Will the Women’s Movement in Iran Grow into a National Liberation Movement?

Abstract

The Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement in Iran represents an existentialist and humanist liberation struggle against the country’s oppressive clerical regime. Grounded in existentialist philosophy, particularly Simone de Beauvoir’s concepts of autonomy, self-realization, and the pursuit of freedom, WLF extends beyond political reform to advocate for both personal and national liberation. The movement emphasizes self-determination, bodily autonomy, and agency, rejecting imposed identities and societal constraints. With over 120 years of Iranian women’s struggles as its foundation, WLF builds on past movements, such as the One Million Signatures Campaign, which raised awareness of legal discrimination and violence against women. The movement has also been shaped by globalization and “glocal” processes, fostering cross-cultural feminist solidarity among Iranian women both inside and outside the country. These transnational feminist networks connect local, national, and global movements, strengthening advocacy efforts. A defining feature of WLF is the role of male allies. Some men, particularly as partners in solidarity, actively challenge patriarchal norms and advocate for gender equality. Their participation reflects a shared commitment to human rights, national dignity, and freedom while acknowledging the importance of gender in shaping lived experiences and struggles. Ultimately, WLF is not just a gendered struggle but a unifying force that redefines Iranian identity. By intertwining personal and societal liberation within a global framework, the movement advances a transformative vision, one that challenges oppression, reclaims agency, and aspires for a just and equitable society.

1. Introduction

This paper explores the Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement in Iran, examining it as an existentialist and humanist liberation movement. Grounded in existentialist philosophy, particularly the work of Simone De Beauvoir ([1949] 2011), the WLF movement is framed as a struggle for personal and collective freedom, focusing on the autonomy and self-realization of women in spite of a restrictive socio-political environment. By aligning de Beauvoir’s concepts of identity formation, bodily autonomy, and freedom of choice with the movement’s goals, this paper underscores the existential roots of this resistance.

This analysis also considers the role of globalization in shaping the WLF movement, emphasizing the cross-cultural exchange of feminist ideas between Iranian women both within Iran and in the diaspora. This interaction has, however, added complexities for Iranians residing in Iran as they navigate the influence of these international perspectives. Additionally, the One Million Signatures Campaign, a foundational grassroots effort (2006–2009), is discussed as a precursor to the Zan, Zendegi, Azadi (WLF) movement, marking continuity yet evolution and expansion in Iran’s enduring fight for women’s rights, freedom, and social justice. The influence of the global feminist consciousness and communication technologies has created a “glocal” environment, enriching the movement’s strategies and amplifying its impact.

Furthermore, this paper highlights the distinctive support of male allies within the WLF movement, including prominent figures and supportive couples who stand alongside women, reinforcing the collective drive for gender equality, human rights, and national dignity. This collective aspect—marked by broad participation across society, including support from some male allies and public figures—distinguishes WLF from similar uprisings. This introduction thus establishes a framework for analyzing the existentialist, feminist, and collaborative dynamics driving the WLF movement in Iran.

2. The Spark of a New Movement

On 15 September 2022, Mahsa (Gina) Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish woman from Saqqez, Iranian Kurdistan, was detained in Tehran by the “Morality Police” for improperly wearing her hijab (Khatam 2023). A day later, her family found her in a coma at Kasra Hospital. Journalists Niloofar Hamedi and Elahe Mohamadi exposed her arrest and condition, leading to mass protests. Instead of investigating her death, authorities imprisoned the journalists for five years (Tohidi 2023).

Despite government efforts to suppress public mourning, thousands gathered in Saqqez for Amini’s funeral. A viral video showed mourners chanting Jin, Jiyan, Azadi (Woman, Life, Freedom), turning her name into a symbol of resistance (Tohidi 2023). This slogan, though newly popularized in the Iranian context, has deep roots in the Kurdish women’s liberation movement. Originating from the Kurdish freedom struggles—particularly from within the ideology of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the writings of Abdullah Öcalan—Jin, Jiyan, Azadi encapsulates a revolutionary vision where women’s liberation is inseparable from broader struggles against state violence and colonial oppression. It has long been used by Kurdish women fighting not only against patriarchal norms but also for autonomy and dignity in the face of ethnic and political marginalization. Its adoption in the Iranian protests bridges these intertwined histories of resistance, positioning gender justice as central to the fight for collective freedom.

The Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement marks a significant shift in Iran’s socio-political landscape, embodying a broader struggle against systemic oppression and authoritarian control, grounded in existentialist ideals of freedom and self-determination. Unlike previous uprisings, WLF challenges the foundations of state repression and expresses despair under the current regime (Tohidi 2023). Similarly to existentialist responses to 20th-century global crises, the movement echoes themes from the work of Sartre ([1938] 1965, [1943] 1992, 1996, [1946] 2007) and De Beauvoir ([1994] 2011), advocating for agency, autonomy, and the right to live with dignity.

Importantly, patriarchy in Iran is not a new phenomenon—it has long been entrenched in both law and culture, affecting generations of women and marginalized communities. For decades, people have suffered the consequences of systemic gender discrimination, state violence, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

In parallel, the Kurdish people have a long history of resistance against the tyranny of governmental oppression in Iran. Their struggle, marked by decades of cultural, political, and economic marginalization, connects deeply with the broader calls for justice and autonomy within the WLF movement. Mahsa Amini’s Kurdish identity thus carries added symbolic weight, tying the movement to a history of ethnic resistance as well as collective demands for liberation.

WLF’s anthem, “Baraye”, captures these existentialist themes, expressing a personal and collective longing for freedom (Tohidi 2023). This movement, grounded in humanist ideals, represents a collective struggle for autonomy, dignity, and fundamental rights in Iran. To further understand the philosophical foundations of this movement, it is essential to explore De Beauvoir’s existentialist views and their relevance to the WLF movement in Iran.

