Innovative Experiences of Inter-Organizational Collaboration: The Case of Reception of Ukrainian Refugees in Lombardy

Abstract

This study examines Lombardy’s response to the Ukrainian migration crisis which was triggered by the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It focuses on the on the innovative experience of refugee reception that emerged as the traditional system became overwhelmed. It analyzes which aspects proved effective and which did not in the development of this alternative approach and the collaboration among various actors. Qualitative data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 28 participants, including professionals from both traditional reception systems and new collaborative actors and entities. Results highlight four specificities of the Ukrainian migration: geographic and cultural proximity, the demographic composition (predominantly women and children), positive media portrayal, and the activation of new actors. The study delves into six motivations driving this collaborative effort, ranging from historical ties, and pre-existing communities to emotional involvement and a perceived urgency for support. The challenges in coordinating between traditional systems and new collaborative entities are also examined, including communication barriers, the need for flexibility, and the lack of clear guidelines. This study recommends establishing a steering committee for enhanced collaboration and emphasizes the importance of long-term sustainability of these collaborative efforts. The findings offer valuable considerations for managing migration emergencies and fostering collaboration between different organizations and stakeholders.

1. Introduction

Since the start of the Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022, over 6 million Ukrainians have fled abroad (UNHCR 2023). The European Union’s response has been notably open, implementing the Temporary Protection Directive (TPD) in March 2022 to provide essential services (Ceccorulli 2023; De Coninck 2023; Duszczyk et al. 2023; Kumar et al. 2022). Italy has stepped up as one of the main recipient countries for Ukrainian refugees, accommodating around 175,107 people by far (UNHCR 2023). This response differs from previous migration crises, largely because Ukrainian refugees are predominantly women and children, whereas earlier crises, like the 2016 influx from Sub-Saharan Africa, were mainly composed of young men (Ceccorulli 2023). Media portrayals and perceived cultural proximity with Ukrainian refugees have fostered a more welcoming attitude (Camilli 2023; Bjånesøy and Bye 2023). Furthermore, the temporary nature of this displacement has influenced the reception approach (ISMU Fondazione 2022). However, ongoing concerns arise about Italy’s capacity to sustain support and manage the financial costs of such migration influx (Ceccorulli 2023). This study aims to explore how refugee reception was organized through interactions and coordination among a diverse range of actors. It builds on a growing body of literature on inter-organizational governance and refugee support systems (Donati et al. 2016; Van Den Oord et al. 2023; Schruijer 2020), which highlights how collaboration between autonomous actors—such as governments, NGOs, and informal groups—can either succeed or fail depending on levels of trust, coordination, and institutional flexibility. In this context, the reception of Ukrainian refugees in Italy presents a unique opportunity to explore how different actors cooperate (or struggle to cooperate) in an emergency-driven system.

As highlighted in the literature, a double standard in reception policies was evident in Italy, where a welcoming attitude towards Ukrainian refugees contrasted sharply with the more restrictive and skeptical approach applied to other migrant groups (Bolzoni et al. 2023; Camilli 2023). This differential treatment underscores the complexities and biases embedded in Italy’s migration policies and reception system. Italy’s historically hostile attitude towards migrants as well as its “emergency” approach contributed to a certain amount of closure as regards migrants and aid services providers (Campomori and Ambrosini 2020). The emergency-driven approach led to the expansion of the reception system under a ‘permanent emergency’ framework. Facilities like Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria (C.A.S) (Extraordinary Reception Centres), initially considered ‘extraordinary’ and ‘temporary,’ became pivotal to the system (Campesi 2018). Despite efforts to expand the ordinary reception system like the Sistema di Accoglienza e Integrazione (S.A.I) (Reception and Integration System) and promote social integration, local authorities’ reluctance to accommodate asylum seekers and refugees often hindered these efforts (Marchetti 2016). Although migration policies aim to support integration, they have primarily led to the growth of CAS, raising concerns about the social isolation and economic marginalization of asylum seekers in resource-limited areas (Ricard-Guay 2019). Policies driven by a security-focused approach exacerbate the transformation of reception into confinement mechanisms, resulting in asylum seekers and refugees being placed in local communities with limited employment opportunities and inadequate support from local authorities, often without the freedom to choose their residence (Campesi 2018). Criticism of this crisis-driven approach extends to analyses of local and regional reception and integration practices (Loprieno et al. 2019; Casati 2018). Researchers have described multi-level governance (MLG) as an accurate model for understanding Italy’s reception system, involving coordination among local, regional, and national governments and the third sector, reflecting the decentralized nature of welfare and social services governance (Campomori and Caponio 2017). While the central government maintains exclusive legislative authority over migration, reception issues are largely managed at the regional and local level by actors such as the Catholic Church, non-faith-based associations, trade unions, and NGOs, which operate most reception centres (Campomori and Ambrosini 2020). The lack of effective coordination between central and local governments has resulted in an unstructured system with inconsistent procedures for the reception and integration of forced migrants, exacerbated by service cuts, opaque allocation procedures, and inadequate long-term integration efforts (Centri d’Italia 2023). This fragmentation leads to frustration among both aid operators and migrants. Operators often feel isolated when dealing with rigid institutions, relying on personal relationships and informal arrangements to support migrants. Meanwhile, migrants experience a fragmented integration process, being shuffled between services without a coherent or standardized path (De Leo et al. 2023).

