before, and these tended to be men (p. 364).

In Britain, Howell and Singer (2017) examined television and radio news and surveyed and interviewed broadcast journalists. Most of the reporters (33 of 40 surveyed) said they actively tried to include women as expert sources. However, a review of 161 radio and television newscasts found that male experts outnumbered females by a ratio of four to one. There was a perception among some journalists that women sources were more difficult to persuade to interview than their male counterparts.

Other scholars have specifically examined women as experts in the coverage of COVID-19. As women experts are generally quoted more on health issues than on politics and business, some researchers hypothesised that reporting on the virus would include a higher proportion of women as experts. However, that was not the case. An analysis of more than 1000 reports in three major Chilean news outlets found that men comprised 69.7 per cent of expert sources compared to 30.2 per cent of women (Vernal-Vilicic and Reyes-Betanzo 2024). In Portugal, the proportion of women as sources in COVID-19 coverage from two daily newspapers was even lower, at 18 per cent (Araújo et al. 2022).

When investigating the presence of women experts in Canadian television public affairs programs, Cukier et al. (2019) catalogued the racialised minority state of the 737 sources. White men accounted for 68 per cent of appearances and white women 18 per cent. Racialised minority men comprised just 7.5 per cent of the experts and racialised minority women made up 4.1 per cent. The situation was “particularly acute across certain topic areas, such as business and politics, which continue to be the domain of white men” (Cukier et al. 2019, p. 36).

Within mainstream news, certain groups of women are particularly voiceless, according to the Global Media Monitoring Project. These include women of colour, women with disabilities and older women. The GMMP is one of the few studies to explicitly address the impact of intersectionality in this space while noting the limitations of its data reporting method to adequately capture this (Global Media Monitoring Project 2021).

2.2. Women Sources’ Perspectives

A smaller body of research has sought to canvass women’s attitudes about, and experiences of, engaging with the news media. Generally, such research has found that women recognise the value of sharing and promoting their views and expertise through the news (Doyle and Howard 2024; Shine 2022). After interviewing 25 Australian female academic experts, Shine (2022) concluded that a high proportion of the women were strongly motivated to engage with the media by a sense of obligation to share their research or work publicly and contribute to the community. Other researchers made similar findings after surveying and/or interviewing women experts in Canada (Worth et al. 2018) and Ireland (Doyle and Howard 2024). They also reported that their respondents wanted to provide media role models to other women.

In Australia (Shine 2022; Shine et al. 2024) and Finland (Niemi and Pitkänen 2016), researchers found a high degree of willingness to be interviewed among the experts and spokespeople studied, with men and women participants reporting equal willingness. Most women characterised their experience of giving news interviews as generally positive (Shine 2022; Shine et al. 2024).

At the same time, research has consistently found that women sources may be reticent about appearing in the news (Doyle and Howard 2024; Howell and Singer 2017; Shine 2022). All 31 British women experts surveyed by Howell and Singer (2017) expressed a general willingness to give interviews, yet many were hesitant to put themselves or their qualifications forward. This wariness stems from several factors including a perceived lack of specific expertise. In a recent study of Irish economists, the number one reason women experts gave for declining a media request was lack of knowledge of the topic (Doyle and Howard 2024). In a survey study of 220 Australian media experts and spokespeople, a perceived lack of specific expertise was more likely deter women than men from engaging with the media (Shine et al. 2024).

Another factor to emerge throughout the literature was a lack of time. Irish female economists cited competing pressures on their time as their second most common reason for declining an interview request (Doyle and Howard 2024). Worth et al. (2018), who surveyed Canadian women experts, emphasised that while women were eager to share their insights, time constraints were a significant issue. Similarly, many Australian female academics said they struggled to fit media engagement into their busy work lives (Shine 2022).

