Next Article in Journal
From Caring to Killing: A Typology of Homicides and Homicide–Suicides Perpetrated by Caregivers
Previous Article in Journal
Payment of Participants with Disability in Research: A Scoping Review and Framework
 
 
Search for Articles:
Title / Keyword
Author / Affiliation / Email
Journal
Article Type
 
 
Advanced Search
 
Section
Special Issue
Volume
Issue
Number
Page
 
Journals
Social Sciences
Volume 14
Issue 6
10.3390/socsci14060375
socsci-logo
Submit to this Journal Review for this Journal Propose a Special Issue
► Article Menu

Article Menu

share Share announcement Help format_quote Cite question_answer Discuss in SciProfiles
first_page
settings
Order Article Reprints
Font Type:
Arial Georgia Verdana
Font Size:
Aa Aa Aa
Line Spacing:
Column Width:
Background:
Article

Ambazonian or Cameroonian? Perceived Discrimination and National Identification Among Anglophones in Cameroon

by
Elvis Nshom
Department of Communication, California State University San Marcos, San Marcos, CA 92096, USA
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(6), 375; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060375
Submission received: 10 February 2025 / Revised: 23 May 2025 / Accepted: 12 June 2025 / Published: 16 June 2025
Versions Notes

Abstract

:
This study focuses on the ongoing conflict in Cameroon between Anglophone separatist fighters and the predominantly Francophone government over the marginalization and discrimination of Anglophones in Cameroon and the creation of an independent state called the Republic of Ambazonia. This study seeks to understand the extent to which perceived discrimination explains national identification with the Republic of Cameroon and national identification with the so-called Republic of Ambazonia. In a sample of 314 participants, the results showed that there was no significant difference between national identification with the Republic of Cameroon and national identification with the Republic of Ambazonia. In addition, perceived personal discrimination and perceived group discrimination were positively associated with national identification with the Republic of Ambazonia but negatively associated with national identification with the Republic of Cameroon. Lastly, there was a negative correlation between national identification with the Republic of Cameroon and national identification with the Republic of Ambazonia. Implications and opportunities for further research are discussed as well.

1. Introduction

One of the most underreported and forgotten conflicts in the world today is the Anglophone conflict going on in the Central African country of Cameroon between Anglophone separatist groups and the Cameroon military (Kinkoh 2023; Koh 2023). Meanwhile, “the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon, with its far-reaching implications, is a pressing issue that demands global attention” (Koh 2023). In 2019, Cameroon topped the Norwegian Refugee Council’s list of the most neglected crises in the world (Norwegian Refugee Council 2019). Even though historically rooted in Cameroon’s colonial past (Bang and Balgah 2022; Beseng et al. 2023; Folefac and Ani 2022; Ezemenaka and Ekumaoko 2022; Shulika and Tella 2022), the conflict re-emerged in 2016 after Anglophone lawyers, teachers, and students mounted a protest against the systemic marginalization and discrimination of Anglophones as a minority group in Cameroon in the education and legal sectors (Beseng et al. 2023; International Crisis Group 2022; Nshom et al. 2023, 2024a). Through the miracle of social media, this protest became widespread. It gained support among Anglophones in Cameroon, especially in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon and among Anglophone Cameroonians in the diaspora (Nganji and Cockburn 2020; Ngange et al. 2019). Efforts to address the protest through negotiations between the government and protest leaders in Bamenda in 2016 were unsuccessful. As a result of an impasse, the predominantly French-speaking Cameroon government arrested and imprisoned the protest leaders. This act escalated the conflict to a separatist conflict with Anglophone separatist groups picking up arms to defend the English-speaking regions of Cameroon (previously also known as Ambazonia or British Southern Cameroons) from the predominantly French-speaking Cameroon government and military (Beseng et al. 2023).
Since the start of the conflict, opinion surveys have observed a shift in national and ethnic identification among Anglophones (Lazar 2019). Some Anglophones on social media platforms have publicly denounced their Cameroonian nationality or identity and declared “Ambazonia” (the name used to refer to the English-speaking regions and the country separatists are fighting to create) their country of origin. For example, in 2018, the Nigerian government abducted 10 members of the interim government of the Republic of Ambazonia including the interim President Sisiku Ayuk Tabe from a hotel in Abuja, Nigeria, and handed them over to the Cameroon government to face trial. During the standing trial in a military court tribunal in Yaoundé, on the question of nationality, the “Nera 10”, as the group is commonly referred to, told the tribunal that their country of nationality was the Republic of Ambazonia. They refused to identify with the Republic of Cameroon (Anyangwe 2020). This trend became common not just among activists and separatist groups, but also among some Anglophone elites and ordinary Anglophones in Cameroon and in the diaspora. Public opinion suggests that since the conflict started in 2016, there have been shifts in the extent to which Anglophones identify with the nation of Cameroon (Lazar 2019). In addition, more Anglophones have developed an awakened sense of belonging to the so-called nation of “Ambazonia” and an “Ambazonian identity”. However, this notion has not been given empirical attention. The aim of this study is to fill this gap and to advance our understanding of national identification within the context of a separatist arms struggle. As a result, this study explores how differently Anglophones in Cameroon identify with the nation of Cameroon and the nation of “Ambazonia”. In addition, this study seeks to understand the extent to which perceived discrimination explains national identification with the Republic of Cameroon and national identification with the so-called Republic of Ambazonia. It is expected that those who perceive higher levels of discrimination at a personal and group level will more likely identify with the nation of “Ambazonia”, but less likely identify with the nation of Cameroon. This type of study within the context of the Anglophone conflict in Cameroon does not exist.

