Hungarian Higher Education Beyond Hungary’s Borders as a Geostrategic Instrument

Abstract

This study examines the geostrategic role of Hungarian-language higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s border. These institutions not only fulfil an educational function but also play a role in preserving identity and geopolitics in the national policy of the Hungarian state. This research is based on a narrative review of the literature, which analyses the demographic situation of Hungarians living beyond the borders and the tools used to support higher education by synthesising domestic and international literature, statistical data, and forecasts. The results highlight that Hungarian-language higher education plays a key role in preserving ethnocultural identity and increasing the chances of success in the homeland, but also faces constraints such as labour market disadvantages resulting from a lack of state language skills. This study concludes that, in order to ensure the sustainability of Hungarian higher education beyond the border, it is necessary to strike a balance between identity preservation and integration, thereby promoting geopolitical stability and cultural cohesion with the majority society.

1. Introduction

Higher education today is not merely a system for the transmission of knowledge; it increasingly embodies a complex function in shaping society, fostering economic development, and exerting geopolitical influence within international political discourse (Li 2018; Moscovitz and Sabzalieva 2023). The role of these institutions has grown significantly under the impact of globalisation, both in fostering international cooperation and in strengthening cultural power (Gauttam et al. 2021). Within the context of soft power, education has become a pivotal element of international relations. It serves not only a diplomatic and identity-shaping function but also contributes to economic competitiveness and the maintenance of social cohesion (Bottery 2001; Delors 1996).

In this international context, higher education in Hungary holds a distinctive significance, not only in domestic policy but also in foreign policy and geostrategy. Due to Hungary’s historical trajectory and its geographical and geopolitical position within Europe, a unique form of higher education developed in the 20th century. Following the peace treaties concluding the First and Second World Wars, numerous territories inhabited by ethnic Hungarians were ceded from Hungary, leaving millions of ethnic Hungarians outside the country’s borders, who became minorities in neighbouring states (Ablonczy and Bárdi 2010; Simsa 2022). The survival of these communities, the preservation of their identity, and their ability to thrive in their homeland have in recent years become priority national strategic objectives of the Hungarian state (Bárdi 2020). Within this framework of support policies—alongside economic, cultural, civil, and sports-related initiatives—particular emphasis has been placed on strengthening education, especially higher education. This has given rise to the unique character of Hungarian-language higher education, whereby Hungarian-language institutions are located not only within the national borders but also beyond them, in neighbouring countries. These institutions are responsible for providing education to ethnic Hungarians born and living in these neighbouring states. Beyond their educational mandate, however, these institutions also play crucial roles in community building and the preservation of cultural identity (Csete et al. 2010). Hungarian-language higher education not only offers local youth the opportunity to pursue higher education in their mother tongue, but also contributes to the reproduction of community elites, enhances prospects for remaining and succeeding in their homeland, and strengthens cultural self-identity (Brubaker 1996; Horváth and Papp 2018).

The aim of this study is to explore the geostrategic role of Hungarian higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s borders and to investigate how these institutions can become effective instruments of national policy in mitigating depopulation, emigration, and assimilation. The analysis places particular emphasis on demographic trends, the goal-oriented functioning of the support system, cultural cohesion, and competences in the state language.

2. Materials and Methods

The present review article employed a narrative literature review and thematic analysis methodology, aiming to synthesise international and Hungarian literature on the geopolitical and geostrategic role of higher education, with a particular focus on Hungarian-language higher education institutions beyond the borders of Hungary.

2.1. Literature Selection

During the literature review, I searched multiple academic databases, including Scopus, Web of Science, and JSTOR, to identify peer-reviewed journal articles, books, and policy reports published in English and Hungarian. The search covered publications from 1990 to 2025 (apart from one seminal work from 1977), thereby encompassing both historical and recent findings. The keywords used (in various combinations) included the following: “higher education”, “geopolitics”, “geostrategy”, “Hungarians beyond the borders”, “Hungarian higher education beyond the borders”, “soft power”, “Confucius Institute”, “minority higher education”, “ethnopolitics”, and “international role of higher education”.

Furthermore, Google Scholar, ResearchGate, and RDiscovery (https://discovery.researcher.life, accessed on 7 May 2025) also proved useful in the literature search. RDiscovery is an AI-driven academic search platform that assists in identifying relevant literature. This tool enabled keyword-based searches filtered by language, access type, publication year, journal, and other variables relevant to researchers. I configured the search criteria in the same way as described above. The application proved highly effective, as it immediately displayed abstracts, allowing for the rapid screening of studies.

I complemented the database searches by manual searches. I identified further relevant sources through reviewing the reference lists of key publications, using the “snowball method”. My analysis primarily included peer-reviewed studies and official policy reports; non-peer-reviewed opinion pieces and journalistic articles were excluded. To support the literature search and mapping process associated with the “snowball method”, I also employed the AI tool ResearchRabbit (https://www.researchrabbit.ai, accessed on 7 May 2025) which facilitated the identification of similar works related to a given study and tracked which additional studies had cited a seminal publication.

The policy reports and strategic policy documents were provided to me upon request (Magyarország Kormánya 2015b, 2020).

Following the identification of suitable studies and books, the inclusion criteria for the full-text analysis required that the work directly or indirectly addressed higher education, Hungarian higher education beyond the borders, the geopolitical aspects of higher education, or theories applicable to higher education contexts.

2.2. Data Sources and Analytical Method

The presentation of demographic trends among ethnic Hungarians minorities beyond the borders of Hungary was based on the 2011 and 2021/22 census data (Hungarian Central Statistical Office (in Hungarian: Központi Satisztikai Hivatal—KSH) and related analytical studies (Csete et al. 2010; Péti et al. 2019, 2020; Sobotka and Zeman 2018; Simsa 2022). In Ukraine, no census has been conducted since 2001; therefore, for the Hungarian population in Transcarpathia, we relied on the results of the SUMMA 2017 survey (Tátrai et al. 2020).