Across studies and locations, women regularly stated that a lack of confidence may deter them from giving news interviews (Howell and Singer 2017; Doyle and Howard 2024). In research that compared men and women, women were more likely to report a lack of confidence (Doyle and Howard 2024; Shine et al. 2024). In the Australian survey study of 220 media experts and spokespeople, only five per cent of women surveyed described themselves as very confident, compared to 20 per cent of men. Women were also more likely to describe themselves as highly nervous (Shine et al. 2024).

Doyle and Howard (2024) proposed various theories as to why female experts may be less likely to engage with the media than their male colleagues, explaining that they were held to a higher standard and their credibility was more likely to be questioned. Academic papers submitted by female authors spend more time under review (Hengel 2022) and female academics routinely receive lower teacher evaluations than male teachers (Mengel et al. 2019). As a result of these kinds of discrimination, women experts may be wary about appearing in the media and risking criticism and backlash.

With few exceptions (Shine 2022; Worth et al. 2018), the research outlined above has been based on quantitative studies. Shine’s (2022) is particularly relevant here as it involved semi-structured individual interviews with 25 female academics. All but one of the women experts were willing to give news interviews, but many expressed reservations about doing so. Sometimes this reticence was related to concerns about being harshly judged or seen as self-promoting. Women experts also noted that news media portrayals of women were often critical or unflattering. As one senior academic said: “I think that we are more wary (than men), but in part, I think that’s just because we’re smart. Have a look at the way women are often portrayed in the media, particularly in Australia. I doubt it’s unreasonable for women to be quite wary.” Concerns about negative evaluations of appearance, particularly regarding television interviews, were frequently expressed. The women experts also reported apprehension about being misquoted or misrepresented, a lack of understanding of the interview process and journalists’ expectations, media inexperience, and distrust of journalists or certain media outlets (Shine 2022). They were conscious of the need to be accurate when discussing their research and work in a public arena and were not sure that journalists understood the potential reputational impact of being misquoted or mispresented. They felt that they lacked power in their interactions with journalists and wanted to be able to exert some control. Shine outlined recommendations for journalists to address the concerns raised by the women academics, including strategies to make them feel more confident about the interview process. She argued that the initial approach by a journalist to an expert source played a critical role in the outcome of the interview request (Shine 2022).

3. Materials and Methods

The survey took place in August and September 2022 and was open to all Australian adults (18 years or older) who had the potential to do news media interviews in a professional capacity, even if they had limited experience. There were no other constraints on participation. Graphics were created to share on social media platforms such as Twitter (now X) and Instagram. The text read, ‘Do you give media interviews as part of your job?’ Or do you have the potential to do so? Researchers want to hear from you.’ The survey was promoted and shared through industry networks, including via the Australian Broadcasting Authority’s expert source database, and through professional associations such as the Women’s Leadership Institute Australia and advocacy organisations, including Media Diversity Australia. Hence, certain groups, such as expert and professional women, were targeted in recruitment.

Through an online survey created with Qualtrics software, participants were asked about their attitudes towards giving news interviews and their interactions with journalists and the media. The survey produced both quantitative and qualitative data. The analysis below focuses on qualitative data produced in response to open-ended questions and was guided by the following research question: What are women sources seeking from their initial interactions with journalists?

Participants were primarily recruited via social media platforms, such as Twitter (now X) and Instagram. Individuals were encouraged to share the link to the survey. The intention was to survey a range of people to gather data from a range of experience levels. This study was approved by the Curtin University Human Research Ethics Committee, approval number HRE2022-0371. All participants received information about the research project and provided written consent before completing the survey. Participation in the survey was voluntary, and participants were able to withdraw at any time. All responses were anonymous.

3.1. Participants

The sample consisted of 220 respondents. While gender was recorded in an inclusive way that included options outside of the gender binary, the number of individuals who identified outside the binary was very small (N = 2). This paper focuses on qualitative responses from the 157 survey participants who identified as women. Most of the women respondents were born in Australia (N = 114). The other main nationalities recorded were British (N = 10), American (N = 5), Canadian (N = 2), Malaysian (N = 2), Indian (N = 2) and Singaporean (N = 2). Five women respondents identified as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander.