3. De Beauvoir’s Existentialist Views and Their Relevance to the WLF Movement in Iran

Simone de Beauvoir’s existentialist framework provides a critical framework for understanding the existential struggles within the Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement. In her landmark work, The Second Sex (De Beauvoir [1949] 2011), de Beauvoir examined women’s oppression and the existential need for liberation. Central to her argument is the notion that women are defined as “the Other” in a male-dominated world. Women are cast into a subordinate position, not due to biological determinism but through social and cultural constructs that deny them subjectivity and agency. Her statement, “One is not born a woman, but becomes one”, underscores that gender identity is not innate but constructed through social roles and experiences (De Beauvoir [1949] 2011). This concept resonates with the WLF movement in Iran, where women actively reject imposed and stereotypical identities and limitations enforced by the patriarchal, theocratic regime.

De Beauvoir’s existentialist philosophy challenges the notion of essentialism, the idea that women’s roles and behaviors are fixed and biologically predetermined. This is particularly relevant in Iran, where the regime uses religious and cultural justifications to enforce strict codes of behavior and clothing on women, notably through the compulsory hijab laws and policy. These laws are a manifestation of the regime’s attempt to control the female body, reducing women to sexual objects subject to male-dominated religious authority (Khatam 2023). The compulsory hijab, therefore, is not just about covering up; it asserts control over women’s autonomy, making them instruments of state ideology. Based on the underlying ideology and attitude of the ruling clerics, women are primarily sexual objects and potential sources of the provocation, distraction, and temptation of men to sin. Therefore, the hijab is a necessary device to protect men from sinful acts and protect women from men’s sexual assaults.

In practice, however, people have witnessed that the state authorities are the primary “sinners”, not the female or male youngsters. The compulsory hijab is not the only cause behind the people’s uprising and the Woman, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement. An increasing number of people have been suffering from rampant corruption, lies, embezzlement, economic mismanagement, rising prices and inflation, increasing unemployment (especially among women), poverty, environmental deterioration, increasing insecurity and violence due to poverty, rising state repression, and the execution of political dissent. Iran’s foreign policy decisions, particularly its nuclear ambitions and regional interventions, have led to significant economic sanctions and international isolation. The U.S. Department of the Treasury (2025) has imposed sanctions targeting entities involved in Iran’s nuclear program, aiming to curb its development. Additionally, Iran’s regional activities have prompted the U.S. to collaborate with regional partners to contain its influence. These sanctions have severely impacted Iran’s economy, leading to financial instability and declining trade.

Within this broader crisis, the women’s movement has functioned as both a symbol and a catalyst for wider resistance. For years, Iranian women have stood at the forefront of struggles not only against gender-specific oppression, such as compulsory veiling and discriminatory laws, but also against broader systemic injustice. Their activism has increasingly intersected with demands for social and economic rights, as women have been disproportionately impacted by unemployment, state violence, and legal inequality. Thus, the WLF movement is not only about gender liberation—it channels the cumulative frustration of a population suffocating under decades of authoritarian rule, economic degradation, and political exclusion, with women’s experiences often serving as the sharpest lens through which to view these intersecting crises.

But among the few issues the Islamist regime seems to have cared about to an obsessive extent is a continuous desire to enact control over the body and appearance of women and the youth. An increasing number of Iranian women have found this reductionist perception of womanhood as an “orat” (sexual organ) to be very objectifying, dehumanizing, and humiliating. Before the WLF movement, every day, hundreds of women in the streets of Iranian cities were verbally abused, physically assaulted, and frequently ended up being dragged into police vans and taken to special centers for persecution due to not observing the hijab code. Not only the women victims of this horrible violence but many others, male as well as female, who observed such scenes of insults to and violations of human dignity on the streets or through video tapes shown on social media, grew resentful and angry, subsequently joining various uprisings since 2009 (Amnesty International 2019; Dehghan 2024; Rascoe 2022). In terms of the transformation of Iranian society, ideologically, culturally, and discursively, WLF is arguably the most impactful uprising to date. It is indicative of a paradigm shift among most Iranians not only regarding their perception of gender roles and gender relations but also a profound split from the Islamist state and the existing traditionalist patriarchal value system in Iran which is beyond the current regime and a yearning for freedom, secular democracy, national liberation, and global integration for a peaceful coexistence with all nations.

Iranian women and their male allies, by rejecting the hijab, are asserting their agency and their right to define themselves, free from the regime’s narrow definitions of femininity and morality. In The Second Sex, de Beauvoir describes women’s journey from being “en soi” (in itself) to “pour soi” (for itself), terms from Jean-Paul Sartre’s existentialism. This journey from object to subject is at the core of women’s existential liberation. For Iranian women, the WLF movement represents this struggle for subjectivity and agency. The refusal to wear the hijab is an act of existential defiance, an assertion of the right to self-definition and autonomy over one’s body long denied by the state (Sadeghi 2010). The Islamic Republic’s fixation on the hijab and control of women’s dress, behavior, and sexuality exemplifies this objectification. De Beauvoir ([1949] 2011) argued that true liberation requires women to reclaim their bodies and become subjects who live freely, expressing agency across all areas of life.

Additionally, de Beauvoir’s concept of bad faith (mauvaise foi), or self-deception, is relevant to the WLF movement’s critique of the regime’s ideological control. The regime’s insistence on the moral necessity of the hijab exemplifies societal bad faith. By presenting restrictions as divinely mandated, the regime evades the reality that these are tools of political control. The WLF movement, in contrast, is an existentialist rejection of bad faith, confronting the contradictions and injustices in their treatment of women (Sartre [1943] 1992).