In contrast, significant differences have been observed in Italy’s reception of Ukrainian refugees compared to other migration crises (Ceccorulli 2023; Integrazione Migranti 2023; ISMU Fondazione 2022). Following the outbreak of war, Italy implemented a range of measures to manage the influx of Ukrainians. Initially, the government declared a state of emergency to facilitate support for displaced individuals from Ukraine. Moreover, the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive allowed Ukrainian refugees to access the reception system without undergoing the standard international protection procedure. Notably, the government also empowered the Civil Protection to issue executive decrees with immediate effect, enhancing its role in managing and overseeing the Ukrainian support network (Ceccorulli 2023; Ministero dell’Interno 2022). Substantial financial resources were allocated to expand the reception system, adding approximately 3,000 places to the Sistema di Accoglienza e Integrazione (SAI) and 5000 to the Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria (CAS) (Portale Integrazione Migranti 2023). Two innovative strategies were employed to address the Ukrainian crisis: domestic hospitality and monetary support for private housing (Mancini 2023; IDOS 2022). The “distributed reception” model, introduced by the Civil Protection in April, allocated around 15,000 spots, including over 4000 for family-based reception and additional apartments provided by third-sector entities through agreements with municipalities previously uninvolved in reception. This approach effectively established domestic hospitality as a public policy. Additionally, Ukrainian displaced persons were permitted to seek independent accommodations, supported by direct monetary assistance, acknowledging their autonomy and reinforcing their ties with local communities (IDOS 2022).

The unprecedented scale of the Ukrainian refugee crisis prompted an exceptional collaboration between established actors and newcomers without prior experience in migration support, giving rise to a new modality of reception. The existing system was quickly overwhelmed by the sudden influx, requiring alternative approaches to meet urgent needs. Families, small municipalities, local associations, and civil society organizations played a pivotal role, not only complementing but in some cases reshaping traditional reception structures (Ceccorulli 2023; Camilli 2023; Ministero dell’Interno 2022). The rapid involvement of new and diverse actors in Italy’s reception of Ukrainian refugees created both opportunities and coordination challenges, highlighting the critical need for inter-organizational cooperation (Schruijer 2020). These dynamics reflect broader insights from research on interorganizational collaboration, which emphasize the complex role of trust (Donati et al. 2016) and the need for context-sensitive governance structures (Van Den Oord et al. 2023). While this unprecedented collaboration initially strengthened reception efforts, it also raised concerns regarding sustainability—highlighting that refugee reception, when understood as a collaborative process, is shaped by complex dynamics.

The present study aims to analyse the characteristics of this novel hosting experience, with a particular focus on the collaborative efforts and opportunities that have emerged from the engagement of various actors involved in this process. The present study addresses a critical gap in the literature by examining the interplay between different actors involved in refugee reception in the specific context of Northern Italy. Specifically, the study will examine the experiences and perspectives of those directly involved in receiving Ukrainian refugees in the main provinces of Lombardy. The objective of the study is to explore the following three sub-objectives:

(1)

Investigating the unique characteristics of Ukrainian migration compared to previous migration flows.

(2)

Examining the motivations behind the activation of new actors and stakeholders.

(3)

Exploring the collaboration between different entities, emphasizing their joint efforts and the challenges encountered.

The research utilizes semi-structured interviews to explore the collaboration among key stakeholders in the Ukrainian refugee reception plan, including government entities, third sector and social operators, and families hosting refugees. In doing so, it aims to assess how different actors interact in times of crisis, highlighting the potential for integrating and stabilizing these collaborative approaches beyond emergency situations.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Aims and Scopes

The present study focuses on the perspectives and experiences of reception workers and newly involved stakeholders in Milan and Brescia1, two Italian cities located in Lombardy region with significant numbers of Ukrainian refugees. Lombardy has emerged as the region with the highest number of Ukrainian refugees, hosting approximately 32,000 individuals, or 18% of the total refugee population in Italy. This is particularly notable given that 54.5% of Ukrainian nationals in Italy reside in the northern regions, with Lombardy being the principal area for Ukrainian presence (Mancini 2023; Ministero del Lavoro e delle Politiche Sociali 2021). In 2023, the region hosted approximately 18,000 refugees within the reception system (Ministero dell’Interno 2022). Furthermore, the region has activated 792 places through third sector and NGOs to provide domestic hospitality for Ukrainian refugees (Dipartimento della Protezione Civile 2024). The region has received a total of 35,744 applications for temporary protection, with 9408 originating from the Metropolitan City of Milan and 5773 from the province of Brescia. Third sector and private organizations have established 709 accommodation places for Ukrainian migrants, with 168 located in Milan and 86 in Brescia. The total number of subsistence allowances distributed in Lombardy amounts to 29,369, with 8341 allocated in Milan and 3186 in Brescia (Dipartimento della Protezione Civile 2024).

2.2. Participants

A total of 28 individuals were selected for this research through purposive sampling, divided based on their experience in refugee reception. We recruited participants with prior experience in the refugee reception system as well as new actors and stakeholders who became involved due to the Ukrainian emergency, ensuring a balanced sample. Participants included 16 (57.14%) individuals from the traditional reception system and 12 (42.86%) new stakeholders. Among those from the traditional reception system, there were six social operators, five coordinators, and five cultural mediators, who equally operated between Brescia and Milan. Most of these participants worked within the Sistema di Accoglienza e Integrazione (SAI), except for four who were affiliated with the Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria (CAS). The new actors in this study consisted of four municipal officials and eight family members. The municipal officials, all from Brescia and its surrounding areas, had initiated their municipalities’ participation specifically in response to the Ukrainian crisis for the first time. The family members who provided emergency housing to Ukrainian migrants were evenly split, with half residing in Milan and its province and the other half in Brescia and its province. All the families offering support were informed and aided by their respective municipalities. The sample was gender-balanced, with 14 women and 14 men. The age of participants ranged from 26 to 57 years, with an average age of 37.3 years. Two interviews were conducted remotely, while the remaining interviews were conducted in person.