Most participants (86%) had a bachelor’s degree or higher, with 28% having a Doctoral degree. They worked in a range of sectors, including private (28%), university (25%), non-government organisations (19%) and the public sector (13%). When asked to nominate their area of expertise, the most common responses were economics, communications, law, media, politics, and education.

Respondents had spent an average of 15 years in their field. All but four had completed at least one news interview. About one quarter (26%) of respondents had completed less than 10 interviews. A similar proportion (24%) had completed 40 or more interviews. More than two-thirds (68%) of participants reported that their overall experience of giving news interviews had been positive, whereas 18% reported a negative overall experience. A high proportion of the women (79%) indicated that they were willing to give news interviews.

3.2. Analysis

An inductive interpretivist approach to thematic analysis was employed to identify themes and sub-themes from the qualitative data gathered in response to open-ended questions. Thematic analysis “involves the searching across a dataset—be that a number of interviews or focus groups, or a range of texts—to find repeated patterns of meaning” (Braun and Clarke 2006, p. 86). This process involves six phases of analysis: (1) familiarising yourself with the data, (2) generating initial codes, (3) searching for themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining and naming themes, and (6) producing the report. Braun and Clarke (2006) argue that the researcher must immerse themselves in the data. This was achieved through repeated re-reading of survey responses while searching for meaning and patterns. Ideas and potential coding schemes were recorded throughout the process. The coding process led to the identification of potential themes and gathering of relevant data. Ongoing analysis allowed for specific themes to be identified and refined. To enhance the rigor of the process, the final stage involved selecting compelling quotes to support and explain the themes. All coding and analysis were undertaken by the author.

Since developing their thematic analysis approach in 2006, Braun and Clarke have refined it and renamed it reflexive thematic analysis to distinguish it from other approaches. Reflexive thematic analysis approaches, they say, “embrace researcher subjectivity” (Braun and Clarke 2023, p. 2) and reject positivist notions of researcher bias.

Themes are creative and interpretive stories about the data produced at the intersection of the researcher’s theoretical assumptions, their analytic resources and skill, and the data themselves. Quality reflective TA is not about following procedures ‘correctly’ (or about ‘accurate or ‘reliable coding’ or achieving consensus between coders) but about the researcher’s reflective and thoughtful engagement with their data and their reflective and thoughtful engagement with the analytic process.

(Braun and Clarke 2019, p. 594)

Themes are generated through the process of coding. They do not passively emerge from the data, and they are not “in the data” to be identified by the researcher.

4. Results

Guided by the research question, the analysis of qualitative responses from women survey participants identified four key themes: Clarity, Courtesy, Organisation and Objectivity. There is some overlap between these and various sub-themes within each. These are outlined below, with supporting quotes from the data where respondents provide advice to journalists about the initial interaction. The sector in which the respondent worked is also included for additional context.

4.1. Clarity

Clarity emerged as the most important factor for women sources. Respondents consistently emphasised the need for journalists to clearly communicate the purpose and scope of the interview from the outset. This transparency enables sources to assess their suitability for the story and anticipate the topics they may be asked to discuss.

“Make their request relate to my specific research or expertise. Why approach me? How does my work relate to the media request?”

(University)

Many respondents expressed a preference for receiving interview questions in advance, allowing them to determine their relevance to the story and prepare:

“Provide questions in advance or a sense of the areas to explore. Sometimes I’m asked to comment on issues with little context of the topic and it’s hard to know if I’m the right expert to take on the interview.”

(Non-government organisation)

“I’d love if they sent me the questions beforehand so I can more accurately prepare.”