In recent decades, in Iran too, a growing number of Islamic scholars, lay or cleric, have been calling the Islam of the current Islamist state, specifically the absolute rule of the Supreme Jurist (Velayat-e Motlaqeh Faqih), a false or “bad Faith” that has been constructed by clerical manipulation led by Ayatollah Khomeini out of their political ambitions and self-serving material and financial interests. These decedent scholars call themselves “New Religious Thinkers” and pursue a progressive reformation within Islam and believe in the separation of religion and state (secularity). The most prominent woman scholar among them is Sedigeh Vasmaghi, a Muslim feminist scholar, theologist, and poet who challenges the ruling state’s interpretations of Islam as false and outdated (Akbar 2022). She has been arrested and imprisoned a few times. She has shown strong support for WLF and has courageously removed her veil since the beginning of the WLF movement in 2022. Examples of the male Islamic reformers who are also supportive of the WLF movement include Hassan Yousefi Eshkevari, Mohsen Kadivar, Ahmad Qabel, Arash Naraghi, and Mohsen Mojtahed Shabestari (Mir-Hosseini and Tapper 2006).1

The existentialist themes of freedom, authenticity, and resistance to authoritarianism resonate deeply within the WLF movement. Sartre ([1943] 1992) argued that existentialism confronts the issue of human freedom in oppressive systems, inherently connecting it to political struggles. Existentialist thinkers like Camus, who explored the moral challenges of living in a world without inherent meaning, also emphasized rebellion as an assertion of dignity (Aronson 2022; Camus 1955). In this sense, the WLF movement is an existential rebellion against the regime’s authoritarianism, which denies freedom and self-determination.

The WLF movement also reflects the evolution of feminist thought in Iran, transitioning from a “women’s rights movement” to a “women’s liberation movement”. In Iran, this shift is responding to a specific glocal context, with the regime’s anti-women discrimination and violence as the local/national dimension and its global dimension including transnational networks of feminists or global feminist movements such as “Me Too” emphasizing bodily autonomy and liberation (Khatam 2023; Tohidi 2023). The most evident and effective example of the women’s rights movement in contemporary Iran is the One Million Signatures Campaign.

The One Million Signatures Campaign: Building the Foundations for ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’

The One Million Signatures Campaign to Change Discriminatory Laws, launched in 2006, played a pivotal role in Iran’s women’s movement, laying important groundwork for the later Woman, Life, Freedom movement. This grassroots initiative sought to collect one million signatures to petition against discriminatory laws, particularly in the realms of family, marriage, and employment (Hoodfar and Sadeghi 2009). Through door-to-door conversations and community engagement, the campaign not only raised awareness of gender-based legal inequality but also fostered a culture of civic activism that, for many, set the stage for broader mobilizations in the years to come (Ahmadi Khorasani 2010).

Among the hundreds of activists engaged in this campaign were several devoted male allies, some of whom went on to establish a “Men’s Committee” to challenge gender norms and support women-led efforts. Influential figures such as Shirin Ebadi and Parvin Ardalan (Ebadi 2006) became prominent voices within the movement, bringing international attention to systemic gender discrimination in Iran.

However, not all women’s rights activists viewed the One Million Signatures Campaign in a purely positive light. Some critics within the movement regarded it as a form of compromise with the Islamic Republic, arguing that seeking reforms within the framework of the regime implicitly legitimized its authority. These critics contended that by engaging in legalist activism without directly confronting the political structure itself, the campaign risked reinforcing the very system that enabled gender-based oppression.

In hindsight, this tension reveals a deeper philosophical and strategic divide within Iran’s women’s movement between reformist and radical approaches to social change. While the campaign achieved important milestones in consciousness-raising and community organization, it did not yield substantial legal reforms. The regime remained largely impervious to its demands, and many of its activists faced repression, arrests, or exile.

This lack of systemic change, despite decades of effort, may explain why by 2022, the women’s movement—and broader civil society—had shifted toward a more revolutionary, rather than reformist, approach. The Woman, Life, Freedom movement built on the legacy of earlier initiatives but moved beyond petitions and incremental demands to openly challenge the authoritarian foundations of the state itself. Although separated by time, strategy, and generational outlooks, both movements share a fundamental commitment to dismantling oppressive structures, one through legal reform and the other through radical transformation.

This indicates continued evolution in Iran’s resistance against authoritarianism and gender-based restrictions. This shared lineage of activism underscores the enduring impact of earlier campaigns on Iran’s contemporary feminist movement, providing historical continuity and inspiration for today’s activists. Nevertheless, the quantitative and qualitative prominence of the role of Generation Z has made the WLF movement more representative of the grievances of the youth, their priorities, amazing courage, extra agility, and their novel, glocalized, creative, performative, and artistic tactics during protests and within their posts on social media.

4. The Role of Globalization in Connecting Iranian Women with Global Feminism

The impact of globalization, and more specifically glocalization, on the feminist movement and women in Iran has been profound, especially in the context of the Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement (Semati 2007). Globalization has transformed economies and politics and reshaped cultural exchanges, making it easier for ideas, values, and activism to cross national borders (Magu 2015). In Iran, where state control over information and communication remains stringent, the rise of global communication technologies—especially the internet and social media—has provided new avenues for Iranians, particularly women, to engage with global feminist discourses, strategies, and ideals. This process has created a dynamic cross-pollination of gender and feminist consciousnesses, fostering a hybridization of local and global feminist ideologies.

Globalization has facilitated the exchange of ideas and knowledge across borders, allowing Iranian women to draw inspiration from global feminist movements while adapting them to their local struggles (Tohidi 2002). This process of glocalization describes how global ideas are localized, merging with indigenous experiences and challenges (Tohidi 2023). Iranian feminists are exposed to global discourses on women’s rights, gender equality, bodily autonomy, and political freedoms through various channels such as social media platforms, online publications, and digital activism. These platforms allow them to stay connected with feminist movements worldwide despite the authoritarian restrictions within the country.

Through increased access to the internet, social media, and satellite television, Iranian women—especially in younger generations—have become more exposed to global ideas about freedom, individual rights, and gender equality (Sadrnabavi 2024). These platforms have allowed them to witness and engage with movements and conversations happening across the world, including those surrounding #MeToo, racial justice, and democratic uprisings. Social media, in particular, has played a powerful role in breaking the state’s monopoly over information, enabling Iranian women to share their stories, build solidarity across borders, and mobilize collective action in real time. While inspired by Western values and global movements, they interpret and adapt these influences through the lens of their own lived realities under a theocratic regime that controls women’s bodies, behaviors, and choices. This interplay between global exposure and local resistance has contributed to a new generation of women who are more politically aware, assertive, and connected to a broader human rights discourse, yet deeply rooted in the unique challenges of Iranian society.