2.3. Measures

In our study, we utilized a single research tool for data collection: the semi-structured interview. This method involves a predefined set of questions, offering flexibility for the interviewer to ask follow-up questions based on the participant’s responses, omit, or reorder questions, and explore new areas relevant to the topic. This approach encourages a dynamic conversation between the researcher and participant, allowing for adjustments to the original questions in response to emerging themes and opportunities to delve deeper into important areas of interest (Rubin and Rubin 2005). The semi-structured interview proves to be a robust tool for gathering rich and nuanced data, fostering open-ended discussion, and providing the researcher with insights into the participant’s experiences and perspectives. The interview questions have been adapted according to the role of the people involved, specifically whether they belong to the traditional or emerging aid network. In particular, the following areas have been investigated: the representation of Ukrainian crisis, the motivations for collaboration, and the characteristics of collaboration experiences between traditional and new reception actors. The table below includes the items of three main thematic areas explored (see

Table 1. Semi-structured interview track.

Thematic Areas	Questions
	Reception Actors	New Actors
Personal data	“Tell me about yourself and your professional role?”	“Tell me about yourself and your professional role?”
Representation of Ukrainian refugees	“Could you describe the current situation regarding the reception of Ukrainian refugees?”	“Could you provide a broad overview of your perspective on the Ukrainian refugee crisis?”
Drivers for activation	“With regard to this new migratory flow, do you think there has been a greater activation of new actors compared to previous waves?	“Why did you decide to help Ukrainian refugees?”
Characteristics of collaboration	“How did the regular reception system coordinate with new actors and stakeholders?”	“Did you need to engage with the reception system? If so, how did you interact with it?”

below).

2.4. Methods and Procedure

Data collection was carried out at an early stage of the Russian Ukrainian conflict, namely between September 2022 and May 2023. Participants were initially contacted by phone to determine their interest in participating in the research and undergoing an interview. Once the appointment times and locations were set with each participant, individual meetings were arranged to conduct the interviews. The interviews were conducted by two researchers, and face-to-face meetings were preferred whenever possible. Due to geographical constraints, two interviews were conducted remotely using technological tools. During the meetings, participants were informed that their involvement in the research was voluntary, and there were no right or wrong answers. Additionally, each participant was invited to sign the informed consent form. The interviews had an average duration of about 1 h, were all audio-recorded, and then transcribed verbatim. The research received approval from the Ethics Committee on Psychological Research, Department of Psychology, Catholic University of the Sacred Heart (protocol number 4–24).

2.5. Data Analysis

In line with the interpretative phenomenological approach (Smith et al. 1999; Smith 2011, 2015), data analysis was conducted concurrently with data collection. As highlighted in the literature (Pietkiewicz and Smith 2014), it was crucial for researchers to fully immerse themselves in the data, aiming to empathize with the interviewees. This is grounded in one of the key principles of IPA highlighting that the participant is always the researcher’s privileged starting point for interpretations (Eatough and Smith 2017). In this case, the analysis followed a bottom-up logic due to the exploratory nature of the research. Coding categories were not predetermined but emerged directly from the data. The primary focus was on the experiences of the participants and the meanings attributed by them. After individually analysing each interview and extracting various categories, a comparative analysis between interviews was conducted to identify convergences and divergences. Finally, researchers initiated an interpretative process to address the three research objectives. It is important to highlight that, to achieve the initial three objectives, interviews with reception operators and new actors were considered.

3. Results

From the analysis, three primary themes emerged, aligning with the core research objectives: the characteristics of the Ukrainian migration flow, the drivers behind stakeholder activation, and the experiences of collaboration between different actors. Each of these themes includes several specific sub-themes.

Table 2. Main themes and sub-themes from the analysis.

Main Themes	Sub-Themes
Section 3.1. Characteristics of Ukrainian migration flow	3.1.1 Perception of cultural proximity
	3.1.2 Gendered composition
	3.1.3 Media coverage
	3.1.4 Activation of new actors
Section 3.2. Drivers for activation	3.2.1 Past Relations between Italy and Ukraine: Commercial and Touristic Ties
	3.2.2 Presence of Ukrainian Community in Italy
	3.2.3 Ethnic and Gendered Identification
	3.2.4 Perception of a limited reception period
	3.2.5 Need for immediate response
	3.2.6 “New sensitivity”
Section 3.3. Collaboration Experiences Between Actors	3.3.1 Need for collaboration
	3.3.2 Open Communication
	3.3.3 Flexibility of involved actors
	3.3.4 Importance of a “Steering Committee”
	3.3.5 Absence of Guidelines/Protocols
	3.3.6 Unsustainability of the Emerging Reception

below provides a comprehensive overview of these results.

3.1. Characteristics of Ukrainian Migration Flow

The primary research aim was to explore the phenomenon of the Ukrainian migration flow to identify its characteristics as compared to previous migration steams. In the section below, the major themes that emerged from the conducted interviews are presented. Analysing the words of different reception actors, four main peculiarities describing Ukrainian migration following the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in 2022 were identified: cultural and geographical proximity, sociodemographic features, media coverage, activation of new actors.

3.1.1. Perception of Cultural Proximity

The first of these characteristics is the perception of cultural proximity between the Ukrainian and Italian people. Participants’ representations perceived Ukrainian migrants as closer due to their European origin, sharing aspects of cultural and religious identity. Some interview excerpts explicitly express these characteristics:

We are talking about a reality that is 1200 km from here, compared to maybe a reality that is 4000, 3000 km away, so it feels closer.

(M, 31, social services, reception actor)

They are much more like us [...] because, in any case, they will have a different religion, but one that is still very similar to ours, they have skin like ours, they have different but closer cultures.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

There’s the ethnic aspect; I think it matters a lot... they perceive them as closer, so there is clearly more trust in opening their doors.