Projections were sourced from the Carpathian Basin Statistics (in Hungarian: Kárpát-haza Statisztikák) website (www.karpat-haza-statisztikak.hu, accessed on 13 August 2024), produced by the Research Institute for National Strategy (in Hungarian: Nemzetstratégiai Kutatóintézet—NSKI). The website presents these projections in static form through data visualisation, allowing graphs to be modified and tailored to best fit the research. As the site is based on the 2011 census data and does not incorporate the 2021/22 census figures, projections were generated using the cohort-component method, accounting for past trends to estimate the Hungarian population under four scenarios (baseline, optimistic, pessimistic, and balanced migration) (Nemzetstratégiai Kutatóintézet 2024). Upon comparing the 2021/22 census data, the pessimistic scenario showed the smallest deviation from the 2021 estimate; therefore, this scenario was used for presenting the 2031 and 2051 projections.

Data on the total populations of Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, and Ukraine for the years 2011 and 2022 were obtained from the World Bank DataBank population database. World Bank population estimates are based on national census data and estimates of fertility, mortality, and migration. However, the reliability of official demographic data varies between countries and across data collection exercises. Moreover, the comparability of population indicators is limited by differences in definitions, concepts, data collection procedures, and estimation methodologies employed by national statistical offices and other data-collecting organisations. The timelines of census data and the availability of Supplementary Information from surveys or registration systems provide an objective basis for assessing demographic data quality. In some European countries, registration systems provide comprehensive population data even in the absence of a census (World Bank Group 2024). In the case of Ukraine, all population data—whether for the national population or ethnic minorities—should be treated with caution, given the lack of reliable data following the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian war and the subsequent increase in migration and mortality.

The Hungarian Academy of Sciences (in Hungarian: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia 2025) maintains a register of Hungarian-language higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s borders; their locations were visualised using Google My Maps by creating and editing a customised map.

To analyse the university programmes offered by institutions providing education in Hungarian beyond Hungary’s border, I used the data compiled in Supplementary Materials, which lists all programmes advertised in Hungarian by the institutions under examination. In most cases, this related to the 2024/25 academic year; however, where institutions no longer offer Hungarian-language programmes, the most recently advertised programmes are included.

This research predominantly relied on open-access secondary data or data accessible through subscriptions provided by higher education institutions and university libraries. I used AI-based tools for literature searches, translation, and language proofreading; these tools did not influence the scientific content.

3. Demographic and Cultural Characteristics of Ethnic Hungarian Minorities Living in Hungary’s Neighbouring Countries

In order to gain a deeper understanding of the topic, it is essential to examine the demographics and characteristics of the ethnic Hungarian minority living in Hungary’s neighbouring countries. Such knowledge is crucial for comprehending how these unique Hungarian-language higher education institutions have developed, the significance they hold, and why their role is so vital in preserving Hungarian identity and sustaining the population in their homeland.

3.1. The Ethnic Hungarian Community Beyond Hungary’s Borders

The Treaty of Trianon, signed on 4 June 1920, as one of the Paris peace treaties, ended the First World War and redefined Hungary’s borders. Approximately two-thirds of the country’s territory was ceded to neighbouring states, resulting in a situation where part of the population remained within the new Hungarian borders, while a significant number of ethnic Hungarians became minorities in the newly established successor states (Romsics 2011).

In these countries, neighbouring Hungary, there are without exception areas populated by a purely Hungarian-speaking minority. Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, and Serbia have a significant Hungarian-speaking population, while Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia have smaller communities (Ablonczy and Bárdi 2010). Regions with a predominantly Hungarian-speaking population also retain their traditional Hungarian toponyms, which continue to be used by the Hungarian public today. In Romania, such areas are referred to as Transylvania (in Hungarian: Erdély), in Slovakia Hungarian-inhabited southern Slovakia (in Hungarian: Felvidék), in Ukraine Transcarpathia (in Hungarian: Kárpátalja), and in Serbia Vojvodina (in Hungarian: Vajdaság). These regions correspond to the distribution of Hungarian-speaking populations illustrated in Figure 1, which illustrates the geographical situation and political boundaries as of 1990 (Kocsis and Kocsis-Hodosi 1998).

By the time the Trianon Peace Treaty was signed, development of the Hungarian national identity had already come to an end, and therefore, in the process of creating new borders, a large part of the nation’s unified and common memory and the sites of Hungarian history and cultural heritage were located outside the borders of the state (Ablonczy and Bárdi 2010). The culture of ethnic Hungarian minorities living beyond Hungary’s borders is characterised by distinct regional languages, customs, social patterns, and traditions, all of which form an integral part of the broader Hungarian identity. The depopulation or population exchange of Hungarian-inhabited areas beyond Hungary’s borders would lead to the disappearance of the local Hungarian culture, traditions, dialects, and folklore associated with these regions (Péti et al. 2019).

Neighbouring countries adopt differing policies towards their Hungarian minorities, shaped by each state’s internal political structure and the size of its ethnic Hungarian population. In Slovenia, Austria, and Croatia, the “Hungarian question” holds little significance in domestic politics. In contrast, the issue carries greater political weight in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, and Ukraine, where the proportion of Hungarian-speaking minorities is notably higher (Bárdi 2020).

3.2. Demographics of Ethnic Hungarian Minorities Living Beyond Hungary’s Borders

Population trends across Europe vary depending on whether one refers to Northern, Western, or East-Central Europe. While some Western countries have experienced modest population growth, those in Eastern Europe are characterised by population decline (Péti et al. 2019).

Both the number of Hungarians in Hungary and the number of Hungarians residing in the Carpathian Basin have declined, according to the latest census data (Központi Statisztikai Hivatal 2022). While 12 million Hungarians lived in the Carpathian Basin in 2011 (Simsa 2022), today this number has dropped to 11.5 million. Of this total, the domestic population (Hungary) stands at 9.6 million, while 1.8 million Hungarians live beyond the borders. The domestic population has decreased by nearly 340,000, while the cross-border Hungarian population has fallen by 270,000 (Központi Statisztikai Hivatal 2022). A comparison of the two datasets reveals that the number of ethnic Hungarians living beyond Hungary’s borders has declined more rapidly than the number within Hungary itself. This trend can be partly explained by the migration of ethnic Hungarians from neighbouring countries into Hungary. (Péti et al. 2020).