2. Origin of the Conflict

In Cameroon, and within the context of this study, the term “Anglophone” refers not merely to someone who speaks English, but more specifically to individuals who belong to the English-speaking minority population originating from the Northwest and Southwest regions formerly under British colonial rule (Anchimbe 2010; Atabong 2024). Cameroon was colonized by Britain and France after the First World War and was subsequently divided between Britain and France. The Northwest and Southwest regions, which are the Anglophone or English-speaking regions of the country (about 20%), were administered by the British while the Francophone or French-speaking regions (about 80%) were administered by the French (Shulika and Tella 2022) according to their respective systems of government (Anyefru 2017). “French Cameroon gained its independence from France and became the “La Republique du Cameroun”, or the Republic of Cameroon, in 1960” (Nshom 2025, p. 2). On the other hand, because British Southern Cameroon was deemed by the United Nations to be too small to exist on its own, British Southern Cameroonians were given the option to join Nigeria or reunite with their Cameroonian brothers and sisters in La Republique du Cameroun. In a plebiscite organized by the United Nations on 11 February 1961, the people of British Southern Cameroons voted in favor of uniting with the Republic of Cameroon. A significant 70.5% opted for unification rather than integration with Nigeria, resulting in the establishment of the Federal Republic of Cameroon on 1 October 1961 (Nshom 2025; Nshom et al. 2023, 2024a; Shulika and Tella 2022).
The federation as a form of state was later changed to a unitary state by then-President Ahmadou Ahidjo. In 1972, President Ahmadou Ahidjo renamed the country from the Federal Republic of Cameroon to the United Republic of Cameroon. In 1984, President Paul Biya changed the name back to the Republic of Cameroon (La République du Cameroun), the original name of French Cameroon at independence, despite strong opposition from Anglophone activists and elites (Beseng et al. 2023; Folefac and Ani 2022; Nshom et al. 2023, 2024a; Nshom 2025). Since the reunification of Cameroon, Anglophones have been considered Cameroonians and not Southern Cameroonians as was the case before reunification with La Republique du Cameroun (Anyangwe 2020). As such, most Anglophones have historically identified themselves as Cameroonians and citizens of the Republic of Cameroon.
Since the abolition of the federation, the predominantly French-speaking government has been accused of marginalizing Anglophones in economic, political, and social terms, and strategically carrying out a plan to assimilate Anglophones into the dominant French culture and identity (Ezemenaka and Ekumaoko 2022; Konings and Nyamnjoh 1997). Anglophones are said to be underrepresented in the decision-making process in the socio-political and economic domains. Following the Buea Proclamation in 1993 and the Bamenda Proclamation in 1994, two landmark declarations articulating the concerns and demands of the Anglophone community, it became increasingly evident that the central government of Cameroon was unwilling to engage meaningfully with Anglophone grievances. These proclamations, which called for greater autonomy, the preservation of common law traditions, and equitable political representation, were largely ignored by the Francophone-dominated government. As a result, a deepening sense of marginalization and disillusionment began to take root within the Anglophone regions, laying the groundwork for the current crisis (Chiatoh 2019a; Jumbam 2021; Tassing 2018).
The Anglophone conflict resurfaced in 2016, and on 1 October 2017, the Southern Cameroon Ambazonia Consortium United Front (SCACUF) marked the anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Ambazonia from British rule by unilaterally declaring the independence of Ambazonia. This event was characterized by demonstrations in different parts of the Northwest and Southwest regions of the country. The Ambazonian flag was hoisted in some parts of the English-speaking regions, and the national anthem was sung. These mass demonstrations were met with deadly violence from the predominantly French-speaking Cameroon military (Beseng et al. 2023; Shulika and Tella 2022), and this led to the creation of several separatist armed groups such as the Ambazonia Defense Force (ADF), Ambazonia Strike Force (ASF), and Ambazonia Ground Force (AGF) just to name a few. Moreover, on 31 October, the SCACUF was transformed into the interim government of the Republic of Ambazonia, and Sisiku Ayuk Tabe was appointed as the interim President (Beseng et al. 2023), and an interim constitution was created.
At this point, some Anglophones on social media could be seen identifying themselves as “Ambazonians” while some others became reluctant to identify as Cameroonians, suggesting an awakened sense of belonging and national identification with the so-called independent state of Ambazonia and an identity disassociation with the Republic of Cameroon. Considering this possible shift in national identification among Anglophones due to the ongoing conflict, studies that examine national identification among Anglophone Cameroonians are imperative even though hard to come across. Currently, research that examines the extent to which Anglophones subjectively identify with Cameroon or Ambazonia and the extent to which perceived discrimination explains this identification does not exist. This is the first study to the best of my knowledge that has attempted to explore this phenomenon.