(University)

Further to this information about the nature of the story, women sources wanted clarity around the logistics of the interview. What was the deadline? When did it need to happen? Where would it happen? What sort of time commitment would be required? What format would it be and would it involve technology? If yes, some guidance around the technology would be appreciated. As one respondent from the private sector said, “Explain technology, for example, ‘if you make a mistake, just pause and start your answer again’.”

The more clarity about the nature of the interview/ story, expectations and commitment required from the outset, the better. One advantage of having this information up front was that it reduced “back and forth” between the source and the journalist, one respondent from the private sector said. In some cases, respondents had a list of very clear instructions for journalists approaching them with an interview request:

“State up front their list of questions, the framing of their piece, their ask in terms of time, their time zone and availability, preferred communication channels, deadlines, whether this is for a backgrounder or research or quotes for a piece.

(University)

While most of the participants expressed a strong preference to deal with journalists who provided ample direction and information about the interview, a few were confident enough in their media engagement to proceed regardless of the level of detail provided. One respondent from the private sector had this advice for journalists: “Ask me in the first place. Just reach out!” Generally, though, the women sources were seeking a high degree of clarity about what the interview may entail to provide the reassurance they needed.

4.2. Courtesy

Courtesy was defined by respondents as a combination of professionalism, respect, enthusiasm, interest and flexibility. Some participants simply wanted journalists to “be friendly” (private sector), or, as another private sector worker said, “Smile, be welcoming, kind and honest.” Others specified that they preferred a polite, professional approach. Professionalism was considered to foster trust.

“Introduce themselves (if I don’t already know them) and their media outlet. Don’t send a brusque, short email—I don’t mean to send a long one, but more than one line would be appreciated.”

(University)

A willingness to be flexible around the timing of the interview was appreciated and was an important factor in the success of the interview request. Different time zones and commitments such as childcare were reported as issues that may affect participants’ abilities to agree to an interview without some flexibility offered.

“Provide flexibility about how/when to conduct the interview and/or clear timelines (childcare and time is often a barrier).”

(Private sector)

Another component of courtesy was respect. The responses indicated a respectful journalist was polite, considerate, appreciative of a source’s time and expertise, and genuinely interested in them.

Some respondents described interactions with journalists who were rude, pushy, aggressive, disinterested and/or disorganised. However, negative experiences were not the norm. Most described their experiences as generally positive. A few said their interactions with journalists had been uniformly positive. One respondent from the private sector said, “It has been a wonderful experience so far!” Others spoke of the enjoyment and satisfaction they received from promoting their work or cause through the media and their desire to see more women engage with the media.

“Overall, I’ve had a really positive experience with news media, which is not something I would have expected as someone who is actually quite shy and introverted… I hope this research results in some information and resources that might help my colleagues feel more confident about engaging with the media about their research and expertise.”

(University sector)

4.3. Organisation

Organisation was closely linked to professionalism and trust. Respondents appreciated advance notice for interviews, which signaled that the journalist was well-prepared and considerate of their time. Sudden or last-minute requests were described as “confronting” and did not allow adequate preparation.

“Be organised. Often, they want someone to come on and speak on a topic that day or the next day which doesn’t give time to prepare or for those with very busy schedules.”

(Public and private sectors)

Organisation here also encompasses research undertaken before the initial approach to the source. Numerous respondents said they wanted to get a clear sense that the journalist had researched them, and the relevant issues, before contacting them.

“Demonstrate that they’ve done their reading! When journalists cold call me and it’s clear they know of my work and have a clear purpose for wanting to speak to me, it makes me keen to do what I can to help them out. It’s not an ego thing—it’s more that it gives a sense that the journalist is taking the topic (and you) seriously.”

(University)

“Indicate that they have done research and are aware of the issues, not merely seeking to sensationalise them or capitalise on controversy. Seek input based on a knowledge of the issues not merely driven by current scandal. If they indicate knowledge of my work, I will agree to discuss it.”