Table 1. Change in the number of Hungarians in the Carpathian Basin, 2011–2051.

Area	2011	2021/22	2031 *	2051 *
Vojvodina	253,899	184,442	174,076	109,735
Transylvania	~1,200,000	~1,100,000	932,757	643,326
Transcarpathia	~130,000 **	~130,000 **	101,386	71,563
Hungarian-inhabited southern Slovakia	~508,000	~462,000	423,965	319,873

* estimated data; ** 2017 data.

presents data from the 2011 and 2021/22 censuses (Központi Statisztikai Hivatal 2024) (with 2017 data for Ukrainian regions (Tátrai et al. 2020)) alongside pessimistic projections for 2031 and 2051 (Nemzetstratégiai Kutatóintézet 2024).

The table indicates a substantial decline between the 2021/22 census figures and the projections for 2051. Furthermore, the age structure of the Hungarian population has been undergoing significant changes alongside the overall population decline. The number and proportion of young people are decreasing, while those of older people are increasing—with individuals aged over 65 already outnumbering those under 20 as early as 2018 (Péti et al. 2019).

For a comprehensive understanding, it is also important to examine population data for the total populations of the respective countries, as shown in

Table 2. Total population in Hungary, Romania, Slovak Republic, Ukraine, and Serbia, in 2011 and 2022.

Country Name	2011	2022
Hungary	9,971,727	9,644,377
Romania	20,147,528	19,048,502
Slovak Republic	5,398,384	5,431,752
Ukraine	46,307,853	41,048,766
Serbia	7,236,519	6,664,449

.

An analysis of total population figures (World Bank Group 2024) reveals that population decline in the countries under consideration ranges from 3% to 10%, except in Ukraine and Slovakia. The most pressing issue is that the rate of decline among Hungarian populations in neighbouring countries is significantly higher than the decline observed in the total populations of those countries.

The educational attainment indicators of ethnic Hungarian minority communities consistently fall short those of the majority populations in each of the countries examined. A common trend across all cases is that the proportion of ethnic Hungarians with higher education qualifications is lower, while the share of those with lower levels of education is higher than the national average. An analysis of occupational structure further reveals that ethnic Hungarians are overrepresented in agriculture and among unskilled labourers (Csete et al. 2010; Magyarország Kormánya 2015b).

There are multiple factors contributing to the decline of the Hungarian population. One contributing factor is the natural population decline affecting all European countries (Sobotka and Zeman 2018). Among ethnic Hungarian minorities, this decline is evident not only in absolute numbers but also in their proportion relative to the total population. This trend is expected to influence the future of mother-tongue education. The decreasing number of ethnic Hungarians is further compounded by population ageing, which inevitably leads to a growing share of the inactive population within the working-age group (Csete et al. 2010).

Another decisive factor is emigration. In the case of ethnic Hungarians living beyond Hungary’s borders, this often takes the specific form of migration towards the mother country, resulting in settlement in Hungary (Péti et al. 2020; Kincses 2019). Emigration is driven by multiple factors, among which better living conditions, employment prospects, and educational opportunities abroad are particularly prominent (Péti et al. 2019).

This demonstrates that migration is not merely a demographic phenomenon, but a deeply embedded social process shaped by the complex interplay of network dynamics, economic conditions, and identity-related factors at both individual and collective levels. Contemporary migration movements are increasingly driven by the “global division of labour” and by social hierarchies structured along ethnic lines, which render minority communities particularly vulnerable (Castles et al. 2005). In the case of cross-border Hungarian communities, mobility is often motivated not solely by economic rationality but also by a lack of social embeddedness within the majority society (Sütő 2014).

In addition to the overall decline of the Hungarian-speaking population in Hungary’s neighbouring countries, the proportion of ethnic Hungarians within traditionally Hungarian-majority areas is also decreasing significantly relative to the local population. This demographic shift is contributing to a process of assimilation, in which younger generations are increasingly losing their connection to Hungarian traditions and their sense of national identity. Minority Hungarian communities beyond Hungary’s borders have been severely affected by this assimilation process since the early 20th century, a process further accelerated by factors such as greater cross-border mobility and emigration (Péti et al. 2019, 2020; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2020). The extent of this assimilation varies across neighbouring countries. In Ukraine, alongside these dynamics, a drastic reduction in the Hungarian population of Transcarpathia is expected. One contributing factor is increased emigration prompted by the Russo-Ukrainian war. However, even prior to the outbreak of the conflict, researchers had predicted the sharpest decline among the Transcarpathian Hungarian population, attributing it to both population ageing and migration (Simsa 2022).

4. Results

4.1. Higher Education as a Geostrategic Instrument

Higher education today is no longer merely a site for the transfer of knowledge; it also operates as a diplomatic, economic, and cultural instrument of influence and can serve as a geopolitical and geostrategic instrument for a country (Moscovitz and Sabzalieva 2023). These institutions are active agents in local politics, shaping the territorial articulation of national identity. The fields of political demography and geography underscore how the interplay between social behaviour, spatial dimensions, politics, and policymaking influences key variables in international relations (Kugler and Rhamey 2023).

The interconnections between geopolitics and higher education have attracted growing scholarly attention in recent decades, as the global system of higher education has become increasingly embedded within the geopolitical strategies of nation-states. Higher education has emerged as a critical instrument within global power dynamics, functioning as a vehicle for international influence and economic interests (Moscovitz and Sabzalieva 2023).