3. The Relationship Between Perceived Discrimination and National Identification

This study considers the role of perceived discrimination on national identification among Anglophones. According to the social psychological and political literature, national identification (and as used in this study) refers to one’s identification with the national ingroup or nation (Salfate and Ayala 2020). It refers to the extent to which “individuals subjectively relate to a nation” (Scheve et al. 2014, p. 6). This is usually accompanied by feelings of attachment, positive emotions, and affection towards the national ingroup (Bar-Tal 1993).
As highlighted in the previous section, the evolution of identity in Cameroon is intricately tied to the country’s colonial legacy and its historical trajectory from reunification through the post-reunification era (Eyoh 1998). Similarly, Konings and Nyamnjoh (2003) argue that the formation of distinct identities within Cameroon is largely a consequence of arbitrarily imposed colonial boundaries, the reunification process between British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon, and the subsequent post-colonial state-driven project of nation-building. These historical developments did not foster a unified national consciousness but rather entrenched regional and linguistic divisions.
In particular, national identification among Anglophones in Cameroon has evolved under markedly unique conditions compared to other countries. It is shaped by a legacy of historical marginalization, political oppression, and cultural exclusion, which have fostered socio-political contestation and, more recently, given rise to secessionist aspirations (Nshom et al. 2024b; Nshom 2025). As a result, national identification for some Anglophones may not be a straightforward construct. Instead, it could be a reflection of a complex and often conflicting negotiation of belonging, recognition, and legitimacy within the broader Cameroonian state Achu (2018).
Discrimination, on the other hand, refers to a negative treatment or action towards a group as a whole or its members. It is “behavior directed towards category members that is consequential for their outcomes and that is directed towards them, not because of any particular deservingness or reciprocity” (Correll et al. 2010, p. 46). Because the perception of discrimination is usually a real experience for members of marginalized groups (Motti-Stefanidi and Asendorpf 2012), perceived discrimination usually refers to “when people themselves perceive or experience discrimination” (Straiton et al. 2019, p. 2). It refers to their awareness of discrimination (Pérez-Garín et al. 2021).
When minority groups perceive themselves as being marginalized or discriminated against, whether economically, socially, or politically, the likelihood of conflict significantly increases (Alcorta et al. 2020). Throughout the African continent, there are several notable examples of such tensions escalating into full-blown conflict. These include the long-standing disputes that led to the secession of South Sudan from Sudan, the independence struggle of Eritrea from Ethiopia, the Biafran conflict in Nigeria, and the ongoing Anglophone crisis in Cameroon, where the English-speaking minority has protested against perceived systemic marginalization by the Francophone-dominated central government (Adunimay 2022). There is a significant body of research that indicates that Anglophones have historically been marginalized and discriminated against in Cameroon since the abolition of the federation (see Chiatoh 2019b; Ezemenaka and Ekumaoko 2022; Fonchingong 2013; Konings and Nyamnjoh 1997, 2019; Morris-Chapman 2019; Shulika and Tella 2022). However, most of this research has examined perceived discrimination from a systemic, institutional, or historical perspective and not from the perspective of Anglophone individuals. Meanwhile, some recent research within the context of this conflict suggests that perceived discrimination among Anglophone individuals is high (see Nshom et al. 2024a). However, studies that have examined the relationship between perceived discrimination and national identification do not exist.
Meanwhile, it can be expected that there would be a positive relationship between perceived discrimination and national identification with the so-called independent state of Ambazonia and a negative relationship between perceived discrimination and identification with Cameroon among Anglophones. In other words, the more discrimination Anglophones perceive, the more likely they will identify with Ambazonia and the less likely they will identify with Cameroon. This assumption is inspired by a recent study within the context of this conflict that found perceived discrimination to be a stronger predictor of support for independence than support for a federation as a form of state among Anglophones in Cameroon (see Nshom et al. 2024b), suggesting that the more discrimination Anglophones perceive, the more likely they will support an independent state called Ambazonia. Even though support for the form of state does not directly relate to national identification, the idea is in line with relative deprivation theory (see Koktsidis 2014; Pettigrew 2015; Smith et al. 2012; Walker et al. 2002), which argues that when a group of people believe they are discriminated against, they are more likely to do something to address the perceived inequity. Sometimes, this could mean political mobilization, but within the context of this study, political mobilization could also mean choosing to no longer identify with the Republic of Cameroon (the source of inequity) or identifying more with an independent state called Ambazonia. In fact, studies have shown that there is a connection between national identification and collective action (Van Zomeren et al. 2008; Wiley et al. 2021).
There is a significant body of research that suggests that national identification is usually tied to perceptions of how one’s subgroup (in this case Anglophones) is treated within the context of the broader society (in this case Cameroon) (Huo and Molina 2006). This research leads one to assume that the way Anglophones as a subgroup feel or believe they are treated by social institutions and authorities in Cameroon can have implications for their individual identification with the nation and sense of belonging. As such, social institutions within the nation have the responsibility to create the type of conditions that can stimulate national unity and a sense of belonging to the nation (Molina et al. 2015). This is best represented in the words of Molina et al. (2015) who argue that
“A member of a subordinate group may find it challenging to identify with a nation that has a record of marginalizing her group. Conversely, a member of a dominant group may find it unproblematic identifying with a nation that affords her certain privileges (e.g., higher social status, less discrimination) denied to other groups.”
(p. 226)
In their study, they found that perceived discrimination was significantly related to lower levels of national identification and higher levels of subgroup or ethnic identification in a US sample. In another representative sample of Arab Americans, Hakim, Molina, and Branscombe (Hakim et al. 2018) found perceived discrimination to be related to decreased American identification among Arab Americans, and this in turn impacted their well-being negatively. Similarly, Wiley, Kenny, and Geer (Wiley et al. 2021), in their study, found higher perceptions of discrimination to be related to lower levels of national identification. Moreover, those with lower levels of national identification were more likely to participate in collective action. “Discrimination on the part of the mainstream represents a threat to one’s group identity” (Jetten et al. 2001). Identity threat can be a source of conflict between subgroups and superordinate groups, and when the subgroup perceives that their identity is threatened, it may lead to behaviors aimed at enhancing or protecting social identity (Hornsey and Hogg 2000). The argument made in this study is that this may sometimes look like a decrease in identification with the superordinate group and an increase in identification with the subgroup or an alternative national identity, which within the context of this study will be Ambazonia. Recognition and respect are important human needs (Taylor 1994). Research in the US focusing on subgroup respect suggests that ethnic minority group members who perceive that their subgroup is treated fairly and with respect tend to have more positive feelings and evaluations towards the superordinate group (Huo and Molina 2006; Huo et al. 2010). In addition, according to the rejection–identification model (see Branscombe et al. 1999) and the rejection disidentification model (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al. 2009), when minority groups believe their group is devalued or treated unfairly in society, they tend to identify less with the nation or the superordinate group and identify more with their subgroup as a way of improving their self-esteem and status (Fleischmann and Phalet 2016; Verkuyten and Yildiz 2007). As such, within the context of this study, we expect perceived discrimination to be negatively related to identification with the nation of Cameroon. In addition, it is argued that within the context of a secessionist conflict, minority groups may also identify with the state they are wishing to create as a way of improving their self-esteem/status and coping with the devaluation of their group. As a result, it is expected that perceived discrimination will be positively related to identification with Ambazonia.
Lastly, previous studies on the relationship between perceived discrimination and national identification have rarely considered the differences between perceived group discrimination and perceived personal discrimination on national identification. Meanwhile, there is a significant body of the literature that suggests that discrimination occurs both at a group level and at an individual level (e.g., Bourguignon et al. 2006; Dion and Kawakami 1996; Foster and Matheson 1999; Fuegen and Biernat 2000; Motti-Stefanidi and Asendorpf 2012; Taylor et al. 1996, 1990). Perceived discrimination at a group level refers to the perception that one’s group as a whole is treated negatively or unfairly while perceived personal discrimination refers to one’s personal experience of discrimination as a member of a particular social group (Nshom et al. 2024a; Taylor et al. 1996). Some studies have examined the role of perceived personal discrimination (e.g., Wiley et al. 2021) and others have focused on the role of perceived group discrimination (e.g., Molina et al. 2015) on national identification. In this study, both personal and group discrimination are considered. It is expected that both personal and group discrimination will be negatively related to national identification with Cameroon but positively related to national identification with Ambazonia.
As such, this study is based on the following research question and hypotheses:
RQ1: 
How differently do Anglophones identify with Cameroon and Ambazonia?
H1: 
Perceived group discrimination is positively related to identification with Ambazonia.
H2: 
Perceived personal discrimination is positively related to identification with Ambazonia.
H3: 
Perceived group discrimination is negatively related to identification with Cameroon.
H4: 
Perceived personal discrimination is negatively related to identification with Cameroon.
H5: 
National identification with Ambazonia will be negatively related to national identification with Cameroon.
This understanding is vital because respect and recognition are important needs for every human being or group (Taylor 1994). In addition, perceived discrimination has negative consequences (see Schmitt et al. 2014 for a meta-analysis). For example, perceived discrimination and identification potentially impact well-being. For example, in a study carried out in the US, perceived discrimination was found to be related to increased identification with being American among Arab Americans, and this in turn impacted their well-being negatively (Hakim et al. 2018). In addition, most scholarly work on the Anglophone conflict has adopted a historical or narrative approach to study perceived discrimination. Very few have adopted an empirical approach (e.g., Nshom et al. 2023, 2024a, 2024b). However, none of these studies have examined the role of perceived discrimination on national identification.
Understanding how Anglophones feel in terms of their sense of belonging and identification and the predictors of this sense of belonging and identification is crucial to understanding the psychological dynamics of this conflict. For example, even though collective action is not the focus of this current study, studies have shown that low national identification can have implications for collective action (Van Zomeren et al. 2008; Wiley et al. 2021). In addition, identity helps us understand human feelings, thoughts, and actions, and the connection between identity and intergroup conflict is well established in the social psychological literature (see Al Ramiah et al. 2011; Ashmore et al. 2001; Tajfel and Turner 1986).