Glocalization has not been a one-way process. As the cases of the pro-choice movement and push for reproductive rights in the US on the one hand and WLF in Iran on the other have shown, ideas and social movements travel to and from different countries in the Global North and the Global South. For instance, the global feminist emphasis on bodily autonomy has resonated deeply with the anti-hijab protests in Iran. Another example is the history of abortion in the United States, which reflects complex societal, legal, and medical dynamics, evolving over centuries (Hall and Khandelwal 2024). The regulation of abortion began in 1857 when the newly formed American Medical Association (AMA) sought to control medical services, including those provided by midwives, by pushing for laws that declared that life began at conception. This led to a crackdown on abortion providers, forcing the practice underground and increasing risks to maternal health.

The women’s rights movement of the 1960s in the US propelled pro-choice activism, culminating in the landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, which recognized a constitutional right to privacy, protecting a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy until the fetus reached viability. Despite multiple legal challenges, including the Hyde Amendment (1980) and Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992), this right remained intact for nearly five decades.

However, in June 2022, the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization ruling overturned Roe v. Wade, allowing individual states to regulate or ban abortion. This has led to a patchwork of laws, with some states protecting abortion access and others enacting severe restrictions. The decision has deeply impacted the lives of pregnant people, medical providers, and global health policies, intensifying anti-abortion rhetoric (Hall and Khandelwal 2024).

In the case of the compulsory hijab and the pro-choice movement of WLF, we have witnessed its glocalization. While compulsory hijab laws are deeply rooted in the Islamic Republic’s political and ideological frameworks, Iranian women, through the process of globalization, have become aware of the broader struggles for bodily autonomy happening across the globe. The anti-hijab resistance, then, is not only a protest against local religious restrictions but also part of a broader global feminist struggle for the right to control one’s body, choose one’s attire, and live authentically (Rhode 2016).

The slogan of the Woman, Life, Freedom movement initially emerged from Kurdish resistance movements in Turkey against ethnic and gender discrimination under the Turkish government and later was used under occupation by terrorist Islamist groups such as ISIS (DAESH) and then by the Kurds in the Kurdistan province of Iran and soon by all Iranians who rose up against the killing of Mahsa Jina Amini by the Islamic Republic’s “Morality Police”. A few months later, due to the Iranian movement, we witnessed the use of this slogan by non-Iranians in street demonstrations in Syria and Turkey, as well as in many cities in Europe, Asia, Canada, the USA, Mexico, and Australia by the Iranian diaspora and its non-Iranian allies, male and female.

5. The Diaspora’s Influence and Transnational Feminism

The Iranian diaspora, particularly its highly educated and politically active members, plays a vital role in advancing feminist thought and activism (Pondelíková and Majdáková 2024). Exiled scholars, activists, and citizens residing in countries with strong feminist traditions serve as conduits for transnational feminism, disseminating ideas through conferences, publications, the media, and online platforms (Abla 2020; Arghavan 2018; Ghorashi and Tavakoli 2006; Noor 2014; Tohidi 2005).

By engaging with feminist organizations, universities, and political institutions in their host countries, diaspora members amplify the voices of women inside Iran and advocate for their rights internationally. This exchange fosters a transnational feminist consciousness that transcends Iran’s borders and censorship, linking Iranian feminists to a broader global movement while addressing their unique cultural and political challenges (Alinejad 2011).

6. Technological Advancement and New Forms of Resistance

The advancement of communication technologies has also played a crucial role in the globalization of feminist ideas in Iran, as in other parts of the world. Social media platforms such as Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and Telegram, alongside messaging apps like WhatsApp, have allowed Iranian women to bypass state censorship and connect with global movements in real time. These platforms are essential tools for organizing protests, raising awareness, and sharing information. The circulation of feminist literature, videos, speeches, and manifestos through digital means has contributed to the ongoing evolution of feminist thought in Iran, offering new strategies and tactics for resistance (Hashemi et al. 2024; Tahmasebi-Birgani 2017).

Examples of the local specificity of the issues Iranian women have been fighting for or against include the compulsory hijab, unilateral right of men to divorce, polygamy, and child custody, and several other male-biased laws and practices such as the requirement for a father or husband’s permission for women to obtain a passport and travel abroad or to get a job and unequal inheritance shares in favor of male members of a family. Furthermore, not only are there few or no protective laws in support of women concerning domestic violence and sexual harassment at work, but several old patriarchal and pre-modern tribal customs have also been revived or reinforced under the Islamic Republic’s Sharia-based legal system, such as being stoned to death for adultery and “honor killing”. Every year, about 200 women are killed in various parts of Iran by their male family members, reportedly because of the women’s illicit sexual behavior or relations that may have damaged the honor of the men in the family (Moghaddam 2025)2. Through their vigorous campaigns, Iranian feminists have succeeded in suspending the practice of “stoning to death”, but the ruling Islamist state has not illegalized it yet. Afghanistan and Iran (to a lesser extent) are the only two countries in the world that practice a gender-based apartheid because of the continuity of such violence and blatant discrimination against women.

There are also paradoxical aspects in Iranian women’s status. While they outperform men in university enrolments in various fields, they face unemployment rates twice as high as those of men. Women make up about 60 percent of college students, but the female labor force participation rates in the formal economy are between 14 and 16 percent based on the state-provided statistics (Tohidi 2017).

Despite some specific and at times unique local patterns concerning women’s status in Iran, their movements’ objectives or goals and many of the methods of their struggles are similar to the global patterns and the ones of feminists in most other countries. For example, when Iranian women protest environmental issues, child marriage, violence, poverty, unemployment, compulsory hijab laws, or other oppressive regulations, they often draw on the visual and rhetorical strategies used by other feminist movements around the world. New technologies have enabled Iranian women to broadcast their struggles globally, allowing international audiences to witness their protests and to stand in solidarity. The widespread sharing of videos, such as those showing women removing their hijabs in public spaces, has galvanized both local and global support for the cause. The hashtag #MyStealthyFreedom, started by Masih Alinejad, is a good example of how globalization, through technology, has empowered Iranian women to assert their rights in the face of authoritarian repression, garnering international attention and solidarity.