(University)

Evidence of pre-interview research reassured the source about their suitability for the interview, made the initial approach smoother and improved the quality of their initial interaction with the journalist, making women sources more likely to accommodate an interview request.

There was a common perception among respondents that journalists may be time-poor and too busy to perform their jobs thoroughly. A few went further, saying they did not believe journalists considered the impact of their reporting on the people included in their stories.

“It really feels like journalists are scrambling from one story to the next because they’re expected to do so much. It feels like they don’t really care about how this will impact the interviewee and it’s something they’ve never had to think about.”

(Private sector)

By being organised and prepared, journalists were more likely to provide fair and accurate reporting. With adequate research and time, journalists should increase their capacity to approach new sources and diversify the voices included in their coverage. Such an approach was particularly important when seeking interviews from people from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds. One of the survey respondents said, in her experience, Australian mainstream media outlets were a “hostile place and uninviting place for coloured women who have religious and familial values”. She had this advice for journalists:

“Opening oneself up to join a public conversation (and thus risking public scrutiny) isn’t encouraged in my culture or family. So, in order to get representation of CALD voices in media, journalists need to proactively seek out and APPROACH talent. Those that do and do so with respect will have people they can reliably turn to again and again. Those that do to tick a box but obviously have no interest in the other sides of a story will only make it harder for CALD people like myself to want to engage, let alone do so effectively.”

(Private sector)

4.4. Objectivity

Objectivity was another key component identified by survey participants. Respondents expressed concern about journalists or media outlets pursuing predetermined agendas and were wary of being quoted out of context to generate controversy.

“I am not interested in providing an expert quote that simply confirms an ‘angle’ that has been predetermined by a journo/editor before they call me.”

(University)

“Don’t use my quotes to manufacture conflict in a story or try to push me into saying something inflammatory—I’ll say no next time.”

(Public sector)

Some expert women within the university sector expressed concern about the reputational damage that may be caused by inaccurate or inflammatory reporting. They perceived journalists and academics to have conflicting interests. Women academics were “careful not to speak outside their area expertise” and journalists “did not always understand this”.

“Journalists and academics have very different incentives. This needs to be understood by university media offices who repeatedly throw their researchers to the wolves for engagement in ways that ruin reputations and lead to abuse.”

(University sector)

Women sources preferred to engage with journalists who demonstrated a commitment to balanced and fair reporting.

“Express commitment to presenting story (and me) fairly and understanding of the issue/subject of the interview.”

(Private sector)

Women sources valued journalists who displayed a genuine willingness to listen and take on board different perspectives, even if they contradicted what the journalist had expected the story to be.

5. Discussion

This study aligns with and builds on the body of research about women in the news. Guided by the research question, “What are women sources seeking from their initial interactions with journalists?”, the reflexive thematic analysis of responses from women sources revealed four key themes: Clarity, Courtesy, Organisation and Objectivity. While previous studies have tended to identify individual or structural barriers to women’s media engagement, this research highlights the importance of the interactional and relational components of news interviews.

Qualitative responses from women survey respondents suggest that many women sources were unsure about how the news media operates, journalists’ expectations and what an interview may entail. A lack of clarity and communication from journalists exacerbated the power imbalance in their interaction with the journalist and discouraged media engagement.

Inflexible newsroom routines and interviewing practices also deterred women from contributing to the news. A rushed or disorganised approach by the journalist was another red flag. When the women sources felt they were not given adequate notice of an interview or sensed that journalists had not properly prepared and researched them and the topic, they experienced apprehension and concern.

Women respondents were reluctant to engage with journalists they perceived to be biased, unfair or pursuing a particular angle. They were conscious that they could be “used” by reporters to generate conflict or controversy. They were acutely aware that they could not exert control over the coverage that resulted from an interview and were generally seeking a sense of safety and trust through fair and open-minded interviewing approaches before proceeding.