4. Methods

4.1. Participants and Procedures

This study was quantitative, and the data was collected through online questionnaires. The questionnaires were distributed online through social media platforms such as Facebook and WhatsApp. The questionnaire was distributed on social media platforms by the researcher, friends of friends, and social media influencers. All participants identified as Anglophone Cameroonians, and it was made clear to them that participation was free and voluntary and that they could pull out of the study or decide not to answer any questions without any consequences. It took approximately 10 to 15 min to complete the questionnaire, and participants were not compensated for their participation.
In total, there were 314 final participants retained for this study; out of the 314 participants, 220 (70.1%) were men and 94 (29.9%) were women. All retained participants were between the ages of 19 and 70 (M = 31.79). The data showed the following: in terms of education, 0.3% had no official education, 0.6% had a first school leaving certificate, 1.6% had an ordinary level certificate, 11.1% had an advanced level certificate, 48.4% had a bachelor’s level certificate, 33.1% had a master’s degree, and 4.8% had a doctorate. As such, this was a highly educated sample. As earlier mentioned, Cameroon has two English-speaking regions, the Northwest and Southwest regions. In total, 165 (52.5%) of participants were North Westerners while 149 (47.5%) were South Westerners. In terms of religion, many respondents identified as Christians (293, 93.3%), (3, 1%) identified as Muslims, (5, 1.6%) chose other religions, (5, 1.6%) identified as atheists, and (8, 2.5%) had no religion and neither identified as atheists.

4.2. Measures

In addition to demographical variables such as age, sex, education, region of origin, economic status, religion, etc., the online survey included a measure of perceived personal discrimination and perceived group discrimination, a measure of national identification with Ambazonia, and a measure of national identification with Cameroon. See Table 1 for the means, standard deviations, and correlations for the study variables.
Perceived personal discrimination: Perceived personal discrimination was measured by asking participants to indicate how often they felt that they were treated unfairly or negatively personally simply because they are Anglophone. This was a one-item measure and it was worded as follows: “How often do you personally feel that you are treated unfairly or negatively simply because you are Anglophone?”. Response options ranged from “1 = almost never, to 5 = very often”. Higher scores indicated a stronger perception of personal discrimination, whereas lower scores reflected a weaker perception of personal discrimination. This measure has been previously used to measure perceived discrimination and it was adapted for use in this study from previous studies on the perception of discrimination (see Motti-Stefanidi and Asendorpf 2012; Sarigil and Karakoc 2016).
Perceived group discrimination: Perceived group discrimination was measured by asking participants to indicate how often they felt that Anglophones as a group were treated unfairly or negatively simply because they are Anglophones. This was a one-item measure and it was worded as follows: “How often do you feel that Anglophones are treated unfairly or negatively simply because they are Anglophones?” Response options ranged from “1 = almost never, to 5 = very often”. Higher scores indicated a stronger perception of group discrimination, whereas lower scores reflected a weaker perception of group discrimination. This measure has been previously used to measure perceived discrimination and it was adapted for use in this study from previous studies on the perception of discrimination (see Motti-Stefanidi and Asendorpf 2012; Sarigil and Karakoc 2016).
National identification with Cameroon: To assess national identification with the Republic of Cameroon, participants were asked to rate their level of agreement or disagreement with the following statements: “(1) I have great love for Cameroon (2) I find the sight of the Cameroonian flag very moving (3) I am proud to be a Cameroonian (4) I feel very warmly towards Cameroon”. Response options ranged from “1 = totally disagree, to 5 = totally agree”. Higher scores meant a higher national identification while lower scores meant lower national identification. This measure has been previously used to measure national identification and it was adapted for use in this study from previous studies on national identification (see Molina et al. 2015). This study showed an alpha reliability of 0.92 for this scale.
National identification with Ambazonia: To assess national identification with the Republic of Ambazonia, participants were asked to rate their level of agreement or disagreement with the following statements: “(1) I have great love for Ambazonia (2) I find the sight of the Ambazonian flag very moving (3) I am proud to be an Ambazonian (4) I feel very warmly towards Ambazonia”. Response options ranged from “1 = totally disagree, to 5 = totally agree”. Higher scores meant a higher national identification while lower scores meant lower national identification. This measure has been previously used to measure national identification and it was adapted for use in this study from previous studies on national identification (see Molina et al. 2015). This study showed an alpha reliability of 0.98 for this scale.

5. Results

The statistical software SPSS (29.0 version) was used to analyze the data. Firstly, the data showed that personal discrimination (N = 314, M = 4.03, SD = 1.07), group discrimination (N = 314, M = 4.41, SD = 0.89), national identification with Cameroon (N = 314, M = 3.01, SD = 1.34), and national identification with Ambazonia (N = 314, M = 3.10, SD = 1.54) were high. To answer RQ1, an independent sample t-test was computed to understand whether there was a significant difference between national identification with Cameroon and national identification with Ambazonia. The analysis showed that there was no significant difference between identification with Cameroon and identification with Ambazonia among Anglophones t(626) = 0.78, p = 0.43.
In addition, to test H1, which argued that perceived group discrimination is positively related to identification with Ambazonia, a linear regression was computed with perceived group discrimination serving as the independent variable and national identification with Ambazonia as the dependent variable. As expected, the results showed that perceived group discrimination positively predicted identification with Ambazonia (F = 46.81, R2 = 0.13, p < 0.001). Thus, H1 was supported. See Table 2 below for full regression results.
On the other hand, to test H2, which argued that perceived personal discrimination is positively related to identification with Ambazonia, a linear regression was computed with perceived personal discrimination serving as the independent variable and national identification with Ambazonia as the dependent variable. As expected, the results showed that perceived personal discrimination positively predicted identification with Ambazonia as well (F = 69.40, R2 = 0.18, p < 0.001). Therefore, H2 was confirmed. Refer to Table 3 below for the complete regression results.
In addition, to test H3, which argued that perceived group discrimination is negatively related to identification with Cameroon, a linear regression was conducted with perceived group discrimination serving as the independent variable and national identification with Cameroon as the dependent variable. As expected, the results showed that perceived group discrimination negatively predicted identification with Cameroon (F = 34.91, R2 = 0.10, p < 0.001). Thus, H3 was confirmed. Refer to Table 4 below for the complete regression results.
In addition, to test H4, which argued that perceived personal discrimination is negatively related to identification with Cameroon, a linear regression was conducted with perceived personal discrimination serving as the independent variable and national identification with Cameroon as the dependent variable. Just as expected, the results showed that perceived personal discrimination negatively predicted identification with Cameroon as well (F = 43.30, R2 = 0.12, p < 0.001). Thus, H4 was supported. See Table 5 below for full regression results.
Lastly, to test H5, which argued that national identification with Ambazonia will be negatively related to national identification with Cameroon, a Pearson’s correlation was computed. The results of the correlation analysis revealed that there was a negative correlation between identification with Cameroon and identification with Ambazonia (r = −0.65, p < 0.001). Thus, H5 was supported. Based on the results obtained, all the hypotheses included in this study were supported, just as expected.