With the rise of geopolitical thinking over the past three decades, the concept of soft power has gained prominence as an alternative to traditional, realist notions of hard power. While hard power in international relations refers to tangible resources such as military and economic force, soft power encompasses the behavioural forms, instruments, and policies of social, political, and state power that exert influence through value-based attraction—encouraging others to voluntarily accept one’s goals without coercion. In other words, soft power can be understood as the sum of values projected by a country (Gallarotti 2011). Higher education is a vital component of this soft power. Soft power is increasingly expressed as a dimension of cultural diplomacy through higher education initiatives. (B. K. et al. 2025). Accordingly, recent years have seen an increasing number of studies examining the soft power potential of higher education. While most focus on its international and global impacts, many of the underlying connections can be applied to the Hungarian higher education institutions operating in neighbouring countries. This section of the study outlines the relevant mechanisms and frameworks most significant for the future development of Hungarian higher education beyond the borders.

Building on the notion of higher education as soft power, Li (2018) developed the Soft Power Conversion Model of Higher Education, which identifies and organises the factors through which universities contribute to a nation’s soft power. According to Li (2018), higher education’s soft power lies in its capacity to render a nation’s cultural values, political ideas, and economic models attractive to other countries, thereby enhancing a country’s international image and ability to pursue its interests.

From a geo-economic perspective, universities are integral to economic strategies by stimulating innovation, enhancing competitiveness, and supplying a highly skilled workforce (Bottery 2001). Education, however, is not merely an economic resource; it also fosters social cohesion and cultural exchange (Delors 1996).

Global competition in higher education thus also serves as a force for identity formation. Shahjahan and Morgan (2015) emphasise that university rankings and international collaborations function as tools for building national prestige and global status, thereby contributing to the geopolitical positioning of countries. Education, therefore, represents a key element in shaping the international power landscape.

Globalisation exerts a dual impact on higher education: on the one hand, it promotes the homogenisation of education systems; on the other, it reinforces local specificities and cultural distinctiveness (Anderson-Levitt 2003). The establishment of leading universities not only pursues academic excellence but also serves to bolster a country’s geopolitical standing (Li 2018).

China’s example vividly illustrates the geostrategic significance of higher education. Its investments in education—such as the establishment of Confucius Institutes in Nepal and the provision of scholarships—function not only as means of knowledge dissemination but also as instruments for exerting cultural and political influence (Gauttam et al. 2021; Paradise 2009). Cooperation with Nepal highlights how education and infrastructure investments intertwine with foreign policy objectives while simultaneously introducing cultural and political risks (Gauttam et al. 2021; Pan 2013).

Overall, higher education serves not only academic advancement but also operates as an instrument for advancing geopolitical strategies and foreign policy objectives. Universities occupy a pivotal intersection between national and international interests, contributing to the strengthening of a state’s global position, the promotion of its cultural narratives, and the consolidation of its economic influence.

4.2. Hungarian Higher Education Beyond Hungary’s Borders

One of the key geopolitical objectives of the Hungarian state is to protect and sustain Hungarian communities beyond its borders (Magyarország Kormánya 2015a, 2015b, 2020). This geopolitical goal can only be achieved if effective local responses are provided to address these challenges. One strategically significant area is higher education, which, in theory, can simultaneously provide a more highly skilled local workforce—acting as an important driver of job creation—and contribute to retaining the community (Palmisano et al. 2022; Bottery 2001). Accordingly, the Hungarian state places strong emphasis on supporting the Hungarian population beyond the borders, with priority given to Hungarian-language education, especially higher education (Magyarország Kormánya 2020). In 2025, there were 25 higher education institutions operating in the Carpathian Basin that offered Hungarian-language programmes beyond the borders of the mother country (Hungary). The locations of these institutions are illustrated in Figure 2 (Magyar Tudományos Akadémia 2025). Altogether, the 25 institutions are located in 18 cities.

These institutions represent key foundations for nurturing Hungarian academic talent beyond the borders (Magyarország Kormánya 2015b). Hungarian-language higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s borders—typically established in neighbouring countries—aim to provide tertiary education in the mother tongue of Hungarian-speaking minority communities. These institutions either teach exclusively in Hungarian or offer programmes in Hungarian alongside the official state language. Their ownership structures are diverse: some are state-owned (e.g., in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, and Ukraine), while others operate under church or foundation ownership, or are supported through joint funding arrangements. The Hungarian state—either directly or through intermediary support organisations—provides substantial assistance for their operation (Magyarország Kormánya 2015b, 2020).

These institutions can be categorised into three groups:

• The first group consists of higher education institutions that provide instruction entirely in Hungarian (e.g., Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania, Partium Christian University, J. Selye University, and the Ferenc Rákóczi II Transcarpathian Hungarian College of Higher Education).
• The second group includes institutions that offer Hungarian-language education alongside instruction in the national language (e.g., Babes–Bolyai University).
• The third group comprises universities that provide Hungarian-language education within one or more departments (e.g., Uzhhorod National University, Centre for Hungarian Studies) (Bodnár et al. 2019).

Universities offering programmes entirely in Hungarian are not equivalent to Hungarian studies departments in other countries, as they were established with distinct aims and priorities. These institutions primarily serve as instruments of cultural soft power, aiming to preserve the values of Hungarian culture and education while also promoting national identity and shaping societal perceptions of the Hungarian state within the host country (Kántor 2007).

The range of programmes offered by higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s borders—whether entirely or partially in Hungarian—is broad, but does not encompass all fields of study. The

Table 3. Summary table of Hungarian-language study programmes at Hungarian higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s border, 2024.

Country	Institutional Background	Covered Fields	Gaps
Romania	There are independent Hungarian-language institutions (several), and Hungarian-language faculties and centres	Nearly the full spectrum, Medical and Health Science—bilingual	Partially lacking in Agricultural Sciences, Public Administration, Law Enforcement, and Military Sciences
Serbia	No independent Hungarian-language institution, only Hungarian-language faculties and centres	Teacher Education, Arts and Humanities, and some programmes with Hungarian consultation	Engineering, Agricultural Sciences, Medical and Health Science, Economic Science, and Legal Science
Slovakia	There is an independent Hungarian-language institution, and Hungarian-language faculties and centres	Teacher Education, Theology, and Economic Science	Agricultural Sciences, Engineering, Medical and Health Science, Legal Science, and Arts
Ukraine	There is an independent Hungarian-language institution and Hungarian-language faculties and centres	Teacher Education, Arts and Humanities, and Natural Science	Agricultural Sciences, Medical and Health Science, Economic Science, Engineering, and Legal Science

below presents the key characteristics of Hungarian-language programmes in each country. The data are based on the programmes announced by all relevant universities in 2024 (Supplementary Materials).