(M, 29, host family member, new actor)

3.1.2. Gendered Composition

The second characteristic focuses on the sociodemographic attributes of the Ukrainian migrants, distinguishing them from previous migrant populations. A key finding from nearly all interviews is the distinctive gendered composition of the Ukrainian refugees. The current influx is predominantly composed of women and children. This is due to martial law in Ukraine, which has required men to stay behind and participate in the conflict:

With the reception of Ukrainians, I found myself working with women and children.

(F, 33, operator, reception actor)

But then there [in the North Africa emergency], it’s less likely that family units arrive; most migrants are men, adults, etc. [...] But when you get a Ukrainian family, it’s essentially composed of any type of person except an adult male.

(M, 42, coordinator, reception actor)

Some reception professionals emphasized that the specificity of this migration is related to the exclusive movement of women and children, while in previous migration flows (e.g., Syrian or Afghanistan), although single-parent units (women-children) were present, male presence was also noted.

Since the Ukrainian arrived, we started dealing with…we always dealt with family units, okay? What’s the difference is that many times these (referring to Ukrainian refugees) are mononuclear, right? So maybe there is only one reference figure, mother, grandmother, or both, but unique, because the male figure is missing.

(M, 31, social operator, reception actor)

3.1.3. Media Coverage

The third characteristic noted in almost all interviews concerns the media resonance generated by this war, with a specific focus on the type of narrative presented. According to the interviewed actors, the Ukrainian migration was characterized by a particularly “positive” narrative, sharply contrasting with that reserved for migrants from other countries:

Clearly, for public opinion, because, with so much attention and closeness from the political world and journalists regarding this situation in Ukraine, people were much more inclined to welcome these individuals.

(F, 27, social operator, reception actor)

Moreover, from the interviews, it emerged that this conflict received greater media attention, also in terms of the frequency with which news outlets covered the topic. Specifically, as outlined by different reception operators, this heightened attention was also driven by concerns about the potential spread of the conflict to other European countries.

The war in Ukraine is on all newspaper headlines every day; a war, maybe internal in an African region or a long-standing war in the Middle East, quite simply, doesn’t make news anymore.

(F, 31, social worker, reception actor)

There is a whole political discussion behind the war in Ukraine because it seemed like a much closer war, whereas you never really hear about what happens in Africa and in Afghanistan, in Iran.

(F, 27, social worker, reception actor)

3.1.4. Activation of New Actors

According to the interviewed participants, the main characteristic of this migration flow lies in the activation of a large plethora of actors who had never been involved in reception before but took actions to support people fleeing the war. This plethora consisted of civil society actors such as families, local administration representatives, associations and services that had no prior experience with migration.

There was this prompt participation by everyone, and the activation of services that normally, for a beneficiary of a project, might have taken months, many months to obtain.

(F, 41, social worker, reception actor)

From the point of view of welcoming the Ukrainians, many families also made themselves available for hosting, in their homes.

(F, 33, operator, reception actor)

The Municipality of Opera, however, granted free admission for Ukrainian children to kindergarten. Or even the service of, for example, Autoguidovie, where a Ukrainian citizen could use the transport service for free simply by showing the Ukrainian passport. This was not done for other applicants.

(F, 31, social worker, reception actor)

According to an interviewed cultural mediator, the impact of the Ukrainian crisis was profound enough to motivate certain associations into internal restructuring. This was undertaken with the specific goal of extending support to the Ukrainian refugees who had sought refuge in Italy:

When everything erupted, we had the opportunity to transform our cultural association into a third-sector organization. So yes, what did we do? We set up collection points, we had five where we helped and sent specific humanitarian aid to specific places because our advantage was that we are Ukrainians, we were born in Ukraine, and we lived there for a certain period.

(F, 39, cultural mediator, reception actor)

3.2. Drivers for Activation

From the analysis of interviews related to the first objective, it was evident that a pivotal aspect of this migration wave was the engagement of new actors. In the second objective, we will explore the motivations that led to the activation of all these social actors. Six distinct types of motivations are observed, serving as triggers. Broadly, contextual and environmental factors appear to take precedence, intertwined with those more closely associated with the psychological dimension.

3.2.1. Past Relations Between Italy and Ukraine: Commercial and Touristic Ties

The involvement of new actors was significantly shaped by the existing ties between Italy and Ukraine, as noted by our participants. These historical connections led to the engagement of civil society, which had previously interacted with the Ukrainian population. Specifically, the emphasis was on the commercial and touristic connections that had evolved over the years between the two nations. It’s noteworthy that the recognition of commercial relationships was limited, with only one participant underscoring its significance. This underscores the potential influence of regional specificities, as exemplified in the case of Brescia:

In the specific case of Brescia, relations, I would say even commercial ones, with Ukraine, were a factor, perhaps not among the first... the Brescia Chamber of Commerce noted a strong commercial exchange activity with Ukraine.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

As regards the touristic connections, a Ukrainian cultural mediator, who has been residing in Italy for several years, reflects on the enduring tourist exchanges between Italy and Ukraine. Notably, there’s a focus on the proximity of Western Ukraine to the Italian territory:

Because this part near Lviv, Chernivtsi, we are used, every now and then, to live and feel that they are close to Europe. For them, almost everyone has been to Italy, to Europe, and so, in my opinion, they took advantage of it to come here. They saw that they could easily get documents, so they could have many benefits... Because they were already going back and forth, they knew the way.

(F, 39, cultural mediator, reception actor)

3.2.2. Presence of Ukrainian Community in Italy

The second factor pertains to the established presence of Ukrainian communities and networks in Italy, which originated from previous waves of economically motivated migration. The existence of these pre-existing communities has played a pivotal role in shaping the decisions of many Ukrainian refugees to relocate to Italy. For numerous refugees, the familiarity and support offered by these established networks have been a significant influence, facilitating their integration and providing a sense of continuity amidst displacement:

The acquaintance with people played a significant role, in the sense that ... at least 50% of those who expressed willingness had some knowledge, be it a caregiver, a friend, or an individual external to the family, of Ukrainian origin.