The WLF movement has been particularly creative and savvy in taking advantage of new communication technology by employing novel resistance tactics and contributing to new artistic, poetic, and musical realizations of revolutionary yet nonviolent messages. Tactics such as a “flash mob” and musical performative acts are used, involving dancing and singing and deliberately highlighting the beauty of the body, laughter, joy, and happiness to promote a happy and non-segregated healthy and “normal” counterculture in opposition to the grave, ascetic, suppressive, and sex-segregated subculture that the ruling Shii Islamist regime has been trying hard to impose on the people through force or propaganda (Khosrokhavar 2024).

7. The Evolution of the Feminist Consciousness and Gender Politics

Glocalization has transformed Iran’s feminist consciousness, expanding its focus from women’s rights to broader issues of personal and collective liberation (Gheytanchi 2009). Influenced by global feminist discourses on intersectionality, bodily autonomy, and gender deconstruction, Iranian women now demand systemic change beyond legal reforms. This evolving feminist perspective also embraces issues such as gender identity and LGBTQ+ rights, challenging traditional heteronormative structures. Additionally, globalization has fostered unity among secular, religious, liberal, and socialist feminists in their fight against patriarchal oppression and gender-based violence (Sajadi 2023). Iranian feminists increasingly adopt an intersectional approach, recognizing the need for solidarity across genders, classes, ethnicities, and sexualities in resisting theocratic and patriarchal control (Hosseinkhah 2018).

In short, despite its shortcomings, which need to be discussed in another paper, the WLF movement has been influential and effective in resulting in a paradigm shift, shaking certain patriarchal cultural taboos and increasing the feminist impact to an irreversible level. This is why despite the brutal and armed crackdown, the impact of this movement has remained detectable in many social arenas. In addition to Mahsa Gina Amini (aged 22), there have been the tragic deaths of many young activists, female and male, such as Nika Shakarami (aged 16), Sarina Esmailzadeh (aged 16), Mohsen Shekari (aged 23) and Majidreza Rahnavard and Mohammadi and Mehdi Karami, who were executed alongside each other a few weeks after being arrested (www.amnesty.org). The deaths of about 500 such young women and men have galvanized many to continue fighting for freedom and justice in Iran. We have witnessed a rising moral consciousness and self-confidence among many activists and ordinary people. There has been a growing trend of transformative inter-generational dialogue within families, even among traditional ones, and society at large. This fearless and hopeful trend is visible even among political prisoners (Shojaei 2025). Narges Mohammadi is an effective representative of this trend. She is the second Iranian feminist (after Shirin Ebadi) to have made many Iranians proud by winning the Noble Peace Prize (in 2023) thanks to her amazingly courageous and steadfast resilience in fighting for justice, freedom, and human rights. Wise, devoted, and persistent women activists such as Nasrin Sotoudeh (a renowned human rights lawyer), Sedigheh Vasmaghi (a feminist theologian), and Narges Mohammadi have become wonderful and inspiring representatives of the transformative spirit and goals of the WLF movement; in a way, they are among many leading and impactful agents of change in Iran’s 46-year feminist movement under clerical despotism. The current generations of women activists owe a great part of their achievements to the earlier generations partaking in collective activism for Iranian women’s rights since the Constitutional Revolution (1906–1911); the WLF has not happened over night (Sanasarian 1982; Paidar 1995; Afary 1996; Nashat and Beck 2003; Sedghi 2007).

8. Contradictions and Contentions Among Iranian Dissidents About the Women’s Movement

The role of Iranian dissidents in the diaspora regarding the women’s movement in Iran is both impactful and complex, often presenting a paradox or a mixed blessing. On one hand, the Iranian diaspora provides significant support through global awareness campaigns, financial aid, and advocacy, helping to amplify the voices of women within Iran. Activists, artists, and academics abroad frequently work to keep international attention on the struggles of Iranian women by leveraging social media, organizing protests, and influencing foreign policy discussions. These actions often serve to pressure the Iranian government by making human rights abuses visible on an international stage, keeping them accountable, and fostering solidarity that emboldens those within Iran.

However, there are also unintended consequences that sometimes complicate this support. Iranian authorities often leverage the involvement of diaspora figures as a way to discredit the domestic movement, framing it as foreign interference or labeling activists as agents of “Western influence”. This portrayal can make life more dangerous for women within Iran, as the government often intensifies crackdowns, claiming to protect “national values” from “foreign infiltration”. Additionally, while some diaspora groups are well connected with developments in Iran, others may advocate for strategies or rhetoric or political alliances that are after the self-serving manipulation or instrumentalization of human/women’s rights that do not align with the progressive on-the-ground realities of the movement in Iranian society. Such misguided approaches can create distrust, disappointment, misunderstandings, or unrealistic expectations within the movement.

Another layer of complexity arises from the diverse perspectives within the diaspora, which sometimes lead to fragmented or competing narratives about how best to support change in Iran. For example, secular voices in the diaspora may prioritize issues like the hijab, while other groups focus on broader social or economic concerns. This diversity, while representing the rich perspectives of the Iranian community abroad, can sometimes create challenges in unifying the movement’s approach, risking a disjointed message that may hinder the effectiveness of their support. One group that has uniquely contributed to this movement inside and outside of Iran by supporting women’s struggles is men, whose contributions have been instrumental and critical.

9. The Positive Role of Men in Iran’s Women’s Movement: A Historical and Contemporary Perspective

The role of men in Iran’s women’s movement, particularly the Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement, is notable for its depth and historical continuity. Unlike many global feminist movements, which are often women-led with a small number of male allies, Iranian men have played a significant and visible role in advocating for women’s rights. This involvement dates back to the Constitutional Revolution of the early 20th century, where male intellectuals and leaders laid the groundwork for gender equality. Today, a number of prominent figures and some ordinary men stand in solidarity with the women’s movement by challenging oppressive policies and advocating for civil liberties. Their involvement reflects how the Iranian women’s movement has come to symbolize a broader struggle for human dignity and national identity (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2023).