There is a marked asymmetry in the institutional and programme offerings of Hungarian-language higher education across the border. Romania has the most comprehensive system, with a wide range of Hungarian-language institutions and programmes. Slovakia and Ukraine also host independent Hungarian-language universities, whereas Serbia lacks such institutions. Notable gaps remain in fields such as agricultural sciences, engineering, medical and health science, and legal science (Supplementary Materials). The absence of agricultural training is particularly prominent, given that a disproportionately high number of ethnic Hungarians living beyond Hungary’s borders are employed in agriculture (Csete et al. 2010; Magyarország Kormánya 2015b). To develop a high-quality Hungarian higher education system abroad, it is essential to expand and rationalise the range of available programmes. Programme development should aim to address existing gaps and respond to local labour market needs (Magyarország Kormánya 2015a).

4.3. Hungarian Higher Education Beyond the Hungary’s Borders as a Geostrategic Instrument

The Hungarian National Policy Strategy targets support for education, economic development, naturalisation, culture and science, the civil sector, the church, and sport. One of the strategically most important areas is education, as evidenced by the fact that between 2010 and 2018, educational aid represented the largest share of total support (Bányai 2020). This can be attributed to the fact that, since 2010, numerous institutions have been established and significant infrastructure investments have been made in Hungarian-populated areas beyond Hungary’s borders (Bányai 2020). Education, and within it higher education, is regarded as the theoretical foundation for creating a highly skilled local workforce—an essential driver of job creation and a mechanism for retaining the community (Palmisano et al. 2022; Bottery 2001). The Hungarian state’s ambition to maintain Hungarian communities in their places of birth beyond the borders (Magyarország Kormánya 2015a, 2015b, 2020) is a clear indication that higher education is seen not merely as a centre of knowledge, but also as an economic and cultural instrument of influence, as Moscovitz and Sabzalieva (2023) observe. Locally accessible higher education enables more young people to participate in tertiary education, helping to reduce the underrepresentation of minorities in the higher education system. This is particularly important for ethnic Hungarians living abroad, who remain underrepresented in higher education even in regions with significant Hungarian populations (Magyarország Kormánya 2015b). Young people with higher qualifications have better labour market opportunities (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training 2013), which enhances their chances of achieving prosperity in their homeland and may reduce both emigration and assimilation. As a result, the intellectual elite can be retained—and even strengthened—within their country of residence (Sütő 2014; Magyarország Kormánya 2020).

An analysis of regional educational dynamics reveals that the geographical distribution of higher education capacities significantly influences opportunities for social mobility. Inequalities in access to higher education vary considerably across Europe. In Central and Eastern European countries—including the region under examination—such inequalities are more pronounced, indicating that the establishment of regional higher education centres can contribute to the social and economic stabilisation of peripheral areas (Palmisano et al. 2022). Hungarian higher education institutions beyond the border may serve such a role, mitigating regional disadvantages related to higher educational access.

The survival of a minority is determined by its economic circumstances, social and historical status, linguistic position, demographic characteristics, and institutional infrastructure—including educational institutions, as well as religious, administrative, media, and cultural organisations (Giles et al. 1977). In addition to these factors, it is essential to consider issues such as existential security and social acceptance or marginalisation, both of which leave a lasting societal imprint on minority communities (Ablonczy and Bárdi 2010). Historical events affecting Hungarians—such as population exchanges, forced displacements, or attempts at assimilation—can inflict traumas and exert long-term effects on the community’s identity and social cohesion (Simsa 2022). Schools have served, both historically and today, as arenas for majority oppression or, conversely, for cultural resistance (Csernicskó et al. 2010; Horváth and Papp 2018). Beyond their educational function, schools also serve as spaces where social status, linguistic rights, and identity are either preserved or constrained.

The survival of a minority is reflected in its capacity to function as a distinct, organised social community and, as such, its ability to integrate into society while safeguarding its continuity. Moreover, it represents a distinct yet active factor in inter-group relations (Mandel and Morvai 2022). These findings not only align with Bottery’s (2001) work but further reinforce the notion that education contributes to both moral and social development. In addition to its cultural significance, the provision of mother-tongue higher education in these regions plays a vital role in preserving identity—an element that is essential to the survival of Hungarian communities. Without it, the dispersion and assimilation of Hungarian communities may accelerate, potentially leading to a further weakening of Hungarian identity in the coming decades (Péti et al. 2019, 2020; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2020; Tóth and Vizi 2024).

4.4. Specific Forms of Intercultural Cohesion in Hungarian-Language Higher Education Institutions Beyond Hungary’s Borders

Intercultural cohesion is a key concept in international higher education, promoting cooperation, understanding, and acceptance among students and faculty from diverse linguistic, religious, and ethnic backgrounds (Deardorff 2006; Beelen and Jones 2015). While in the international literature this concept primarily applies to multicultural university environments, in the case of Hungarian higher education institutions beyond the borders, cohesion assumes a unique, identity-preserving function (Kántor 2007; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2020; Tóth and Vizi 2024).

According to the international literature, intercultural cohesion entails embracing diversity, developing intercultural competences, and creating shared learning spaces (Deardorff 2006; Beelen and Jones 2015). The concept of “internationalisation at home” (Beelen and Jones 2015) highlights that internationalisation can be achieved not only through physical mobility but also at the local level (Beelen and Jones 2015). In contrast, cohesion within Hungarian universities abroad is not grounded in cultural integration, but rather in the preservation of ethno-cultural identity. In these contexts, diversity is experienced more as ethnic distinction from the majority nation. The cultural background of most students is homogenous; hence, developing intercultural competences is not the primary objective. In this case, “cultural cohesion” refers to solidarity within the minority community rather than fostering intercultural interaction (Csernicskó et al. 2010; Kántor 2007; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2015b, 2020).