(M, 26, municipal operator, new actor)

On the other hand, the network of contacts, which consisted mainly of women who were already working in the area, perhaps as domestic workers or home care assistants for the elderly, but not only, was certainly a factor.Many, informally, felt involved and opened their doors precisely because they knew some people of Ukrainian origin who perhaps worked or had been living in Brescia for some time, and this further motivated them.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

3.2.3. Ethnic and Gendered Identification

The third motivation is arguably the most contentious, as it centers on the host community’s psychological sense of connection with Ukrainian refugees. According to most interviewees, a key factor behind the surge in empathy and willingness to provide assistance was the psychological identification with the refugees—rooted in a perceived ethnic and cultural similarity as compared to other migrant groups. This sense of shared identity contributed to a distinct representation of Ukrainian migrants: unlike those from other ethnic backgrounds, they were viewed as ‘genuine refugees’ and thus seen as more deserving of support. This stands in contrast to the ‘false refugee’ (Fassin 2001), a negatively stereotyped figure associated with danger and the illegitimate appropriation of the host society’s resources:

Certainly, because there is a component that is much more similar to us, and it is probably much easier to open the doors of our homes to those who do not evoke fear.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

There’s now a well-established perception that those who come by sea are here to steal, to deal drugs, and so there’s a completely different sensitivity, and there has been a completely different reaction.

(M, 49, host, new actor)

Because unfortunately, the pigmentation of skin colour affects a lot, the dark colour of the skin. Many times, it is associated with criminal phenomena, with phenomena of misconduct.

(M, 48, host, new actor)

According to some participants, feelings of empathy were amplified by the fact that the migrant population was mainly composed of women and children, with very few male migrants remaining in Ukraine due to martial law. This appears to have significantly influenced the decision of families to open their doors to host these individuals:

The absence of the male figure, in some respects, has been positive. In the sense that many of our families were saying, ‘I welcome them if the father is not there’, the specific family, mother and children. If there had also been the male parental figure, everything would have been much more difficult.

(M, 26, municipality operator, new actor)

3.2.4. Perception of a Limited Reception Period

The fourth motivation that emerges from the interviews relates to the perception of a limited time for reception: this means that families who decided to host Ukrainian migrants did so because they imagined the crisis to be temporary, and therefore, their support would be offered for a limited period of time. This impression is clearly articulated in the words of the interviewees, both belonging to the reception operators and the host families themselves:

In my opinion, one of the reasons why it activated is also for this concept of limited temporality, which is not proving to be so.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

It’s logical that if you provide hospitality to a person who, in any case, has, let’s say, as a goal in life, to return home, it’s different from hosting a person who effectively says I come here, I could stay here forever.

(M, 43, host, new actor)

This distinctive aspect of Ukrainian migration sharply contrasts with other migration patterns where individuals come to Italy with the intention of not returning to their home country and aim to build a life in Europe. Therefore, they are seen by host families as permanent guests:

At first, it seemed like something that would be resolved, not immediately, but perhaps not lasting years...I imagine a person coming from a (non-European) country at war or otherwise very poor, who comes here, if I had to say I host you, for how long though?

(M, 43, host, new actor)

3.2.5. Need for Immediate Response

The fifth motivation is closely linked to the previously discussed one, involving the perception of the crisis’s urgency, particularly during the initial phase of the emergency. According to some participants, the massive response from civil society and third sector entities, that had never engaged in refugees’ reception before, stemmed from the acute awareness of the urgent need for support among those suddenly living under siege.

So, from an organizational standpoint, there was an urgent need to find accommodation for these people, so that they could eventually return home or find other accommodation.

(M, 43, host, new actor)

3.2.6. “New Sensitivity”

The final motivation, as reported by our participants, that shaped the empathetic response marking the forced migration of Ukrainians is linked to the development of a “new sensitivity” stemming from experiences of past crises affecting the Italian population, notably the Covid-19 pandemic. Specifically, an operator shares how the profound impact of the pandemic on the cities of Brescia and Bergamo led residents to develop a heightened sense of empathy and sensitivity towards catastrophic events, such as the war in Ukraine:

Perhaps from an emotional standpoint, in terms of empathic impact as well, let’s say what Covid and the pandemic were in this area... as a perception of ‘misfortune’... has further motivated many people, even locals, to activate themselves to make apartments available. I remember three or four homeowners saying, ‘I lost... some relatives, and that shook me’. When I saw that an entire country was hit by a catastrophe like that, we’ve just gone through a pandemic, and especially in our areas, it hit hard, and it seemed like the least I could do was to make my apartment available.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

3.3. Collaboration Experiences Between Actors

The analysis revealed key themes regarding the collaboration between new and established actors in the reception of Ukrainian refugees. The findings emphasize the crucial need for effective collaboration and open communication between various stakeholders. Flexibility among involved actors emerged as essential to adapt to the dynamic nature of the situation. The establishment of a central coordinating body, such as a “Steering Committee,” was identified as important for improving coordination and ensuring a more unified approach. However, the absence of clear guidelines and protocols has led to inconsistencies in how services are delivered. Furthermore, concerns were also raised about the long-term sustainability of these collaborative efforts, suggesting that while progress has been made, ongoing challenges remain in maintaining effective and consistent support for Ukrainian refugees.

3.3.1. Need for Collaboration

The analysis of participants’ statements reveals a central theme: the imperative need for collaboration. This necessity was particularly pronounced among host families who had no prior experience in refugee reception. As their initial enthusiasm diminished, these families confronted the reality that they could not independently meet all the needs of their guests. This realization led them to recognize the importance of seeking support and collaborating with established regional institutions to more effectively address the refugees’ needs:

By necessity, in terms of hospitality, there was the need to turn to the prefecture or CAS and the like.