6. Discussion

For the past 7 years, the Anglophone conflict has been ongoing in Cameroon between separatist fighters and the Cameroon government over the systemic discrimination of Anglophones in Cameroon and the creation of an independent state called the Republic of Ambazonia. The impact of this conflict has been severe. Reports indicate that over 6000 people have died since it began. Additionally, it has displaced more than half a million people internally and left over 1.7 million in need of humanitarian aid in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions (GCR2P 2024). This study set out to understand the relationship between perceived discrimination and national identification with Cameroon and Ambazonia. In addition, perceived discrimination was examined at the personal level and group levels.
Firstly, this study showed that perceived personal discrimination, perceived group discrimination, national identification with Cameroon, and national identification with Ambazonia were high. The finding that perceived discrimination is high is not surprising as this has been shown in a previous study (see Nshom et al. 2024a). In addition, this aligns with the previous academic literature that argues that Anglophone Cameroonians have historically been discriminated against in Cameroon (see Chiatoh 2019b; Ezemenaka and Ekumaoko 2022; Fonchingong 2013; Konings and Nyamnjoh 1997, 2019; Morris-Chapman 2019; Shulika and Tella 2022). Like Nshom et al. (2024a), this current study adds to the conversation by observing perceived discrimination at not just a group level but also at a personal level. Also, national identification with Ambazonia and Cameroon is both high, and there is no significant difference between the two. This implies that while Anglophones have feelings of attachment, positive emotions, and affection towards Cameroon, they also have or feel the same way towards Ambazonia. It is not surprising to see that Anglophones’ national identification with Cameroon is high considering that most Anglophones historically tend to identify as Cameroonians. However, it is surprising to see that they feel no differently towards Ambazonia. This testifies to an awakened sense of attachment, affection, belonging, and patriotism towards Ambazonia. Moreover, even though identification with Cameroon and identification with Ambazonia was high, they were shown to be negatively related. Furthermore, the observed negative correlation between identification with Cameroon and identification with Ambazonia indicates that these identities are not merely distinct, but oppositional in nature. The stronger one identifies with one national entity, the less likely they are to identify with the other. This suggests a zero-sum dynamic, whereby loyalty to one national narrative potentially entails the rejection of the other. Such polarization reflects the deep-seated socio-political divide between Anglophones and the central government, and the struggle over legitimacy, representation, and national belonging.
On the other hand, based on previous research on this subject (see Molina et al. 2015), this study argued that perceived group discrimination and perceived personal discrimination will both be positively related to national identification with Ambazonia and negatively related to national identification with Cameroon. The results of the analysis clearly showed that perceived group discrimination and perceived personal discrimination were both positively related to national identification with Ambazonia and negatively related to national identification with Cameroon, just as was expected. This implies that the more personal and group discrimination Anglophones perceive, the more likely they will identify with Ambazonia and the less likely they will identify with Cameroon. This clearly explains the role of perceived discrimination on national identification, especially within the context of the Anglophone conflict. This is in line with previous research that has examined the relationship between perceived discrimination, and national identification (Hakim et al. 2018; Molina et al. 2015), collective action (Van Zomeren et al. 2008; Wiley et al. 2021), political attitudes among Anglophones (Nshom et al. 2024a, 2024b), and subgroup respect (Huo and Molina 2006; Huo et al. 2010). This is also in line with relative deprivation theory (see Koktsidis 2014; Pettigrew 2015; Smith et al. 2012; Walker et al. 2002), the rejection–identification model (see Branscombe et al. 1999), and the rejection disidentification model (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al. 2009).
Using the Anglophone conflict, this study confirms that national identification is usually tied to the way minority groups perceive they are treated within the broader society (Huo and Molina 2006; Huo et al. 2010). While minority groups that feel discriminated against at a personal and group level may identify less with the national ingroup, within the context of this study, we see that perceived discrimination at a personal and group level can also lead to identification with a nation under contestation such as in the case of the Republic of Ambazonia. This highlights the role of perceived personal and group discrimination on national identification within the context of a secession. According to Molina et al. (2015, p. 226), “a member of a subordinate group may find it challenging to identify with a nation that has a record of marginalizing her group.” As such, it is the responsibility of social institutions and authorities within the nation to create the type of conditions that can stimulate national unity and a sense of belonging to the nation (Molina et al. 2015). One of the ways to do that is to ensure that minority groups are treated fairly in society. Research shows that ethnic minority group members who believe they are treated fairly and with respect tend to have more positive feelings and evaluations towards the nation (Huo and Molina 2006; Huo et al. 2010). Studies show that Anglophones that perceive they are discriminated against in Cameroon are more likely to support a separation or an independent state of Ambazonia (Nshom et al. 2024b). This study highlights the potential of perceived group discrimination and perceived personal discrimination in stimulating negative emotions towards a superordinate national group and positive emotions towards a national ingroup under contestation such as in the case of Ambazonia. This is the first study to the best of my knowledge to highlight minority identification with a nation-state under contestation and the extent to which it is explained by perceived discrimination.
These findings have significant implications for both theory and practice. Theoretically, they contribute to the literature on national identification in contested states, showing how identity is shaped by both political structures and lived experiences of discrimination. Practically, they signal the challenges facing national reconciliation and unity in Cameroon. Efforts to rebuild trust and national cohesion must address the root causes of Anglophone alienation, particularly perceptions of systemic discrimination. Failing to do so risks reinforcing identification with secessionist alternatives and further destabilizing the social fabric.
Understanding national identification among Anglophones in Cameroon has important implications for conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Any attempt to foster national unity must address the structural and symbolic inequalities that drive disidentification. Recognizing the legitimacy of Anglophone grievances, promoting inclusive governance, and protecting cultural and linguistic rights are essential steps towards rebuilding trust in the state of Cameroon.
Therefore, this study joins other studies (Coalition for Dialogue and Negotiations 2020; Nshom et al. 2024a, 2024b) to highlight the role of perceived discrimination in this conflict. The perception of discrimination whether real or not affects what people think, how they feel about themselves or their identity, and what they want. As such, it is highly recommended that perceived discrimination be considered as an important subject within the context of this conflict. In the event of a dialogue, it is recommended that perceived personal discrimination, perceived group discrimination, and national identification be considered as major subjects under deliberation.
There are several opportunities for future research. Future studies should explore the relationship between national identification and attitudes towards governing forms of state (federation and independence) among Anglophones. This will paint a clear picture of how national identification affects secessionist feelings, political attitudes, and collective action. In addition, it will be interesting to explore national identification among Francophones (the dominant majority) as well as the extent to which national identification differs between both groups. In addition, demographic differences such as gender differences, regional differences, and differences based on class, age, education, economic status, etc., may also be explored. Moreover, studies are also yet to examine the role of perceived discrimination on well-being and the role of national identification on well-being among Anglophones. These represent opportunities for future research. Moreover, as national identification is not stable but dynamic, longitudinal studies on national identification among Anglophones and Francophones will be enlightening. It is also recommended that future studies consider exploring national identification from a qualitative perspective. For example, in-depth interviews will provide another angle and depth into the subject. This is especially important because previous studies on this topic have mostly utilized a quantitative approach.
This study is not without limitations. Firstly, due to limited resources, the sample was small. This implies that generalizations to the entire Anglophone population should be made with care. In addition, the data was collected online. This implies that those who responded had access to the internet. This probably explains why the data showed that participants were highly educated. This study acknowledges that there is a significant group of people that have not been included, those without internet access and those in rural areas. As such, the sample is not considered to be representative. This was a purposive sample. The findings of this study should be understood within this context. Another important context to consider when understanding the findings of this study is the time the data was collected. The data was collected in 2019. This conflict has been through different stages, and people’s attitudes and feelings might not necessarily be the same at every stage. This is especially important because national identification is not static, it is dynamic, and this dynamism can sometimes depend on ongoing events and developments around the conflict. This is why a longitudinal approach will be beneficial as previously highlighted. In addition, the measure originally used to assess national identification with Cameroon was adapted to evaluate national identification with ”Ambazonia”, a contested state. While this measure has been widely employed to assess national identification in established nation-states and demonstrated high reliability for both Cameroon and Ambazonia, it is important to acknowledge that measuring national identification in the context of a contested state may require a more nuanced approach. Standardized measures of national identification are often developed for stable nation-states and may not fully capture the layered and volatile nature of identity in conflict zones. This complexity suggests that national identification in such contexts should be studied not only as a psychological attachment to the nation, but also as a form of political expression shaped by historical narratives, collective memory, and contemporary experiences of injustice. Therefore, future research should consider developing context-specific measures tailored to the unique political and socio-cultural realities of such settings.
Despite these limitations, this study goes a long way to enhance our understanding of how perceived discrimination at a personal and group level impacts national identification within the context of a secessionist conflict where the minority group has the option to identify with a national ingroup and with a nation-state under contestation. These types of studies are hard to come across. By adopting a political psychological approach, this study adds to the existing literature on the Anglophone conflict.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Ethical review and approval were waived for this study because no personal information was collected or processed and the study did not meet any of the criteria requiring ethical review according to the Finnish National Board on Research Integrity, TENK. As a result, there is no approval code assigned to this study. According to the University of Jyvaskyla or The Finnish National Board on Research Integrity TENK, if your research does not involve the collection and processing of personal data or meet certain criteria established by TENK, your study is exempt from the ethical review requirement: https://www.jyu.fi/en/research/responsible-science/human-sciences-ethics-committee/tarvitseeko-tutkimuksesi-eettista-ennakkoarviointia (accessed on 11 June 2025).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the author on request.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