Hungarian-language higher education institutions in neighbouring countries—such as Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania (Romania), University of Novi Sad Hungarian Language Teacher Training Faculty in Subotica (Serbia), J. Selye University (Slovakia), and Ferenc Rákóczi II Transcarpathian Hungarian College of Higher Education (Ukraine)—serve multiple functions. On the one hand, they act as instruments for preserving Hungarian national identity; on the other, they serve as bridges between Hungarian and local higher education systems (Tóth and Vizi 2024).

These universities create environments where the use of Hungarian is not merely a medium of instruction, but also a key element of identity formation. The presence of Hungarian culture, academic discourse, and student life establishes a form of cultural sanctuary, where ethnic minority status is not associated with assimilation but with affirmation (Magyarország Kormánya 2015a; Tóth and Vizi 2024).

Emphasizing the balance between mother-tongue education and social integration is a critical concern, as multicultural education not only supports the preservation of minority identity but also equips individuals to participate effectively in majority society. A lack of such balance increases the risk of marginalisation (Gao and Gube 2020). The presence of minority Hungarian higher education institutions also creates a unique dynamic in relation to majority societies. On the one hand, such institutions can foster dialogue between majority and minority communities, particularly where openness exists (Horváth and Papp 2018). On the other hand, it is not uncommon for them to become entangled in political tensions, especially when they receive external (Hungarian) support (Brubaker 1996).

Greater openness is typically observed in countries where language and minority policy frameworks are more accommodating, and where ethnic diversity is valued as a national asset. For example, J. Selye University in Slovakia is officially recognised and funded by the Slovak state; while disputes over Hungarian language use have occurred, the institution is well integrated into the Slovak higher education system. In Romania, Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania is a higher education institution supported by the Hungarian state for the benefit of the Hungarian minority. Although it does not enjoy full recognition as a state university within the Romanian higher education system, its cooperation with the Romanian academic community has been gradually strengthening (Pálfi 2017).

Political tensions mainly arise when a state (e.g., Ukraine or Serbia) perceives minority institutions operating within its territory as not solely educational in purpose but also as symbolic or practical instruments of national identity politics. In this view, Hungarian-language institutions are perceived as geostrategic or ethno-cultural instruments of the Hungarian state.

Brubaker (1996) describes this dynamic as a “triadic nexus” or “triadic relationship” comprising the following:

• National Minority—(E.g., Hungarian communities living beyond the border)
• Nationalizing State—The host country that employing nation-building strategies (e.g., Ukraine, Romania, Slovakia, etc.)
• External National Homeland—(E.g., Hungary) acting as a “protector” of the minority.

The Hungarian population living beyond Hungary’s borders, the Hungarian state, and the respective host country form a triangular relationship in which the interactions, conditions, and dynamics of all three actors influence one another. In the case of Hungary and the ethnic Hungarian minority abroad, this relationship is shaped by Hungary’s national policy and the support mechanisms associated with it (Mandel and Morvai 2022).

In Ukraine, prior to the war, educational policy increasingly reflected a desire for national homogenisation. This culminated in the 2017 Education Law (Venice Commission 2017), which became a source of conflict between Hungarian-language educational institutions and the Ukrainian state. Ukraine’s education law regulates the rights of national minorities but has been criticised for failing to adequately guarantee the right to use one’s mother tongue and to receive education in it. The law imposed strict limits on education in languages other than Ukrainian (Venice Commission 2023). In line with Brubaker’s (1996) framework, the Hungarian state’s support for the college (e.g., infrastructure development and scholarships) fostered mistrust within the Ukrainian political elite.

A similar scenario unfolded previously in Romania. Under the 2011 Romanian Education Law (ARACIS 2011), Hungarian-language school students were required to pass the Romanian language and literature final exam under the same conditions as native Romanian-speaking students. The law was implemented without a transitional period, thereby affecting students already in upper grades without sufficient time to prepare (ARACIS 2011). The law has since been revised, and under the 2025 examination system, Hungarian-speaking students will sit the exam under adjusted requirements. This example also reinforces Brubaker’s (1996) theory that relations between a national minority, a nation-state, and an external homeland inherently carry the potential for conflict. Educational policy debates, therefore, possess geopolitical and cultural identity dimensions (Brubaker 1996).

In Serbia, Hungarian institutions in Vojvodina operate relatively stably, though occasional political commentary suggests that these communities are “too isolated” from Serbian national culture (Tóth and Vizi 2024).

Nevertheless, Hungarian higher education institutions beyond the borders can play a “bridge” role if they actively engage with majority society. Essential to this role is the deliberate development of multicultural competences and sustained dialogue between universities, local authorities, and state actors (Takács 2013; Csernicskó et al. 2010).

As discussed earlier, the fundamental aim of Hungarian-language higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s borders is to contribute to the preservation of the national identity of local Hungarian communities and to provide opportunities for young people to obtain higher education in their mother tongue (Kántor 2007; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2020). However, this educational policy goal also presents a specific dilemma: because of exclusively or predominantly Hungarian-language education, many students fail to acquire adequate proficiency in the official language of the host country, which may place them at a disadvantage in the labour market (Csernicskó et al. 2010; Kádár 2018).