(M, 26, municipal operator, new actor)

Then when you must manage this type of emergency, you can’t do it alone, there must be coordination. Actually, there was much more than there had ever been before... So... it was a wonderful thing, because the transfer of ideas and initiatives, of the rules themselves, of what you are doing, what I am doing? But also simply the references that come from the prefecture or the ATS.

(M, 49, host, new actor)

Similarly, professionals within the reception system reported substantial support from the collaboration with families and local entities in addressing the needs of migrants. They highlighted several supportive measures, including the provision of accommodation, guidance on accessing local services, assistance with healthcare appointments, the organization of free language courses, and facilitation of job placements. These measures underscore the critical need for collaboration to effectively deliver aid services:

In our experience, it was useful to have support from various entities, for example, the Civil Protection that provided various free accompaniments or we were in contact with people who made themselves available to hire Ukrainian individuals.

(F, 27, operator, reception actor)

We have also activated other external reception centers for families, but also for individuals, which normally, let’s say, until then, we had not been able to take into consideration and therefore take advantage of this channel. Seeing the availability of resources that we made available for the Ukrainian issue, we were able to intercept other situations as well, and we intend to continue doing so.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

3.3.2. Open Communication

One of the primary factors that appears to positively influence collaboration is the combination of openness and effective communication among the parties involved. This involves sharing of information and exploring diverse perspectives, aiming to achieve a mutual agreement or solution. It is crucial to initiate a constructive dialogue in which the parties strive to understand each other:

Everything is fine, very fine, yes, yes, also because there is excellent dialogue, excellent discussion, and we always manage to find a middle ground, or at least tools that allow us to achieve the goal, which is integration, so I would say that we manage to collaborate and communicate well.

(M, 31, social worker, reception actor)

3.3.3. Flexibility of Involved Actors

Our participants indicated that a key factor facilitating effective cooperation was the flexibility demonstrated by professionals and actors involved in supporting Ukrainian refugees. This flexibility encompasses their capacity to adapt, modify, or adjust their approaches and behaviors in response to evolving circumstances or the specific needs of migrants. Such adaptability is essential for effective collaboration with diverse entities, institutions, and stakeholders, each of which may have distinct mandates and organizational cultures. Consequently, flexibility emerged as essential for developing and implementing innovative solutions, even within the constraints of rigid administrative frameworks.

At the first opening, the CAS had available spaces, but there was no way to communicate it to the entities that needed them; therefore, agreements were literally made verbally with the CAS managers. The next day, you would call the Civil Protection, load the boys and girls who needed it, and take them there.

(M, 26, municipality operator, new actor)

From this point of view, the project launched by the Municipality of Brescia has been very positive... because we have managed to open direct channels with local social centers, where reports are sent in real time, whereas before there were much more... let’s call them institutional channels, which had to make these reports in order for them to be taken into consideration by the SAI and vice versa.

(M, 33, social services, reception actor)

3.3.4. Importance of a “Steering Committee”

Another crucial element for effective collaboration was the establishment of a “steering committee” responsible for overseeing various initiatives. Participants highlighted the essential role of municipalities in coordinating grassroots efforts with formal programs. The presence of a steering committee provided clarity regarding roles and responsibilities, thereby enhancing cooperation and ensuring more effective management of the different initiatives:

We intervened, among all the interlocutors, to coordinate the emergency in a unified way, so a single bank account for donations, the Proloco, we made the church of the municipality available to stock food, clothing, and so on.

(M, 26, municipal operator, new actor)

We definitely went through the municipality of Olgiate, which did a wonderful job, in the sense that they really worked hard. They searched immediately and set up a support network.

(M, 43, host family, new actor)

3.3.5. Absence of Guidelines/Protocols

The absence of guidelines or protocols, especially during the initial phases of the emergency, has significantly hindered collaboration among various stakeholders. According to our participants, the lack of clear and mutually agreed-upon directives or rules has negatively impacted the ability of all parties to coordinate effectively. Participants highlighted that the absence of established procedures for decision-making and action has created confusion and inefficiencies. This deficiency undermines the overall effectiveness of collaborative efforts, as stakeholders struggle to navigate and address specific situations without a cohesive framework:

There is coordination on many things, but there is no coordination on entry principles; everyone does as they please. Also, on extensions, everyone does as they please. That is, we, Project Brescia “Provincia Aperta”, have our practices, and the Municipality of Brescia project can have its own practices.

(M, 33, coordinator, reception actor)

3.3.6. Unsustainability of New Reception

One final element that appears to impact coordination negatively is the theme of the “unsustainability” of the emerging reception system. When the interviews were conducted, just a few months after the onset of the crisis, there was already evidence of fatigue on the part of host families in taking care of Ukrainian refugees for an extended period. Initially, one of the factors that drove families to open their doors was the urgency and needs of support from these individuals. However, in the second phase, the issue of the sustainability of this commitment by families emerged. For families, the main reported difficulties concerned the economic costs of hosting, inexperience in the face of a demand for needs that required specific skills, and emotional fatigue associated with managing traumatic aspects and cohabitation. Consequently, when Italian families could no longer manage the reception, the burden of managing refugees fell back onto the traditional reception network.

Yes, initially, yes, let’s say the first 2–3 months, yes (there was mobilization of Italian families). After that, everyone got tired, everything ended.

(F, 42, cultural mediator, new actor)

This private citizen realized that perhaps things were dragging on a bit too much, that it wasn’t as she expected, and so it seems that this person wants to go back a bit, because, in fact, she hadn’t really understood what it meant to welcome someone, now she might want [to have her own apartment back].