10. Historical Foundations: Men as Allies in the Early Women’s Rights Movement

Male support for women’s rights in Iran has historical roots dating back to the Constitutional Era (1905–1911), when reformers and intellectuals, including influential clerics, advocated for women’s education as part of broader calls for civil liberties and modernization. Ali Mirsepasi (2023) highlights the writings of Mostasharoldoleh Tabrizi, who, in his treatise One Word, championed human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the inclusion of women as full citizens, challenging patriarchal norms. Tabrizi argued that bodily autonomy was crucial for all citizens, laying the intellectual foundation for future generations to view women’s rights as integral to Iran’s pursuit of justice and progress (Tohidi 2023).

Several other progressive men actively supported women’s rights, though mostly in terms of their access to education and ending women’s seclusion in domestic realm. During Iran’s Constitutional Revolution (1905–1911), some secular intellectuals also talked about recognizing the essential role of women in societal progress and advocating for their civil rights. Notable among them were the following.

Mirza Jahangir Khan: The founder and editor of Sur-e Esrafil, an influential constitutionalist newspaper, Khan was an outspoken advocate for women’s rights and education. He used his platform to highlight the importance of women’s roles in the reformist movement, arguing for equality and social reform that included improvements to women’s welfare and empowerment (Divsalar 2019).

Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani: A radical intellectual and journalist, Kermani challenged traditional views and argued for the advancement of women’s rights as a path to national progress. He criticized the social and educational restrictions placed on women and called for improvements in their rights as part of his larger vision of a reformed, modern Iran (Abdolmohammadi 2014).

Yahya Dowlatabadi: An educator and reformist, Yahya Dolatabadi was a vocal proponent of women’s education. He established schools that welcomed girls and supported the formation of intellectual societies that discussed women’s issues. Dolatabadi believed that educating women was essential for the country’s advancement, an idea he championed alongside his sister, Sedigheh Dowlatabadi, a prominent feminist and activist (Dabashi 2020).

Talebov Tabrizi: An intellectual and writer, Talebov Tabrizi wrote extensively on issues such as women’s education, health, and social roles. He argued that a modernized Iran required educated women and advocated for changes in customs that held women back, urging Iranian society to embrace educational reforms for girls (Afary 1996).

Sayyed Hasan Taqizadeh: Although primarily known for his political influence, Taqizadeh supported the advancement of women’s rights within the broader context of constitutional reforms. He championed modernizing laws and was sympathetic to progressive discussions on women’s roles in society (Afary 1996; Paidar 1995; Pourbagheri 2021; Sanasarian 1982).

These men and others contributed to a budding movement that saw women’s rights as essential to Iran’s modernization and constitutional reform. Their support helped lay the groundwork for women’s continued activism in Iran, setting the stage for future social and political advancements for Iranian women.

However, during the Constitutional Era in Iran, while a small group of progressive male intellectuals and some educated female intellectuals supported women’s rights, the majority of the population remained illiterate and influenced by conservative clerics. Progressive efforts, including the establishment of schools for women, were often met with violent resistance. These schools, often founded by the daughters or wives of intellectuals, were frequently attacked and destroyed by mobs incited by conservative clerics.

A significant publication that supported women’s rights during this period was Molla Nasreddin, a satirical journal edited by Jalil Mammadguluzadeh (also known as Memed Qulizadeh). Launched on 7 April 1906, in Tbilisi, it ran until 1917, with a brief revival in 1921 in Tabriz and from 1922 to 1931 in Baku. The publication was influential in the region, using satire and caricatures to promote secular and social democratic ideas. Its visual content, including cartoons attacking domestic violence, polygamy, wife-beating, the hijab, and the seclusion of women, made it accessible to illiterate audiences, amplifying its impact. Mammadguluzadeh’s wife, Hamideh Khanum, an educated and wealthy woman, financially supported the publication and was instrumental in raising many women’s issues in the journal. Despite these efforts, the first Majlis after the Constitutional Revolution did not grant any rights to women; except for one deputy, all other deputies led by the clerics opposed women’s suffrage and even the right to assemble and form women’s associations. This demonstrates the deep resistance to gender equality at the time.

11. Men’s Involvement in Contemporary Women’s Movements

Fast forward to the present, and the active participation of men in the women’s rights movement remains a significant and unique aspect of Iran’s socio-political landscape. Several prominent male figures—artists, clerics, political leaders, and intellectuals—have publicly supported the WLF movement, standing alongside women in their fight for freedom, dignity, and autonomy (Malekian and Alcini 2023).

Two prominent male figures, Reza Khandan and Farhad Meysami, have been pivotal in supporting Iran’s women’s rights movement, particularly in their advocacy for women’s right to choose whether to wear the hijab. Their actions became even more significant during the protests in 2022, as the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement grew in response to the tragic death of Mahsa Amini. The first figure, Reza Khandan, is the husband of renowned human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh, who has defended numerous women and activists targeted by the Iranian government. Khandan’s own activism came to the forefront when he supported Sotoudeh’s advocacy for women’s rights, especially during her imprisonment. His public statements and unwavering commitment to her cause brought international attention to Iran’s oppressive treatment of women and activists. Despite threats and arrests, Khandan has continued to speak out, amplifying his wife and other activists’ calls for justice

The other figure is Farhad Meysami, a physician and activist who also became well known for his solidarity with the women’s movement He launched a hunger strike in 2018 after being arrested for supporting women protesting compulsory hijab laws by distributing badges that read “I am against forced hijab”. Meysami’s dedication to nonviolent resistance and his willingness to suffer for the cause highlighted the extreme repression activists face. Even after his imprisonment, he remained a symbol of resilience and sacrifice for the women’s rights movement.

