The Association Between the Dark Triad and Political Trust: The Mediating Role of Conspiracy Beliefs

Abstract

This study investigates the mediating role of conspiracy beliefs in the association between the Dark Triad (Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) and political trust. A sample of 212 participants (mean_age = 31.83 years; SD_age = 13.85 years; 106 females) completed self-report measures assessing the Dark Triad, conspiracy beliefs across five domains (government malfeasance, malevolent global conspiracies, extraterrestrial cover-up, personal well-being, and control of information), and political trust. Mediation analyses revealed that government malfeasance, malevolent global conspiracies, and control of information significantly mediated the association between the Dark Triad and political trust. These findings clarify the psychological mechanisms linking malevolent and antagonistic personality traits to institutional distrust, underscoring the pivotal role of specific conspiracy beliefs in shaping political attitudes. Beyond advancing theoretical understanding, the results suggest that interventions aimed at reducing susceptibility to conspiracy beliefs may help counteract personality-driven erosion of political trust. Limitations and avenues for future research are discussed.

1. Introduction

Political trust, defined as citizens’ confidence in the integrity, competence, and responsiveness of political institutions and actors (Valgarðsson et al. 2025), is widely recognised as a cornerstone of democratic stability and effective governance. High political trust supports compliance with laws, acceptance of policy decisions, and engagement in democratic processes, whereas low trust can fuel political disengagement, polarisation, and susceptibility to anti-establishment rhetoric (Marino et al. 2024; Serani 2025). In the contemporary socio-political climate, marked by the rise of populist discourse, the spread of misinformation, and growing institutional scepticism, understanding the psychological foundations of political trust has become timely.

Research on the predictors of political trust has often emphasised structural and contextual determinants, such as institutional performance, corruption, and economic inequality. However, there is growing evidence stressing the critical role of stable individual differences in shaping political trust. In particular, personality provides a consistent field of research in psychology for understanding why some individuals are more inclined to trust in political institutions than others. The majority of this work has been framed within the Big Five model, suggesting the critical role of some traits, such as openness, extraversion, and neuroticism (Bromme et al. 2022). Nevertheless, the Big Five offers only a partial account of the dispositional foundations of political trust, as it mainly captures prosocial tendencies and does not directly address socially antagonistic or distrust-oriented dispositions.

Based on the Cognitive–Affective Processing System (CAPS; Mischel and Shoda 1995) theory and moral disengagement theory (Bandura 1999), the present study addresses this gap by examining the role of the Dark Triad (Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) in shaping political trust. These personality traits are theoretically relevant as they are closely associated with cynicism, distrust, and susceptibility to anti-establishment narratives (Dionigi et al. 2022; Giancola et al. 2024; Zhang et al. 2025). In addition, the study examines conspiracy beliefs as a potential mediating mechanism that may explain why individuals with high levels of the Dark Triad are particularly prone to the erosion of political trust.

1.1. The Association Between the Dark Triad and Political Trust

The Dark Triad includes Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy, a constellation of interrelated yet distinct socially aversive traits that reflect the maladaptive side of human personality (Paulhus and Williams 2002). Machiavellianism revolves around manipulation and distrust of social rules and morals, as well as a cynical and pessimistic attitude about life (Giancola et al. 2023b). Individuals high in Machiavellianism tend to exploit situations for personal gains, often assuming that others are similarly self-serving—a tendency rooted in their distrustful nature and negative appraisal of others’ intentions (Dahling et al. 2009). Narcissism includes grandiosity, entitlement, self-admiration, a chronic need for recognition, and an antagonistic interpersonal style (Giancola et al. 2025). The antagonistic facets of narcissism have been linked to paranoid beliefs, whereby individuals perceive even ostensibly benevolent actors or institutions as fundamentally exploitative (Hart et al. 2021). Psychopathy is marked by impulsivity, callousness, lack of remorse, antisocial tendencies, and a general antagonism toward others (March and Springer 2019).

Interestingly, previous studies indicated that the Dark Triad is consistently associated with low empathy, reduced pro-sociality, and heightened cynicism (Jonason and Webster 2010), fostering a pervasive erosion of trust that extends beyond interpersonal relationships to institutions more broadly. Indeed, higher Dark Triad levels have been found to weaken interpersonal trust (Zhang et al. 2025), leading to a generalised orientation of social distrust that may critically undermine political trust.