(F, 27, educator, reception actor)

4. Discussion

This research aims to investigate the perceptions and experiences of operators and actors involved in the reception of Ukrainian migrants. It specifically examines the unique aspects and characteristics of this migration compared to previous flows and analyses the collaborative challenges between the reception system and new entities and stakeholders assisting Ukrainian refugees. As emerged by the results, Ukrainian migration exhibited distinct characteristics from prior migration patterns. According to our participants, there are four specificities in the Ukrainian case compared to previous flows: perception of cultural proximity, gendered composition, media coverage, and activation of new actors. Cultural proximity stands out as a distinctive feature, as Ukrainian migrants are perceived as closer due to the shared aspects of European cultural identity (Carrera and Ineli-Ciger 2023; McCloskey 2022; Morrice 2022). As emphasized by certain interviewees, this similarity has facilitated processes of identification among individuals who share the same ethnicity and a similar value system (De Coninck 2023). Furthermore, as reported by operators, the demographic composition of the Ukrainian flow is mainly composed of women and children—over 90% (Kumar et al. 2022)—as men were forced to stay in the country due to martial law. This “novel” demographic profile among the migrant population represents a significant departure from previous forced migrations, such as the “North Africa Emergency” (Emergenza Nord Africa), which were predominantly characterized by the presence of young men. (Duszczyk et al. 2023). From a feminist perspective, this gendered framing can be read through Cynthia Enloe’s (2000) concept of “womenandchildren”, which critiques how women and children are treated as a single, undifferentiated, vulnerable group rather than as distinct individuals with different experiences, needs, and agency. Interestingly, Hall (2020) highlights how the logics of protection and deservingness are also applied to male refugees, particularly in the role of fathers. Men who are framed as caregivers are more likely to be perceived as legitimate asylum seekers, while single male refugees are often constructed as threatening, undeserving, or potentially abusive of the system. This gendered framing contributes to the marginalization of under-supported groups, such as LGBTQI+ individuals and young men traveling alone, who are frequently portrayed as opportunistic or capable of manipulating asylum procedures—undermining their access to reception support (Bird 2022). The third aspect underscores the media resonance of the Ukrainian migration. The narrative surrounding Ukrainian events deviated significantly from the conventional discourse applied to forced migrants from other geographical contexts. Preceding the Ukrainian emergency, public discourse on immigration was characterized by stigmatization and a negative portrayal of migrants as “bogus” (De Leo et al. 2022). In contrast, Ukrainian refugees were depicted in a more positive light. According to interviewees, the favourable reception of the Ukrainian refugee narrative was influenced by identification processes, impacted by the characteristics of the migrant flow: individuals who were white, European, educated, fleeing from the communist bloc to embrace Western European values and lifestyles. Some authors argue that these characteristics evoke the ideal-typical figure of a “refugee” outlined in the Geneva Refugee Convention (Bolzoni et al. 2023). Other researchers have highlighted Ukraine’s significant representation in global mass events such as sport events or music festival, as a pivotal factor contributing to the development of a shared collective consciousness among European audiences and the Ukrainian population. This significant representation contributed to a positive depiction of Ukrainian refugees in the media. (Bravo et al. 2020; Press-Barnathan and Lutz 2020). As per other researchers, the media’s extensive coverage of the topic was associated with concerns about the conflict spreading to other European nations due to its geographical proximity. (De Coninck 2023).

Despite these unique aspects, the most notable feature of this migratory flow, according to our participants, has been the engagement of a wide range of actors with no prior experience in refugee support. This includes families, local associations, and even institutional figures previously uninvolved in reception efforts. This shift represents a significant departure from traditional approaches to refugee support (Bolzoni et al. 2023). Specifically, the surge of grassroots solidarity initiatives—marked by their rapid onset and intensity—has mobilized not only established activists and traditional migration institutions but also newly engaged volunteers and families, as defined by Fleischmann (2020) as “newly committed citizens.”

The second objective of this research focused on a comprehensive examination of the motivations that prompted the activation of new actors and stakeholders in the reception of Ukrainian refugees. Six primary categories of motivations were identified, each functioning as a catalyst for engagement. These motivations encompass a range of contextual, environmental, and psychological factors, illustrating the intricate network of elements driving this collective response. Firstly, the analysis highlighted the significance of pre-existing relations between Italy and Ukraine, whether commercial or touristic. These historical connections played a substantial role in mobilizing the emerging support system, with particular attention to regional specificities, such as those evident in Brescia. Secondly, the established presence of Ukrainian communities in Lombardy, resulting from previous economic migrations, emerged as a pivotal factor. These existing networks provided concrete support for many Ukrainian refugees, influencing their decision to seek refuge in Italy (Ceccorulli 2023). A more contentious aspect identified was the strong process of identification by the host community with Ukrainian migrants. This emotional involvement was often fuelled by ethnic proximity and the predominantly female composition of the migrant population, coupled with the presence of minors (Kumar et al. 2022). A postcolonial lens helps illuminate this aspect: Edward Said’s (1977) theory of Orientalism critiques how non-European populations are often portrayed as culturally distant or inferior, a pattern that continues in contemporary refugee discourse. In a similar vein, Martina Tazzioli (2024) explores how European migration regimes are influenced by a racialised politics of desire, where some bodies and identities are welcomed as assimilable while others are excluded. These frameworks help explain why proximity in values, race, and cultural imaginaries—rather than geography—shaped reception policies and foster a psychological sense of proximity with Ukrainian refugees as compared to other migrant groups. The perception of the reception’s limited temporality was another key driver, as host families initially offered their hospitality with the expectation of providing short-term rather than long-term support. This perception often overlooked the economic and emotional challenges that extended support would entail (De Coninck 2023). Closely linked to this was the perceived urgency to aid individuals fleeing a geographically proximate conflict. The massive response from civil society and actors outside the traditional reception system was driven by an acute awareness of the immediate need for support among those suddenly living under siege (Bolzoni et al. 2023). Lastly, the final driver of network activation was the emergence of a “new sensitivity” within the Italian context, influenced by previous crises such as the Covid-19 pandemic. This new sensitivity facilitated a robust supportive response towards Ukrainians fleeing the war.