Both Khandan and Meysami have risked their safety to challenge oppressive policies in Iran, embodying the spirit of solidarity that has galvanized both men and women to rally behind the demand for freedom and equality. Through their advocacy, they have underscored the importance of men’s active role in supporting gender equality and human rights. Their courage and commitment have made them central figures in the ongoing fight for women’s rights in Iran.

Several progressive and reformist clerics, too, have been playing a significant role in educating people against the anti-women and discriminatory legal system of the Islamic Republic. They call themselves New Religious Thinkers. Their egalitarian interpretation of Islam puts them in opposition to the ruling fundamentalist Islamists in Iran. They advocate for women’s rights and a secular, democratic government. Examples of reformist or progressive Islamic scholars, cleric or lay, include Hassan Yousefi Eshkevari; Ayatollah Dr. Mohsen Kadivar; AbdolAli Bazargan; Mohsen Mojtahed Shabestari; and Hashem Aghajari. Eshkevari has been playing a leading role in this regard. He was arrested, defrocked, and put in jail for several years due to internationally declaring that the hijab is not mandatory in the Quran and women’s right to freedom of choice should be respected (Mir-Hosseini, Ziba; see my notes on the references). The most prominent and influential woman member of these Islamic reformers is Dr. Sedigheh Vasmaghi. She is a very brave Muslim feminist, theologian, and poet whose writings and public media appearances have drawn lots of support and attention. She is among the previously veiled women who have decided to stop wearing the hijab forever in support of the WLF movement.

12. Shervin Hajipour and the Cultural Resonance of “Baraye”

One of the most iconic male figures in the current movement is Shervin Hajipour, the musician behind the anthem “Baraye”, which has become the unofficial soundtrack of WLF protests (Fahim 2022). Hajipour’s song captures the grievances of the Iranian people, particularly women, against the oppressive state apparatus. His lyrics, drawn from social media posts by ordinary Iranians, articulate the longing for freedom, bodily autonomy, and a life of dignity. Through “Baraye”, Hajipour gave voice to the collective pain and aspirations of a nation, and his support for the movement transcended gender, uniting both men and women in their struggle against the regime.

Hajipour’s contribution underscores how male artists in Iran have leveraged their platforms to amplify women’s voices, recognizing that the struggle for women’s rights is a fight for the rights of all citizens (Tohidi 2023). His song serves as a cultural rallying cry, reminding Iranians and non-Iranians that the struggle for freedom, life, and dignity is universal, cutting across gender, class, and ethnicity.

Mehdi Yarrahi, a male singer from Ahvaz in the Khuzestan province of Iran, has also been a vocal supporter of women’s rights. Ethnically Arab, Yarrahi’s background and experiences have deeply influenced both his music and activism. His song “Roosarito” (“Your Headscarf”), which criticized the compulsory hijab law in Iran, led to his imprisonment and a sentence of lashes. The song, which resonated with many Iranians, particularly women, became an anthem of resistance against the state’s control over women’s bodies. Yarrahi’s punishment for his activism highlights the personal risks faced by male artists in Iran who stand in solidarity with the WLF movement and challenge gender-based oppression.

13. Political Leaders and Clerics: Khatami, Mousavi, and Abdulhamid Ismailzahi

Some prominent male political figures have played a significant role in supporting the Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement in Iran. Reformist leaders such as Mohammad Khatami and Mir Hossein Mousavi, along with his wife, Zahra Rahnavard, have long advocated for women’s rights. Mousavi, a former Prime Minister and a symbolic leader of the Green Movement following the 2009 election, has been under house arrest since 2010, continuing to advocate for civil rights and gender equality alongside his wife. Their involvement highlights the connection between the fight for women’s rights and broader struggles for democracy and justice.

Abdulhamid Ismailzahi, a Sunni cleric and leader of the Bauchs in Sistan and Baluchistan, also stands out for his support of women’s rights (Middle East Eye 2022). His advocacy is significant because it challenges the state’s religious justifications for women’s oppression, diverging from both his previous conservative views and the dominant Shia clerical stance that enforces restrictions like the compulsory hijab law. Ismailzahi’s support reflects the growing unity among men from various political, religious, and ethnic backgrounds in advancing women’s rights.

14. The Global Influence and Visibility of Male Allies

The involvement of men in the WLF movement has been influenced by globalization and glocalization, enabling Iranian men to engage with global discourses on gender equality and feminist activism through new communication technologies (Tait 2022). These platforms have allowed male allies to challenge patriarchal norms and express support for women’s rights. For example, videos of men cutting their hair in solidarity with women protesting compulsory hijab laws have gained widespread attention, amplified the movement, and positioned Iranian men as allies in the global fight for gender equality.

Additionally, the Iranian diaspora has facilitated the exchange of feminist ideas, with male intellectuals, activists, and scholars abroad playing a key role in supporting the movement, adding a transnational dimension to male involvement in the WLF movement (Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2019).

15. Couples as Allies in the Women’s Rights Movement

During the 2022 “Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran, as in 2006 during the One Million Signatures Campaign and to a lesser extent during the Green Movement (2009), numerous couples played pivotal roles in advancing the cause. These partnerships showed solidarity, courage, and a shared commitment to women’s rights and social justice, reflecting a deeply supportive dynamic that bolstered the movement’s impact. Here are some notable ways couples contributed.

Shared Activism and Joint Protests: Many Iranian couples took to the streets together, standing side by side in protests and facing police crackdowns. Their presence represented unity and defiance, challenging the oppressive laws that affect both men and women in Iran. Couples marched, chanted, and demonstrated together, strengthening the morale of the movement.

Public Statements and Social Media: Numerous influential couples, especially artists, musicians, and actors, used social media to amplify the voices of protesters. For instance, Iranian celebrities shared images and videos of themselves cutting their hair in solidarity with female protesters or making bold statements about freedom, equality, and justice. Their coordinated messages inspired others to take part and extended the movement’s reach globally.

Advocating for Gender Equality: Many progressive couples actively promoted equality, emphasizing that the movement was not just over a “women’s issue” but a fight for universal human rights. By jointly speaking out against gender-based oppression, they modeled a vision of partnership based on equality and respect, resonating with the movement’s values.