The CAPS theory (Mischel and Shoda 1995) offers a framework for understanding how the Dark Triad shapes political trust. The CAPS conceptualises personality as a network of cognitive–affective units (CAUs)—including beliefs, emotional responses, and self-regulatory mechanisms—which are activated in context-dependent “if–then” patterns. Dark Triad traits may bias these CAUs toward suspicion and self-serving interpretations of political actors. For instance, individuals high in Machiavellianism may trust political institutions only when perceiving a personal advantage. Those high in narcissism may withdraw trust when institutions fail to affirm their self-image. In contrast, individuals with high levels of psychopathy may lack the emotional investment required to sustain trust in political institutions.

From a CAPS perspective, the Dark Triad affects political trust not as static dispositions but through the modulation of how political information is encoded and interpreted. Empirical findings support this interpretation: Jonason and Webster (2010) found that the Dark Triad is associated with diminished empathy and heightened cynicism—potentially chronically accessible CAUs. March and Springer (2019) showed that Machiavellianism and psychopathy predict greater endorsement of conspiratorial thinking, a belief system strongly linked to political distrust. Such evidence suggests that political events, such as scandals or controversial policies, may activate pre-existing personality-based suspicion scripts, reinforcing distrust even in contexts of transparency or accountability.

In parallel, the moral disengagement theory (Bandura 1999) offers a complementary explanation by identifying the cognitive mechanisms through which Dark Triad traits can erode political trust. Moral disengagement refers to a pattern of cognitive mechanisms, including euphemistic labelling, displacement of responsibility, and dehumanisation, that enable individuals to rationalise unethical behaviour without experiencing guilt (Bandura 1990). Individuals with high levels of the Dark Triad (mainly Machiavellianism and psychopathy) are often associated with the habitual use of such mechanisms, extending to political judgment. For instance, individuals high in the Dark Triad may perceive corruption or institutional misconduct as expected, or even justifiable, disengaging from ideals of integrity and accountability.

Interestingly, the concept of moral disengagement also interacts with the CAPS framework by shaping the content and accessibility of CAUs. For individuals high in the Dark Triad, disengagement strategies can become chronic cognitive scripts, readily triggered by external cues such as media reports of political failure. These individuals may detach from normative expectations of fairness and project this detachment onto political figures, assuming they are inherently self-serving. This perception activates distrust-oriented CAUs, reinforcing the belief that institutions are fundamentally corrupt.

1.2. The Mediating Role of Conspiracy Beliefs

While the Dark Triad provides a dispositional explanation for individual differences in political trust, the psychological mechanisms affecting this relationship remain underexplored. One promising pathway involves conspiracy beliefs, a broader category of ideas proposing the existence of specific plots aimed at achieving hidden and malevolent goals (Fusiani et al. 2025). Because conspiracy beliefs offer cognitively simple and motivationally compelling explanations for complex sociopolitical phenomena, they represent a plausible mediator between antagonistic personality traits and institutional distrust.

First, some evidence suggests that the Dark Triad heightens susceptibility to conspiracy beliefs (Kay 2021). Individuals high in Machiavellianism endorse conspiracy beliefs consistent with their cynical, misanthropic, and tactical worldview, which rationalises manipulation as a standard feature of social interaction (March 2019). Those high in narcissism adopt conspiracy beliefs to protect and enhance their self-concept, using them as tools to sustain feelings of uniqueness, grandiosity, and superiority, while dismissing disconfirming information that threatens self-image (Giancola et al. 2024). By contrast, individuals high in psychopathy may embrace conspiracy beliefs as an extension of their callousness and manipulativeness, assuming that others are similarly exploitative and untrustworthy (Hughes and Machan 2021). Collectively, these patterns suggest that the Dark Triad predisposes individuals to conspiratorial worldviews that mirror their own interpersonal orientation.