Women in this study, like others from previous research, were concerned about being put in a position where their expertise or professional reputation could be undermined or questioned (Shine 2022). This attitude towards media engagement is consistent with other research and may be linked to Doyle and Howard’s (2024) assertion that women are held to a higher standard and that their credibility is more likely to be questioned. As other women sources have reported, their reticence may also be associated with the perception that media portrayals of prominent women were often critical and unflattering (Shine 2022).

This research suggests that women’s responses to interview requests are often dependent on the nature of the communication with the journalist. Clarity, courtesy, organisation and objectivity were seen to protect women from the gendered harms outlined in the literature about women in the news. Respectful, professional engagement encouraged and empowered women to contribute to news coverage.

5.1. Recommendations for Journalism Practice

Women experts and spokespeople understand the value of promoting their work through the media and have reported a willingness to be interviewed (Niemi and Pitkänen 2016; Howell and Singer 2017; Shine 2022). However, women are more likely to be apprehensive and nervous about appearing in the news than their male counterparts (Shine et al. 2024). This is not a problem for women sources to fix through approaches such as media training. The focus should instead shift to journalists to adopt more nuanced and flexible interviewing approaches to mitigate the legitimate concerns of women sources. As Cukier et al. (2019, p. 40) argue, journalists and news outlets “must make a concerted effort to not only contact female experts but also to strategically counter their prospective hesitation”. The findings outlined here provide valuable, feasible advice for journalists and journalism educators about how to achieve this.

Women sources are seeking clarity from the journalist, from the outset, about the nature and purpose of the interview and why they are an appropriate person to contribute to the story. This directly addresses concerns about a perceived lack of specific expertise or lack of knowledge of the topic expressed by women sources in other related research (Doyle and Howard 2024; Shine et al. 2024). Many of the women respondents said they would like the journalist to provide a list of the questions they intended to ask. While it is generally not common practice for journalists to provide questions in advance, the findings of this research suggest it is an approach that could significantly improve their likelihood of success. Such a request could be accommodated with a sample of key questions. The journalist could explain that other questions may arise during the interview.

Clarity regarding logistics including location, time commitment and the technology required is also highly appreciated. Women sources have previously expressed a lack of knowledge and understanding about how the media operates (Shine 2022). Providing these details in the initial interaction helps to demystify the media.

Elements grouped under the theme of ‘Courtesy’ included friendliness, respect and appreciation. These foster trust as well as make the interview experience more enjoyable. A positive experience promotes a willingness to continue to engage with the media.

Lack of time and competing time pressures have been reported as deterrents for women to participate in interviews (Doyle and Howard 2024; Shine 2022; Worth et al. 2018). Survey respondents expressed similar concerns and sought flexibility about the timing of interviews. By allowing some flexibility around timing within deadlines, a journalist could significantly increase their chance of securing an interview. Rather than a request, the initial approach should be framed as a negotiation whereby the journalist and the source can propose their preferences to try to arrive at a mutually agreeable outcome.

Advance notice of an interview was welcomed and was seen as a sign of good organisation on the part of the journalist. As noted by numerous respondents, experts and spokespeople often have busy schedules and are dealing with competing pressures. Advance notice increased their ability to agree to the interview request. Another perceived test of organisation related to research. Women sources wanted to interact with journalists who had researched them and the subject before making an initial approach. A smooth interaction with an informed journalist helped to build confidence and improve the overall interview experience.

Knowing that the journalist had researched them in advance addressed concerns about being misquoted or misrepresented. For the same reasons, women sources were seeking objectivity from the journalists who approached them. The stakes are often high for women experts and spokespeople when engaging with the media, as they are typically quoted in a professional capacity. While media coverage can benefit them professionally, inaccurate or inflammatory reporting can be damaging. Journalists could demonstrate objectivity in the way they approach the source and through their choice of questions, background research and willingness to listen and learn. A history of fair and balanced reporting was another encouraging sign. They were unlikely to engage with journalists who came to a story with a particular agenda or who had preconceived ideas about the topic.