Research has clearly shown that many graduates of Hungarian-language higher education in Transylvania only come to appreciate the importance of learning the state language after entering the workforce and attempt to compensate for their language deficiencies retrospectively (Kádár 2018). This is attributable to the fact that Hungarian-language higher education institutions in Transcarpathia and Transylvania either fail to include, or include only nominally, elements of state language instruction in their curricula (Csernicskó et al. 2010). This indicates that the institutional framework of Hungarian-language higher education does not consistently equip students with sufficient state language competences for effective participation in mixed-language labour markets. A low level of proficiency in the state language hinders the professional integration of young graduates, reduces their competitiveness in the labour market, and, in the longer term, may also undermine cultural cohesion with the majority society (Kádár 2018). Consequently, the Hungarian state’s goal of enhancing local labour market integration through the provision of Hungarian-language higher education—thereby supporting the well-being of the population in their homeland—may ultimately be jeopardised.

Nonetheless, while the provision of local Hungarian-language higher education remains valuable, the development of students’ proficiency in the state language is equally essential if they are to succeed in a state language-dominant labour market. Strengthening bilingual competence development may offer a viable solution to this issue (Csernicskó et al. 2010).

5. Discussion

5.1. The Strategic and Societal Role of Hungarian-Language Higher Education Beyond Hungary’s Borders

5.1.1. Preserving Identity, Building Community, and Advancing Geopolitical Instrument

Based on the sources analysed in this study, it can be concluded that Hungarian-language higher education institutions beyond Hungary’s borders fulfil multiple roles. They serve educational, community-building, and geopolitical functions simultaneously, and therefore their significance extends beyond educational policy to encompass national policy and geostrategic considerations (Tóth and Vizi 2024).

The demographic data presented in this study confirm that the population of Hungarian communities beyond the borders is steadily declining, creating both quantitative and qualitative challenges. Census data and projections alike indicate the magnitude of this decline. Consistent with these findings, research by Simsa (2022) and Péti et al. (2019, 2020) also highlight the dual impact of assimilation and emigration, both of which exacerbate identity loss. Higher education provides an effective response to the intensification of these effects and can serve as a strategic instrument for the Hungarian state in preserving national identity (Palmisano et al. 2022; Bottery 2001).

This study also contributes to understanding the soft power dimension of higher education. The soft power model of higher education offers a novel perspective: whereas international soft power instruments typically aim to export cultural and linguistic influence, in the Hungarian case these instruments serve to reinforce existing cultural identities internally (Moscovitz and Sabzalieva 2023; Gallarotti 2011; B. K. et al. 2025; Li 2018; Shahjahan and Morgan 2015; Anderson-Levitt 2003; Gauttam et al. 2021). This dual objective—identity preservation and geopolitical stability—renders the Hungarian state’s support mechanisms and institutional structures distinctive (Kántor 2007; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2015a, 2015b, 2020; Tóth and Vizi 2024; Horváth and Papp 2018; Takács 2013; Csernicskó et al. 2010; Mandel and Morvai 2022).

5.1.2. The Dilemmas of Hungarian-Language Higher Education Beyond Hungary’s Borders

The operation of Hungarian higher education institutions beyond the borders cannot be separated from their political context. Their multiple functions (education, identity preservation, and geopolitical stability) often generate tensions in their relationship with majority societies, particularly in countries where state language and nation-building policies promote homogenisation (Takács 2013; Csernicskó et al. 2010; Kádár 2018). The best-known examples are Ukraine, Romania, and Serbia. Ukraine’s 2017 education law (Venice Commission 2023), which restricted minority-language education, led to open conflict between Hungarian-language institutions and the Ukrainian state (Csernicskó et al. 2010; Kádár 2018). In Romania, similar sensitivities arose from the 2011 national education law, which required Hungarian-speaking students to take the Romanian language and literature matriculation examination under the same conditions as native Romanian speakers (ARACIS 2011). Similar political sensitivities have been observed in Serbia, where, despite greater institutional stability, periodic criticisms have emerged accusing these communities of “isolation” or hindering national integration (Tóth and Vizi 2024). Brubaker’s (1996) model aptly illustrates that cross-border higher education institutions are simultaneously objects of the protective role of the mother country, the nation-building policies of the host state, and the identity-preserving aspirations of the minority community—forming a triangular relationship inherently containing conflict potential. A key challenge for the future lies in how to manage these tensions: how to preserve cultural autonomy without reinforcing political mistrust from the host state.

The most significant strength—and simultaneously the greatest limitation—of cross-border higher education is that it operates exclusively in Hungarian. Research by Csernicskó et al. (2010), Sütő (2014), and Kádár (2018) also highlights the dilemma that, while exclusively Hungarian-language instruction contributes to the preservation of identity, it may pose long-term disadvantages in the local labour market. Considering this, integrating state language competence development into educational programmes may represent a promising direction for future development, enabling young graduates to remain competitive in local labour markets (Csernicskó et al. 2010; Sütő 2014; Kádár 2018).

An important lesson from this study is that the future of Hungarian-language higher education beyond the borders is closely intertwined with the political environment and the quality of relationships with majority societies. The current system of support provides a strong foundation for identity preservation; however, long-term sustainability will require educational policy innovations capable of balancing cultural distinction with social integration (Takács 2013; Csernicskó et al. 2010).

This study contributes to academic discourse on the geopolitical role of higher education beyond Hungary’s borders and offers a practical insight: Hungarian-language higher education abroad is likely to remain sustainable only if it succeeds in preserving cultural identity while also ensuring the necessary conditions for students’ economic and social integration.

5.2. Limitations

The present study is based on a qualitative, narrative review of the literature and does not include the collection of primary empirical data. This methodological approach imposes certain limitations on the transparency and practical applicability of the conclusions drawn. At the same time, the synthetic review of the literature provides a robust theoretical framework for further, in-depth examination of Hungarian higher education beyond Hungary’s borders. Future research could be further developed through empirical methodologies and the utilisation of primary data sources. Section 5.3. (Future Research Opportunities) outlines potential directions for such future inquiries.

Higher education institutions supported by the Hungarian state operate under a mixed and nationally funded model; however, their functioning remains embedded within the institutional and regulatory framework of the European Union. The EU’s political, financial, and regulatory environment exerts a structural influence on the long-term operation and legitimacy of these institutions. While the present study does not examine the specific effects of changes at the EU level in detail, their indirect impact is indisputable. EU policies increasingly highlight the importance of the rule of law and the protection of minorities (Sedelmeier 2013; European Commission 2023), which may, at times, conflict with Hungary’s national policy objectives—particularly in host countries that exhibit heightened sensitivity regarding their sovereignty in relation to diaspora support.