References

  1. Achu, Nancy Ngum. 2018. The Role of Identity Reconstruction in the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon. Master’s thesis, Eastern Mediterranean University, Institute of Graduate Studies and Research, Department of International Relations, Famagusta, North Cyprus. [Google Scholar]
  2. Adunimay, Anslem W. 2022. Secessionists Movements and Their Implications for Security in Africa: The Case of Southern Cameroons. Available online: https://www.accord.org.za/publication/secessionists-movements-and-their-implications-for-security-in-africa-the-case-of-southern-cameroons/ (accessed on 11 June 2025).
  3. Alcorta, Ludovico, Harley J. Swedlund, and Jeroen Smits. 2020. Discrimination and ethnic conflict: A dyadic analysis of politically-excluded groups in sub-Saharan Africa. International Interactions 46: 251–73. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  4. Al Ramiah, Ananthi, Miles Hewstone, and Katharina Schmid. 2011. Social identity and intergroup conflict. Psychological Studies 56: 44–52. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  5. Anchimbe, Eric. 2010. Constructing a diaspora Anglophone Cameroonian identity online. In Handbook of Research on Discourse Behavior and Digital Communication: Language Structures and Social Interaction. Edited by Rotimi Taiwo. Hershey: IGI Global Scientific Publishing, pp. 130–44. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  6. Anyangwe, Carlson. 2020. Question concerning the nationality of the people of Ambazonia: A critical inquiry. Theory & Event 23: 352–80. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  7. Anyefru, Emmanuel. 2017. Cameroon: The continuous search for national integration. Journal of Global South Studies 34: 96–118. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  8. Ashmore, Richard, Lee Jussim, and David Wilder, eds. 2001. Social Identity, Intergroup Conflict, and Conflict Reduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]
  9. Atabong. 2024. From Colonial Division to Bloody Conflict. Available online: https://www.dandc.eu/en/article/now-life-cameroon-determined-whether-one-francophone-or-anglophone-so-called-anglophone (accessed on 14 January 2025).
  10. Bang, Henry N., and Roland Azibo Balgah. 2022. The ramification of Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis: Conceptual analysis of a looming “complex disaster emergency”. Journal of International Humanitarian Action 7: 6. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  11. Bar-Tal, Daniel. 1993. Patriotism as fundamental beliefs of group members. Politics & the Individual 3: 45–62. [Google Scholar]
  12. Beseng, Maurice, Gordon Crawford, and Nancy Annan. 2023. From “Anglophone problem” to “Anglophone conflict” in Cameroon: Assessing prospects for peace. Africa Spectrum 58: 89–105. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  13. Bourguignon, David, Eleonore Seron, Vincent Yzerbyt, and Ginette Herman. 2006. Perceived group and personal discrimination: Differential effects on personal self-esteem. European Journal of Social Psychology 36: 773–89. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  14. Branscombe, Nyla R., Michael Schmitt, and Richard Harvey. 1999. Perceiving pervasive discrimination among African Americans: Implications for group identification and well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 77: 135–49. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  15. Chiatoh, M. Valerie. 2019a. Identity building and contested citizenship across the Cameroon Anglophone-Francophone borderline. In Bordered Identities in Language, Literature, and Culture: Readings on Cameroon and the Global Space. Edited by Mbuh Tennu Mbuh and Emelda Ngufor Samba. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 22–44. [Google Scholar]
  16. Chiatoh, M. Valerie. 2019b. Recognition of minority groups: The case of Anglophone Cameroon. African Human Rights Law Journal 19: 675–97. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  17. Coalition for Dialogue and Negotiations. 2020. Survey of Southern Cameroonians Shows Overwhelming Support Full Independence. Available online: https://www.cameroonconcordnews.com/survey-of-southern-cameroonians-reveal-overwhelming-support-for-full-independence/ (accessed on 27 June 2021).
  18. Correll, J., Charles M. Judd, Bernadette Park, and Bernd Wittenbrink. 2010. Measuring prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination. In The Sage Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Discrimination. Edited by John F. Dovidio, Miles Hewstone, Peter Glick and Victoria M. Esses. Thousand Oaks: Sage. [Google Scholar]
  19. Dion, Kenneth, and Kerry Kawakami. 1996. Ethnicity and perceived discrimination in Toronto: Another look at the personal/group discrimination discrepancy. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science/Revue Canadienne des Sciences du Comportment 28: 203–13. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  20. Eyoh, Dickson. 1998. Conflicting narratives of Anglophone protest and the politics of identity in Cameroon. Journal of Contemporary African Studies 16: 249. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  21. Ezemenaka, Kingsley, and Chijioke Egwu Ekumaoko. 2022. Beyond language: Further issues in the Anglophone Cameroon conflict. Social Identities 28: 200–16. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  22. Fleischmann, Fenella, and Karen Phalet. 2016. Identity conflict or compatibility: A comparison of Muslim minorities in five European cities. Political Psychology 37: 447–63. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  23. Folefac, Chapanyi Helen, and Kelechi Johnmary Ani. 2022. Gender and implications of armed conflict in the anglophone regions of Cameroon. Gender & Behaviour 20: 20250–64. [Google Scholar]
  24. Fonchingong, Tangie. 2013. The quest for autonomy: The case of Anglophone Cameroon. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 7: 224–36. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  25. Foster, Mindi, and Kimberly Matheson. 1999. Perceiving and responding to the personal/group discrimination discrepancy. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 25: 1319–29. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  26. Fuegen, Kathleen, and Monica Biernat. 2000. Defining discrimination in the personal/group discrimination discrepancy. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research 43: 285–10. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  27. GCR2P. 2024. Cameroon. Available online: https://www.globalr2p.org/countries/cameroon/ (accessed on 7 July 2024).