Second, beyond personality–belief content links, the Dark Triad appears to shape information-processing biases that facilitate conspiracy endorsement. Individuals high in these traits often rely on dichotomous thinking, framing events in rigid “black-or-white” categories (Jonason et al. 2018). Although such categorical processing may support rapid judgments, it undermines nuanced, context-sensitive interpretations of social and political phenomena. Similarly, these individuals display a hostile attribution bias, interpreting ambiguous or adverse outcomes as deliberate acts of malevolence rather than products of error, chance, or systemic complexity (Jiang et al. 2024). From the perspective of the CAPS, Dark Triad traits chronically activate distrust-oriented CAUs, such as schemas of malevolent agency, hyper-vigilant threat monitoring, and self-protective goals. These CAUs are easily triggered by uncertainty, political scandals, or elite conflict, funnelling perception toward conspiratorial interpretations. Moreover, moral disengagement mechanisms (euphemistic labelling, displacement or diffusion of responsibility, dehumanisation) normalise the assumption that powerful actors routinely violate norms, further lowering the threshold for accepting conspiracies as realistic depictions of political life.

Third, once adopted, conspiracy beliefs become corrosive to political trust. By reframing institutional actions as intentional deception, they erode perceptions of government integrity and benevolence, delegitimise political authority, and reduce willingness to comply with collective rules. As shown in classic and contemporary research, individuals high in conspiracy beliefs report heightened political powerlessness, disillusionment, alienation from authority, and reduced institutional trust (Goertzel 1994). Thus, the Dark Triad predisposes individuals to conspiracy beliefs through dispositional projection and biased information processing, which in turn systematically erode political trust by undermining perceived legitimacy and fairness of political institutions.

Given these three main interconnected mechanisms, the research hypothesis was as follows: conspiracy beliefs mediate the relationship between the Dark Triad and political trust.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Participants and Procedure

The sample consisted of 212 Italian participants from 18 to 71 years old (mean_age = 31.83 years; SD_age = 13.85 years; 106 females). Participants were recruited using a convenience sampling strategy through multiple online channels (Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp) and word-of-mouth referrals. Data collection was conducted online via a secure survey platform. In accordance with the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR)), explicit consent was obtained before participation. The first page of the survey presented participants with an informed consent form outlining the aims of the study, approximate duration (10–15 min), voluntary nature, right to withdraw at any time, and the guarantee of anonymity and data confidentiality. The participants indicated consent by ticking a mandatory agreement box. No monetary or material incentives were offered. Following consent, the respondents completed a short socio-demographic questionnaire and three self-report measures assessing the Dark Triad, conspiracy beliefs, and political trust (see Section 2.2). The study protocol adhered to the ethical principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and received approval from the University’s Internal Review Board.

2.2. Measures

The Dark Triad Dirty Dozen (DTDD; Schimmenti et al. 2019) is a 12-item scale assessing Machiavellianism (Cronbach’s α = 0.92), psychopathy (Cronbach’s α = 0.83), and narcissism (Cronbach’s α = 0.86), using a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (not at all) to 4 (very much).

The Generic Conspiracy Belief Scale (GCBS; Brotherton et al. 2013) consists of 15 items rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (definitely not true) to 5 (definitely true). It measures five core dimensions of conspiracy beliefs: government malfeasance (Cronbach’s α = 0.88), malevolent global conspiracies (Cronbach’s α = 0.87), extraterrestrial cover-up (Cronbach’s α = 0.86), personal well-being (Cronbach’s α = 0.84), and control of information (Cronbach’s α = 0.83)

The Political Trust Scale (PTS; Karić and Međedović 2021) includes 6 items rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (completely). The participants indicated their level of trust in institutions such as the government, the health system, the President, the Prime Minister, epidemiology experts, and the Ministry of Health. The scale showed excellent reliability in this study (Cronbach’s α = 0.91).

Socio-demographic information included age, gender, years of education, and political interest.

Table 1. Measures used in the current study.

Measure	Items (N)	Response Scale	Subscales and Cronbach’s α
Dark Triad Dirty Dozen (DTDD; Schimmenti et al. 2019)	12	From 0 (not at all) to 4 (very much)	Machiavellianism (α = 0.92) Psychopathy (α = 0.83) Narcissism (α = 0.86)
Generic Conspiracy Belief Scale (GCBS; Brotherton et al. 2013)	15	From 1 (definitely not true) to 5 (definitely true)	Government malfeasance (α = 0.88) Malevolent global conspiracies (α = 0.87) Extraterrestrial cover-up (α = 0.86) Personal well-being (α = 0.84) Control of information (α = 0.83)
Political Trust Scale (PTS; Karić and Međedović 2021)	6	From 1 (not at all) to 5 (completely)	Political trust (α = 0.91)
Socio-demographics	4	—	Age, gender, years of education, political interest (No α applicable)

summarises all measures employed in this study.