Changes in the EU’s budgetary cycles and development priorities may also affect support strategies (Blauberger and van Hüllen 2020). In the Hungarian context, certain forms of assistance to cross-border Hungarian communities are indirectly linked to EU programmes; thus, shifts in the EU’s resource allocation logic may significantly influence the long-term sustainability of these institutions (Mandel and Morvai 2022).

From a regulatory perspective, it is worth noting that all countries concerned are members of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) and participate in the Bologna Process. Furthermore, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights upholds linguistic diversity and prohibits discrimination based on language (European Union 2012), while the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities calls for the provision of education in minority languages, particularly for communities with a historical presence (Council of Europe 1995). Although these instruments are not legally binding in all cases, they nevertheless offer a political and moral framework that supports Hungarian-language higher education and may exert indirect pressure on the educational policies of host countries.

5.3. Future Research Opportunities

The narrative approach adopted in this study provides a theoretical foundation for analysing the geostrategic role of Hungarian-language higher education across borders, while also opening up several empirical and methodological avenues for future research.

An empirical study examining the impact of higher education institutions on migration would be particularly warranted. Quantitative studies comparing the catchment areas of Hungarian-language institutions in different regions could shed light on the extent to which such training centres contribute to regional prosperity and population retention. Within this framework, geoinformatics approaches could be employed to assess whether demographic trends differ between regions where access to higher education in the mother tongue is available and those where it is not. Existing literature has already shown that the majority of students from beyond Hungary’s borders who study in Hungary tend to integrate into the Hungarian labour market and do not return to their regions of origin (Sütő 2014).

Another promising area of inquiry concerns the transition between local Hungarian-language public education and higher education institutions. This line of research could map the proportion of students continuing their studies at local institutions versus those enrolling at universities in Hungary. Such studies could be supported by reliable datasets and institutional cooperation, enabling the tracking of educational pathways and the identification of regional disparities.

In addition to quantitative analyses, qualitative approaches are also essential. In-depth interviews with leaders of the relevant higher education institutions could offer insights into how they adapt to local labour market demands, the nature of their relationships with regional economic stakeholders, and the degree to which they tailor their academic offerings to the socio-economic context. These interviews could also explore the extent to which local labour markets absorb graduates from Hungarian-language institutions beyond the border and the implications this has for the retention of human capital in peripheral areas.

Evaluating the effectiveness of existing support structures represents another important area of future research. This could be achieved through indicator-based analyses drawing on statistical data, complemented by interviews with policymakers, institutional stakeholders, and beneficiaries. Such research could contribute to assessing the efficiency and impact of current support measures and serve as a foundation for refining future policy interventions.

Finally, it would be worthwhile to conduct international comparative research examining the characteristics of cross-border Hungarian-language higher education in relation to similar institutional systems in other multi-ethnic states. Notable examples include Spain (Catalan, Basque, and Galician autonomous higher education) and Finland (Swedish-language university system). In Spain, autonomous communities possess independent language and education policies, under which regional languages hold official status in higher education (Zuber 2010). In contrast, Hungarian-language higher education beyond the border operates outside Hungary’s national framework, under foreign state sovereignty, and largely with support from the Hungarian state—circumstances that introduce political sensitivities. In the case of Finland, Swedish functions as the second official language and has been institutionally integrated into the education system—for instance, through institutions such as Abo Akademi University (Saarinen 2020). This model demonstrates how minority-language higher education can be successfully embedded into national education policy without generating international political tensions.

These two comparative examples illustrate that the success of minority-language higher education depends not only on institutional performance but also on the political system, language policy traditions, and prevailing societal attitudes in the host country. A broader international comparative framework may therefore contribute meaningfully to reinterpreting the strategic position of Hungarian higher education beyond the border and informing its future-oriented development.

6. Conclusions

This study has demonstrated that higher education is not merely a site for knowledge transfer but also functions as an instrument for preserving national identity, strengthening social cohesion, and advancing geopolitical objectives. This role is particularly pronounced in the case of Hungarian communities beyond the borders of Hungary, where the establishment and operation of higher education institutions serve not only to ensure educational access but also to uphold the use of the mother tongue, cultural heritage, and national identity (Kántor 2007; Simsa 2022; Magyarország Kormánya 2015a, 2015b, 2020; Tóth and Vizi 2024; Horváth and Papp 2018; Takács 2013; Csernicskó et al. 2010; Mandel and Morvai 2022).

The steadily declining population of Hungarian minorities in the Carpathian Basin—exacerbated by ageing, assimilation, and increasing emigration—places the survival of these local Hungarian communities at growing risk (Péti et al. 2019, 2020; Simsa 2022). In response, the Hungarian state has developed a support system aimed at enabling these communities to thrive in their homeland, with Hungarian-language higher education as one of its most critical components (Magyarország Kormánya 2015a, 2015b, 2020). Education thus becomes a cornerstone of national policy, simultaneously addressing community, economic, and identity-related needs (Bottery 2001; Giles et al. 1977).

At the same time, the successful functioning of higher education institutions also depends on maintaining a balanced relationship with the majority society. In the long term, exclusively Hungarian-language programmes may limit students’ labour market opportunities if they are not accompanied by sufficient development of official language competences (Kádár 2018; Csernicskó et al. 2010). Therefore, alongside the risk of linguistic and cultural isolation, the central challenge for the future lies in strengthening Hungarian identity while preserving openness to integration.

Hungarian higher education institutions beyond the borders thus represent a nexus of national policy, education policy, and geopolitics. For the Hungarian state, these institutions function not only as spaces for cultural heritage preservation but also as strategic partners—entities that, in the coming decades, may become foundational to the survival of the Hungarian community and its geopolitical presence.