The activation of a new array of actors in response to the Ukrainian refugee crisis has brought to light the pressing need for a detailed examination of the dynamics and challenges involved in the collaboration between these new stakeholders and the traditional reception system. One of the primary needs identified through this experience is the essential role of collaboration, which is critical for the success of the reception process. This need is underscored by the experiences of both families and professionals within the traditional reception system. Initially, families who volunteered to host refugees were motivated by a strong sense of enthusiasm. However, they quickly realized the necessity of collaborating with established reception institutions to effectively address the multifaceted needs of their guests. On the other hand, professionals within the traditional reception system found significant support from these host families and local associations, enabling the integration of new approaches and resources to manage this unique category of beneficiaries (Bolzoni et al. 2023).

In turn, the complexity of this collaboration highlights the need to investigate its positive and negative aspects. Open communication and constructive dialogue emerged as crucial elements for fostering collaboration between the various actors and organizations. Lack of communication was consistently identified as a significant obstacle, highlighting the importance of establishing effective channels for information sharing and mutual understanding (De Leo et al. 2024). Furthermore, flexibility was recognized as an essential trait for actors involved in the reception process. The ability to adapt to changing circumstances and work with entities that had different organizational cultures and mandates was identified as a critical skill for ensuring effective cooperation (Gozzoli and De Leo 2020). Additionally, the absence of clear guidelines and protocols, particularly for the newly engaged actors, created confusion and hindered the smooth flow of operations. Establishing shared directives and standardizing practices was considered essential for creating a cohesive framework that would synchronize the actions of all parties involved.

These challenges were particularly evident when examining the emotional toll on the host families. Many host families were not prepared for the emotional strain of managing complex refugee experiences, especially when faced with trauma and language barriers. Despite their initial enthusiasm, the fatigue that set in overtime, both emotionally and practically, raised concerns about the sustainability of these efforts. The lack of formal knowledge regarding migration processes and the absence of structured support for dealing with emotional issues led to difficulties in managing the relationships with migrants, particularly when faced with challenging situations that required professional intervention.

Another challenge faced by new actors and host families was the sustainability of their involvement. Initially driven by urgency and the desire to offer support, many families later expressed concerns about the long-term viability of their commitment. Economic costs, inexperience in managing the specific needs of refugees, and emotional exhaustion were cited as key barriers. Host families, especially those involved in long-term reception, struggled with the pressures of maintaining a welcoming environment. This emotional fatigue and the logistical burden of hosting refugees raised critical questions about the sustainability of such collaborations beyond emergency contexts.

On the other side, the reliance on unexperienced actors for case management created tensions regarding roles and responsibilities. Professionals in the traditional reception system, while benefiting from the support of these unexperienced actors, found themselves in conflict over the management of different reception actors, each requiring distinct approaches. These internal conflicts revealed underlying contradictions within the reception system, as the formal sector struggled to adapt to the diverse needs of the new arrivals and collaborators. The complexity of the situation prompted a call for a more structured coordination mechanism, such as the establishment of a “steering committee” with active participation from municipalities. This committee could enhance transparency regarding roles and responsibilities, facilitating smoother collaboration among all involved stakeholders.

As a result, there is a growing recognition of the need for a new model of integrated reception, one that promotes horizontal collaboration between local entities and establishes cooperative relationships that are mutually beneficial and sustainable over time. The complexity of the situation also illuminated the need for more formal support for both migrants and host families. It became clear that new actors, while useful in providing immediate assistance, require training and guidance on migration processes, emotional support, and the practicalities of integration —whether in the form of workshops, training, or direct guidance. Professionals and operators, on the other hand, need professional support to resolve conflicts that might arise when dealing with different migrants and working with different organizational approaches, ensuring that collaboration remains effective and sustainable.

Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

The primary limitation of this study is its focus on a specific geographical area, namely northern Italy. This focus constrains the generalizability of the findings and highlights the need for further research to understand the dynamics in other regions. Another significant limitation is the exclusion of refugees’ perspectives from the presented results, leading to an incomplete understanding of the situation. Future research should include a more detailed analysis of how refugees perceive the collaboration between different actors and how this affects the support they receive. Although the current study compares the perspectives of formal and informal actors, future studies could investigate these perspectives in a more systematic manner to achieve a clearer differentiation. Future studies must examine the long-term sustainability of collaboration beyond the initial crisis phase. Such investigations will provide valuable insights into how various organizations and actors maintain and stabilize their cooperation over time. This will offer essential knowledge for the formation of effective aid networks.

5. Conclusions

The experiences of both host families and professionals during the Ukrainian refugee crisis provide valuable insights into the dynamics of collaboration between different actors. The initial crisis provided remarkable support, but the long-term success of such collaborations depends on addressing the emotional and logistical challenges faced by all parties. Clear guidelines, improved communication and better coordination between traditional and new entities are critical steps to ensure these efforts remain effective and sustainable in the future. We must also ensure that host families and other “informal” actors are better prepared to handle migration-related issues. At the same time, a more integrated role for formal institutions is needed to create a cohesive and resilient reception system. The knowledge acquired during this crisis is invaluable for managing future migration emergencies, laying the groundwork for ongoing research and the development of adaptable reception methods to meet evolving needs. By understanding and applying these success factors, organizations and stakeholders can create more resilient and effective networks capable of addressing the complexities of migration management.