2.3. Statistical Analysis

Data analysis was performed using IBM SPSS Statistics (version 24; IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, USA). Prior to the mediation analysis, data were screened for missing values, normality, and outliers. Descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations, ranges) were computed for all variables, and bivariate correlations were used to preliminarily examine the relationships among the study variables.

To test the mediation, the PROCESS macro for SPSS version 3.5 (Hayes 2017) was used. This approach estimates the indirect effect of an independent variable (e.g., Dark Triad traits) on a dependent variable (e.g., political trust) through a mediator (e.g., conspiracy beliefs). The indirect effects were evaluated using bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals based on 5000 resamples, which provide robust estimates even when normality assumptions are not met (Preacher and Hayes 2008; Giancola et al. 2023a). An indirect effect was considered statistically significant when the 95% bootstrap confidence interval did not include zero. Age, gender, and political interest were entered as covariates to control for their potential influence on political trust.

3. Results

All continuous variables were not normally distributed, and the z-test revealed no univariate outliers considering ± 4 the z-score as the cut-off for samples larger than 100. Harman’s single-factor test revealed that the variance explained by a single-factor exploratory model was 38.81%: no common method bias (CMB) problems were found (test critical threshold ≥ 50%).

Table 2. Means, standard deviations, and inter-correlations among study variables.

	M	SD	1.	2.	3.	4.	5.	6.	7.	8.	9.	10.	11.	12.	13.
1. Machiavellianism	0.61	1.04	1
2. Psychopathy	0.89	1.00	0.47 **	1
3. Narcissism	1.25	1.11	0.59 **	0.40 **	1
4. Government malfeasance	2.33	1.19	0.26 **	0.31 **	0.34 **	1
5. Malevolent global conspiracies	2.37	1.22	0.27 **	0.27 **	0.36 **	0.81 **	1
6. Extraterrestrial cover-up	1.83	1.05	0.35 **	0.33 **	0.36 **	0.66 **	0.62 **	1
7. Personal well-being	2.34	1.16	0.21 **	0.31 **	0.26 **	0.79 **	0.80 **	0.63 **	1
8. Control of information	2.46	1.19	0.35 **	0.34 **	0.42 **	0.77 **	0.79 **	0.62 **	0.82 **	1
9. Political trust	3.18	1.00	−0.30 **	−0.26 **	−0.21 **	−0.62 **	−0.61 **	−0.42 **	−0.55 **	−0.61 **	1
10. Age	31.83	13.85	−0.05	−0.06	0.04	0.07	0.19 **	0.01	0.18 **	0.13	−0.10	1
11. Gender			0.27 **	0.21 **	0.22 *	0.02	0.07	0.11	0.11	0.09	−0.02	0.04	1
12. Education	14.30	2.66	−0.02	−0.17 *	0.16 *	−0.05	0.02	−0.19 **	−0.07	−0.05	0.07	0.15 *	−0.13	1
13. Political interest	3.16	1.11	0.10	−0.13	−0.13	−0.20 **	−0.20 **	−0.31 **	−0.24 **	−0.21 **	0.22 **	−0.02	0.04	0.22 **	1

Note. N = 212, gender was dummy coded (0 = F; 1 = M), * p < 0.05 (two-tailed); ** p < 0.01 (two-tailed).

shows the means, standard deviations, and correlations among the study variables.

The mediation analyses (see

Table 3. Mediation analyses for the associations between the Dark Triad and political trust through conspiracy beliefs.