5.2. Limitations of Study and Recommendations for Future Research

The sample was predominantly English-speaking and Australian-born. Most of the sample were highly educated academics or in senior and/or management positions in the private or public sectors. The privileged status of the participants should be acknowledged. They were not broadly representative of the community. There was limited representation from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds, despite targeted recruitment. The primarily English-speaking, highly educated sample influenced the results. Women from such backgrounds are more likely to be given the opportunity to contribute to news coverage than peers from marginalised communities. They have superior access to journalists and typically have a better understanding of what media engagement entails. When such women interact with journalists, the power imbalance is not as pronounced as it is for women from culturally and linguistically diverse communities or other marginalised groups such as women with disabilities. The power imbalance is further compounded by intersectionality.

CALD sources’ ability to engage with the news media can be affected by a myriad of issues including language barriers, cultural and/or religious factors, and socio-economic status. Typical news-gathering and interviewing processes exclude marginalised perspectives. As one of the participants in the study noted, journalists must proactively seek out sources from culturally and linguistically diverse communities, engage with them respectfully and represent them fairly and accurately to earn their trust.

There remains a notable gap in the literature about women in the news regarding the representation and experiences of women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. Just as these women are frequently absent from news coverage, their perspectives are similarly underrepresented in academic research. There is a pressing need for studies that examine the impact of intersectionality—including factors such as ethnicity, age, and disability—on women’s roles as news sources. Furthermore, scholars have called for research methodologies that recognise and include gender identities beyond the binary, ensuring that the full spectrum of gender diversity is reflected in media studies. Addressing these gaps is essential for developing a more comprehensive and equitable understanding of women’s participation and representation in the news.

Although gender was recorded inclusively, few participants identified outside the binary. While the relatively small and homogenous sample constrains the study, it makes a significant contribution to the literature by identifying and articulating the perspectives of women experts and spokespeople. Women in such roles have the potential to regularly engage with the media but are consistently underrepresented in news coverage. This research is a starting point for other much-needed research about women in the news that centres the perspectives and experiences of women.

The Global Media Monitoring Project provides impressive breadth, capturing 115 countries from regions all around the world. However, about 40 per cent of the 193 UN member states have not taken part (Djerf-Pierre and Edstrom 2020). While a growing number of studies have considered the inclusion of women as sources in news from specific locations around the world, many locations have not been investigated. There is a need for more research about women in the news in locations including the Middle East, Africa, the Pacific, Russia and North Korea.

Research to date has focused heavily on mainstream, traditional news media. Emerging research suggests that alternative and minority news sources may offer more inclusive platforms for women’s expertise and perspectives. Further investigation into these outlets could provide valuable insights for promoting gender equity in mainstream media.

6. Conclusions

Women generally want the recognition, status and promotion that comes with fair and accurate reporting of their expertise or experiences. Yet they are wary about engaging with an industry that privileges white, male voices and with journalists who have a reputation for being rushed, biased and inaccurate. Newsroom routines and interviewing practices have tended to exclude women. The news media is not an equitable space for women, and most are keenly aware of their lack of power when engaging with the media.

Through the centering of women’s voices, this paper outlines clear advice and strategies that journalists can employ in their initial interactions to empower women to engage with the news media. These findings can inform journalism education and newsroom training in best practice interviewing techniques. With these practical approaches and achievable accommodations, journalists can proactively diversify the perspectives and expertise they include in their reporting.

Overall, the findings of this study reinforce the literature’s consensus that while women are motivated to share their expertise and contribute to public discourse, they face distinct and persistent barriers. The findings outlined here show that the way a journalist approaches and interacts with a prospective women source can either reinforce or reduce these barriers and deterrents. Addressing women’s legitimate concerns and reservations through clear communication, flexibility, preparation, respectful engagement, and ethical reporting can ensure that women’s voices are more fully and fairly included in the news.