  28. Hakim, Nader H., Ludwin Molina, and Nyla R. Branscombe. 2018. How discrimination shapes social identification processes and well-being among Arab Americans. Social Psychological and Personality Science 9: 328–37. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  29. Hornsey, Mathew J., and Michael A. Hogg. 2000. Assimilation and diversity: An integrative model of subgroup relations. Personality & Social Psychology Review (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates) 4: 143–56. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  30. Huo, Yuen J., and Ludwin E. Molina. 2006. Is pluralism a viable model of diversity? The benefits and limits of subgroup respect. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 9: 359–76. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  31. Huo, Yuen J., Ludwin E. Molina, Kevin R. Binning, and Simon P. Funge. 2010. Subgroup respect, social engagement, and well-being: A field study of an ethnically diverse high school. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology 16: 427–36. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  32. International Crisis Group. 2022. Introduction. In Rebels, Victims, Peacebuilders: Women in Cameroon’s Anglophone Conflict. Brussels: International Crisis Group, pp. 1–2. Available online: http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep39649.4 (accessed on 15 October 2024).
  33. Jasinskaja-Lahti, Inga, Karmela Liebkind, and Erlin Solheim. 2009. To identify or not to identify? National disidentification as an alternative reaction to perceived ethnic discrimination. Applied Psychology: An International Review 58: 105–28. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  34. Jetten, Jolanda, Nyla R. Branscombe, Michael T. Schmitt, and Russell Spears. 2001. Rebels with a cause: Group identification as a response to perceived discrimination from the mainstream. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 27: 1204–13. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  35. Jumbam, Martins. 2021. Lest We Forget AAC II: The Bamenda Declaration—The force of Argument, Not the Argument of Force. Beads of Memory. Available online: https://beadsofmemory.com/lest-we-forget-aac-ii-the-bamenda-declaration-the-force-of-argument-not-the-argument-of-force/ (accessed on 23 May 2025).
  36. Kinkoh, Hubert. 2023. Time to Resolve Cameroon’s Persistent yet Forgotten Crisis. Available online: https://issafrica.org/iss-today/time-to-resolve-cameroons-persistent-yet-forgotten-crisis (accessed on 7 July 2024).
  37. Koh, Gerselle. 2023. Beyond the Headlines: The Underreported Tragedy of the Anglophone Crisis. The Yale Review of International Studies. Available online: https://yris.yira.org/high-school-essay-contest/beyond-the-headlines-the-underreported-tragedy-of-the-anglophone-crisis/#:~:text=The%20Anglophone%20crisis%20in%20Cameroon,media%20attention%2C%20and%20political%20neglect (accessed on 7 July 2024).
  38. Koktsidis, Pavlos. 2014. From deprivation to violence? Examining the violent escalation of conflict in the Republic of Macedonia. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 7: 1–29. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  39. Konings, Piet, and Francis B. Nyamnjoh. 1997. The Anglophone problem in Cameroon. The Journal of Modern African Studies 35: 207–29. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  40. Konings, Piet, and Francis B. Nyamnjoh. 2019. Anglophone secessionist movements in Cameroon. In Secessionism in African Politics. Edited by Lotje de Vries, Pierre Englebert and Mareike Schomerus. Palgrave Series in African Borderlands Studies; London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 59–89. [Google Scholar]
  41. Konings, Piet, and Francis Beng Nyamnjoh. 2003. Negotiating an Anglophone Identity: A Study of the Politics of Recognition and Representation in Cameroon. Lenden: Brill. [Google Scholar]
  42. Lazar, Mircea. 2019. Cameroon’s Linguistic Divide Deepens to Rift on Questions of Democracy, Trust, National Identity. Available online: https://www.afrobarometer.org/publication/ad283-cameroons-linguistic-divide-deepens-rift-questions-democracy-trust-national-identity/ (accessed on 14 January 2025).
  43. Molina, Ludwin, Nia L. Phillips, and Jim Sidanius. 2015. National and ethnic identity in the face of discrimination: Ethnic minority and majority perspectives. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology 21: 225–36. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  44. Morris-Chapman, Daniel. 2019. An Ambazonian theology? A theological approach to the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75: a5371. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  45. Motti-Stefanidi, Frosso, and Jens B. Asendorpf. 2012. Perceived discrimination of immigrant adolescents in Greece: How does group discrimination translate into personal discrimination? European Psychologist 17: 93–104. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  46. Ngange, Kingsley, Vera Fonkem, and Stephen Ndode. 2019. Social media: A security threat amongst adolescents in Buea, Cameroon? Studies in Media and Communication 7: 77–97. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  47. Nganji, Julius T., and Lynn Cockburn. 2020. Use of Twitter in the Cameroon Anglophone crisis. Behaviour & Information Technology 39: 267–87. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  48. Norwegian Refugee Council. 2019. Cameroon Tops List of Most Neglected Crises. Available online: https://www.nrc.no/news/2019/june/cameroon-tops-list-of-most-neglected-crises/ (accessed on 7 July 2024).
  49. Nshom, Elvis. 2025. Independent state, federal state, or unitary state? Age, gender, and regional differences among Anglophone Cameroonians. Social Sciences 14: 40. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  50. Nshom, Elvis, Immaculate Mkong, and Isidore Agha. 2024a. Perceived discrimination among Anglophone Cameroonians: Gender and regional differences. In Research Handbook on Communication and Prejudice. Edited by Elvis Nshom and Stephen Croucher. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. [Google Scholar]
  51. Nshom, Elvis, Immaculate Mkong, Kwoh Elonge, and Isidore Agha. 2024b. Independence or a federation? Perceived discrimination as an antecedent of Anglophone Cameroonians’ attitude towards the form of state. Ethnicities 24: 340–58. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  52. Nshom, Elvis, Immaculate Mkong, Pascal Doh, Kwoh Elonge, and Isidore Agha. 2023. The relationship between Anglophones’ attitudes towards the current form of state in Cameroon, support for independence, and support for a federation: An intergroup threat approach. African Identities 22: 1104–18. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  53. Pettigrew, Thomas. 2015. Samuel Stouffer and relative deprivation. Social Psychology Quarterly 78: 7–24. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  54. Pérez-Garín, Daniel, Patricia Recio, and Fernando Molero. 2021. Consequences of Perceived Personal and Group Discrimination against People with Hearing and Visual Impairments. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18: 9064. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  55. Salfate, Salvador Vargas, and Rafael Miranda Ayala. 2020. Nationalism, patriotism, and legitimation of the national social systems. Revista de Psicología 38: 423–50. [Google Scholar]