Independent Variable	Mediator	B	SE	95% CI	Direct Effect (B, SE, 95% CI)	Total Effect (B, SE, 95% CI)	R2
Machiavellianism	Government malfeasance	−0.07	0.03	[−0.134, −0.008]	−0.10, 0.06, [−0.215, 0.016]	−0.27, 0.06, [−0.393, −0.146]	0.46
	Malevolent global conspiracies	−0.07	0.03	[−0.140, −0.006]
	Control of information	−0.09	0.05	[−0.195, −0.005]
	Extraterrestrial cover-up	0.05	0.04	[−0.025, 0.137]
	Personal well-being	0.00	0.02	[−0.051, 0.005]
Psychopathy	Government malfeasance	−0.07	0.04	[−0.144, −0.005]	−0.04, 0.06, [−0.154, 0.069]	−0.23, 0.07, [−0.364, −0.104]	0.45
	Malevolent global conspiracies	−0.06	0.03	[−0.127, −0.007]
	Control of information	−0.09	0.04	[−0.185, −0.017]
	Extraterrestrial cover-up	0.03	0.03	[−0.028, 0.089]
	Personal well-being	0.01	0.03	[−0.055, 0.069]
Narcissism	Government malfeasance	−0.07	0.04	[−0.145, −0.007]	−0.08, 0.05, [−0.026, 0.187]	−0.16, 0.06, [−0.279, −0.041]	0.46
	Malevolent global conspiracies	−0.08	0.04	[−0.159, −0.015]
	Control of information	−0.12	0.04	[−0.227, −0.032]
	Extraterrestrial cover-up	0.02	0.03	[−0.034, 0.071]
	Personal well-being	0.01	0.02	[−0.035, 0.066]

Note. B = Unstandardised Regression Coefficient; SE = Standard Error; CI = Confidence Interval.

) were conducted separately for each Dark Triad trait as the independent variable, political trust as the dependent variable, and conspiracy beliefs as captured in terms of government malfeasance, malevolent global conspiracies, extraterrestrial cover-up, personal well-being, and control of information as parallel mediators.

When Machiavellianism was entered as the independent variable, significant indirect effects emerged for government malfeasance (B = −0.07, SE = 0.03, CI 95% = [−0.134, −0.008]), malevolent global conspiracies (B = −0.07, SE = 0.03, CI 95% = [−0.140, −0.006]), and control of information (B = −0.09, SE = 0.05, CI 95% = [−0.195, −0.005]).

For psychopathy, significant indirect effects were observed for government malfeasance (B = −0.07, SE = 0.04, CI 95% = [−0.144, −0.005]), malevolent global conspiracies (B = −0.06, SE = 0.03, CI 95% = [−0.127, −0.007]), and control of information (B = −0.09, SE = 0.04, CI 95% = [−0.185, −0.017]).

Similarly, for narcissism, significant indirect effects were found for government malfeasance (B = −0.07, SE = 0.04, CI 95% = [−0.145, −0.007]), malevolent global conspiracies (B = −0.08, SE = 0.04, CI 95% = [−0.159, −0.015]), and control of information (B = −0.12, SE = 0.04, CI 95% = [−0.227, −0.032]).

Collectively, these findings indicate that that specific conspiracy belief dimensions, particularly government malfeasance, malevolent global conspiracies, and control of information, serve as key psychological pathways linking the Dark Triad to political trust.

4. Discussion

This study examines whether conspiracy beliefs (as captured in terms of government malfeasance, malevolent global conspiracies, control of information, extraterrestrial cover-up, and personal well-being) mediate the relationship between the Dark Triad (Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism) and political trust. The findings provided partial support for the proposed mediation model. Across all three traits, beliefs in government malfeasance, malevolent global conspiracies, and control of information emerged as significant mediators, whereas extraterrestrial cover-up and personal well-being beliefs did not. This pattern suggests that politically proximal and institutionally relevant conspiracies, rather than peripheral or fantastical ones, constitute the key cognitive pathways linking socially antagonistic traits to diminished institutional trust.

4.1. Theoretical Interpretation

These findings can be interpreted through the lens of a projective mechanism whereby individuals high in the Dark Triad externalise their dispositional tendencies and attribute them to political institutions. Rather than recognising manipulativeness, egocentrism, or unethical conduct as features of their personality, they are more likely to see such characteristics reflected in the political sphere, thereby reinforcing institutional distrust. Specifically, individuals high in Machiavellianism project their instrumental manipulativeness onto political actors, construing political decisions as inherently self-serving rather than oriented toward collective welfare. Those high in narcissism project their egocentricity and paranoid tendencies outward, interpreting institutional behaviour through the prism of self-validation: political systems are trusted only insofar as they affirm their sense of uniqueness and importance, and once this recognition is withheld, institutions are readily construed as malevolent or hostile. Similarly, individuals high in psychopathy project their callousness and disregard for ethical norms onto political elites, assuming that corruption and exploitation are the natural modus operandi of governance (Dahling et al. 2009; Hart et al. 2021). Taken together, these dynamics illustrate how the Dark Triad fosters a projective cycle of distrust: dispositional antagonism is externalised, institutional behaviour is interpreted through these projections, and political trust is consequently eroded. Therefore, the projection mechanism acts as a psychological factor that translates self-directed tendencies into institutionally focused suspicion, amplifying the plausibility of conspiracy beliefs and strengthening distrust in political systems. Such a mechanism aligns with the CAPS model (Mischel and Shoda 1995): Dark Triad traits bias the activation of cognitive–affective units (e.g., suspicion scripts, distrust schemas, threat-monitoring goals), which are readily triggered in contexts of political ambiguity and clandestine, malevolent, and harmful activities. The results also converge with the moral disengagement theory (Bandura 1999), as individuals high in the Dark Triad appear to normalise corruption and norm violation by attributing malevolent intent to institutions. This reduces the perceived discrepancy between self-serving conduct and political behaviour, thereby lowering the motivational threshold for distrust. Importantly, the mediating role of conspiracy beliefs highlights how these cognitive frameworks operate as epistemic filters: they not only rationalise distrust but also actively structure how political information is encoded and interpreted.

This interpretation also aligns with the concept of epistemic mistrust (Fonagy and Campbell 2017; Pierre 2020), which posits that a persistent and stable disposition involves the rejection of information from others, particularly authority figures, promoting conspiratorial thinking as a protective cognitive strategy. Accordingly, individuals with high levels of the Dark Triad may endorse conspiracy beliefs as part of a broader self-protective strategy, allowing them to maintain vigilance in an uncertain sociopolitical environment. However, this comes at the cost of reduced openness to corrective information and diminished willingness to invest in political institutions.

4.2. Implications for Political Psychology and Governance

The current study contributes to the field of political psychology by clarifying the main psychological factors underpinning trust in political institutions. From a theoretical standpoint, this research highlights the need to integrate dispositional factors (Dark Triad) with cognitive–motivational mechanisms (conspiracy beliefs) to capture the multifaceted roots of political trust. From a practical standpoint, the results provide significant implications for democratic governance and civil resilience. If conspiracy beliefs act as amplifiers of distrust among individuals with antagonistic traits, such as the Dark Triad, interventions that target misinformation, enhance epistemic trust, and foster transparency in governance may weaken the erosion of political legitimacy.

Notably, the findings suggest that interventions need to be tailored. Specifically, generic campaigns against conspiracy beliefs may be ineffective. Based on the evidence of this research, campaigns addressing specific domains of conspiracy beliefs, such as government corruption and information control, may be particularly helpful in counteracting the distrust cycle. In addition, cognitive interventions fostering critical thinking and resilience to hostile attribution biases could also be beneficial. Moreover, civic education programs that emphasise institutional accountability while recognising citizens’ concerns may prevent the projection of personal antagonism onto political institutions and actors.

4.3. Limitations and Future Directions

However, the contributions have several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the cross-sectional design does not allow the inclusion of causal relationships. Longitudinal and experimental designs are required to determine the temporal dynamics by which Dark Triad traits foster conspiracy beliefs and, in turn, erode political trust. Second, the reliance on self-report measures may not fully capture behavioural trust or conspiratorial cognition in an ecologically valid context. Incorporating behavioural paradigms would provide a more robust assessment. Third, Dark Triad facets have been included individually in the mediation analysis. This procedure does not allow the determination of whether a specific component of the Dark Triad or its common core (D factor) is associated with conspiracy beliefs and trust. Finally, other potential mediators warrant investigation, including ideological orientation, media exposure, and perceived political efficacy, which may interact with the Dark Triad and political trust.

5. Conclusions

In conclusion, this study advances the understanding of the psychological foundations of political trust by identifying conspiracy beliefs as a key bridge between the Dark Triad and the erosion of political trust. By integrating multiple perspectives, including the CAPS theory and the moral disengagement theory, the findings advance a more dynamic and process-oriented account of how malevolent and antagonistic personalities shape the evaluation of political institutions and actors. This integrative perspective offers foundations for developing strategies to bolster democratic resilience against the corrosive influence of personality-driven suspicion and conspiratorial thinking.