  56. Sarigil, Zeki, and Ekrem Karakoc. 2016. Who supports secession? The determinants of secessionist attitudes among Turkey’s Kurds. Nations and Nationalism 22: 325–46. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  57. Scheve, Christian, Marta Kozłowska, Sven Ismer, and Manuela Beyer. 2014. National Identification: A Multidimensional Scale Based on a Three-Country Study. Berliner Studien zur Soziologie Europas/Berlin Studies on the Sociology of Europe (BSSE), 29. Berlin: Freie Universität Berlin, FB Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften, Institut für Soziologie Arbeitsbereich Makrosoziologie. Available online: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-403088 (accessed on 11 June 2025).
  58. Schmitt, Michael, Nyla R. Branscombe, Tom Postmes, and Amber Garcia. 2014. The consequences of perceived discrimination for psychological well-being: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin 140: 921–48. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  59. Shulika, Lukong Stella, and Oluwaseun Tella. 2022. Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis and the question of the right to self-determination. Round Table 111: 612–27. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  60. Smith, Heather, Thomas F. Pettigrew, Gina M. Pippin, and Silvana Bialosiewicz. 2012. Relative deprivation: A theoretical and meta-analytic review. Personality and Social Psychology Review 16: 203–32. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [PubMed]
  61. Straiton, Melanie Lindsay, Arild Kjell Aambø, and Rune Johansen. 2019. Perceived discrimination, health, and mental health among immigrants in Norway: The role of moderating factors. BMC Public Health 19: 325. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [PubMed]
  62. Tajfel, Henry, and John C. Turner. 1986. The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In Psychology of Intergroup Relations. Edited by Stephen Worchel and William Austin. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, pp. 33–48. [Google Scholar]
  63. Tassing, Remi. 2018. All Anglophone Conference 2 (AAC II) Transcription. Medium. Available online: https://medium.com/@tassingremi/all-anglophone-conference-2-acc-ii-transcription-12d6bd5d17a8 (accessed on 23 May 2025).
  64. Taylor, Charles. 1994. The politics of recognition. In Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition. Edited by Amy Gutmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 25–73. [Google Scholar]
  65. Taylor, Donald M., Karen M. Ruggiero, and Winifred R. Louis. 1996. Personal/group discrimination discrepancy: Towards a two-factor explanation. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science 28: 193–202. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  66. Taylor, Donald M., Stephen C. Wright, Fathali M. Moghaddam, and Richard N. Lalonde. 1990. The personal/group discrimination discrepancy: Perceiving my group, but not myself, to be a target for discrimination. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 16: 254–62. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  67. Van Zomeren, Martijn, Tom Postmes, and Russell Spears. 2008. Toward an integrative social identity model of collective action: A quantitative research synthesis of three socio-psychological perspectives. Psychological Bulletin 134: 504–35. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  68. Verkuyten, Maykel, and Ali Yildiz. 2007. National (dis)identification and ethnic and religious identity: A study among Turkish-Dutch Muslims. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 33: 1448–62. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  69. Walker, Iain, Ngai K. Wong, and Kerry Kretzschmar. 2002. Relative deprivation and attribution: From grievance to action. In Relative Deprivation: Specification, Development, and Integration. Edited by Iain Walker and Heather J. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 288–312. [Google Scholar]
  70. Wiley, Shaun, Destiny M. Kenny, and Stephanie Geer. 2021. Perceived personal discrimination, panethnic and national identification, and collective action to support immigrants’ rights among U.S. Latinas/os. International Journal of Intercultural Relations 85: 204–12. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
Table 1. Means, standard deviations, and correlations for study variables.
Table 1. Means, standard deviations, and correlations for study variables.
Variable MSD(1)(2)(3)(4)
(1) National identification with Cameroon3.01 1.30-
(2) National identification with Ambazonia3.10 1.54−0.65 **-
(3) Perceived personal discrimination4.03 1.08 −0.35 **0.43 **-
(4) Perceived group discrimination4.410.89 −0.32 **0.36 **0.73 **
Note: ** p < 001.
Table 2. Perceived group discrimination predicting national identification with Ambazonia.
Table 2. Perceived group discrimination predicting national identification with Ambazonia.
VariableStandardized BetaSEt
Intercept 0.410.83
Perceived group discrimination0.36 **0.096.84
F46.81 **
R20.13
R2adj0.13
Note: ** p < 0.001.
Table 3. Perceived personal discrimination predicting national identification with Ambazonia.
Table 3. Perceived personal discrimination predicting national identification with Ambazonia.
VariableStandardized BetaSEt
Intercept 0.312.10
Perceived personal discrimination0.43 **0.078.33
F69.40 **
R20.18
R2adj0.18
Note: ** p < 0.001.
Table 4. Perceived group discrimination predicting national identification with Cameroon.
Table 4. Perceived group discrimination predicting national identification with Cameroon.
VariableStandardized BetaSEt
Intercept 0.3514.31
Perceived group discrimination−0.38 **0.08−5.91
F34.91 **
R20.10
R2adj0.10
Note: ** p < 0.001.
Table 5. Perceived personal discrimination predicting national identification with Cameroon.
Table 5. Perceived personal discrimination predicting national identification with Cameroon.
VariableStandardized BetaSEt
Intercept 0.2717.60
Perceived personal discrimination−0.35 **0.06−6.58
F43.30 **
R20.12
R2adj0.12
Note: ** p < 0.001.
Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.

Share and Cite

MDPI and ACS Style

Nshom, E. Ambazonian or Cameroonian? Perceived Discrimination and National Identification Among Anglophones in Cameroon. Soc. Sci. 2025, 14, 375. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060375

AMA Style

Nshom E. Ambazonian or Cameroonian? Perceived Discrimination and National Identification Among Anglophones in Cameroon. Social Sciences. 2025; 14(6):375. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060375

Chicago/Turabian Style

Nshom, Elvis. 2025. "Ambazonian or Cameroonian? Perceived Discrimination and National Identification Among Anglophones in Cameroon" Social Sciences 14, no. 6: 375. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060375

APA Style

Nshom, E. (2025). Ambazonian or Cameroonian? Perceived Discrimination and National Identification Among Anglophones in Cameroon. Social Sciences, 14(6), 375. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060375

Note that from the first issue of 2016, this journal uses article numbers instead of page numbers. See further details here.

Article Metrics

Back to TopTop