Support Networks: Couples played essential roles in providing mutual support and safety for each other amid protests and crackdowns. They often shared resources, protected each other from the police, and offered each other emotional and logistical support. This close-knit support system not only ensured their safety but also demonstrated the strength of relationships rooted in shared values and principles.

Humanitarian and Financial Assistance: Some couples organized to provide financial aid and supplies to families affected by police violence or detainment. By pooling resources and mobilizing their networks, these couples contributed to improving the welfare of affected protesters, showing solidarity that extended beyond individual participation in the demonstrations.

The involvement of couples in the 2022 movement underscored a powerful message: that the fight for “Women, Life, Freedom” is not confined to women alone but is a societal struggle for dignity, unity, and respect. Their commitment helped to reinforce the movement’s resilience, demonstrating that equality and partnership can fuel social change and inspire widespread solidarity across gender lines.

These couples, despite facing significant personal risks, became symbols of courage and solidarity, helping to rally both Iranians and the international community to stand against systemic repression. Their commitment showed that the movement for “Women, Life, Freedom” is a deeply shared struggle for justice, transcending individual boundaries.

16. The Broader Implications of Men’s Support: A Movement for National Liberation?

The involvement of men in Iran’s women’s rights movement has significant implications for the broader struggle for national liberation. Many male allies recognize that the fight for women’s rights is intertwined with the broader battle against an authoritarian regime that oppresses all citizens. The WLF movement, focusing on bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and human dignity, reflects a shared desire for national liberation, where both men and women resist the state’s control over their lives.

Men’s support also challenges patriarchal structures in Iranian society. By participating in the fight for women’s rights, they reject the patriarchal norms enforced by the regime, contributing to the dismantling of a system that has oppressed both women and men for decades. This solidarity signals a cultural shift toward gender equality and mutual respect, with potential implications for the future of Iranian society and other Muslim-majority countries. Nevertheless, while some Iranian men have stood in solidarity with women and played important roles as allies in the movement, many still hold deeply entrenched patriarchal views. In some cases, men may outwardly support calls for justice and equality yet continue to reproduce gendered hierarchies in private or social settings. This contradiction reveals the depth of patriarchy in Iranian society, where even among progressives, full gender equality remains a complex and ongoing struggle.

17. Unique Solidarity for Gender Equality and National Liberation

The active involvement of men in Iran’s women’s movement, both historically and today, is a defining feature of the WLF movement. Intellectuals like Mostasharoldoleh, Taghizadeh, Mohammad Ali Foroughi, Malek ol Shoara Bahar, and Yahya Dowlatabadi laid the foundation, while modern figures such as Shervin Hajipour, Bahram Beizaei, Mir-Hussein Mousavi, Mustafa Tajzadeh, and Abdulhamid Ismailzahi continue to support women’s rights. Imprisoned activists like Saeed Madani, Farhad Meysami, and Reza Khandan also challenge patriarchal norms. Their participation underscores the interconnectedness of gender equality with broader issues of civil liberties, minority rights, and dignity. The WLF movement is not just about gender equality but represents an inclusive struggle for national liberation, with men and women from various backgrounds united in solidarity.

18. Conclusions

The Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement in Iran stands as a profound and multi-faceted liberation effort. Its strength and potential for lasting change are anchored in the intersecting contributions of existentialism, globalization, grassroots activism, and men’s support.

Existentialist and Collective Contributions: Beyond gender equality, the WLF movement represents a collective push for existential autonomy and human rights against repressive theocratic control. As both men and women confront shared repression, the movement deepens in meaning and gains wider participation. This unity in striving for dignity and freedom fosters a resilient foundation for continued resistance.

Regarding grassroots influences and the legacy of over 100 years of women’s rights struggles across four generations of feminist activism in Iran and beyond, The One Million Signatures Campaign of 2006–2009 in particular was a pioneering collective and systematic effort to challenge discriminatory laws and gather societal support for equal rights for women. By setting a precedent for community-driven activism, it transformed sporadic individual actions into a collective movement. As a result, it laid essential groundwork for WLF, showing how local activism can build powerful, interconnected resistance. The legacy of this campaign emphasizes the need for collective, grassroots voices in sustaining the push for equal rights.

Global Advocacy: The international community has expanded the movement’s reach, connecting Iranian activists with global feminist trends and transnational feminist networks through advocacy and online platforms. This cross-cultural and transnational solidarity across borders fosters moral and political support, applying pressure on the ruling patriarch while keeping Iran’s women’s rights struggles in international discourse.

Male Allies and Couples’ Contributions: Historically, many Iranian men—intellectuals, artists, activists, and couples working in tandem—have been instrumental allies, underscoring that the fight for gender equality benefits the nation as a whole. Their involvement has challenged patriarchal norms and lent more legitimacy to the movement, encouraging a national vision of unity. Continued support from men and couples strengthens the movement’s inclusivity, helping to bridge divides and further its reach.

By combining these existential, grassroots, global, and cross-gender contributions, the WLF movement is positioned to fundamentally transform societal structures, nurturing a resilient push toward lasting socio-cultural and political change in Iran.

It is vital to recognize that regime change alone will not automatically dismantle deeply rooted systems of misogyny or gender inequality. While many protesters and activists envision a post-Islamic Republic future with greater freedoms, the assumption that a secular or democratic regime would inherently resolve patriarchal oppression is overly simplistic. Patriarchy is not exclusive to theocratic systems—it is embedded in cultural, social, and institutional structures that transcend political ideology. Without intentional, ongoing efforts to challenge and transform these norms, even a secular government could reproduce gender-based discrimination in different forms. The current narrative’s intention was not to lean into a reductive good-versus-evil framework that obscures the complexity of systemic oppression. For a truly transformative movement, it is essential to recognize that liberation requires more than political transition; it demands a deep cultural reckoning with patriarchy itself.

During a TV interview with the BBC, American philosopher Michael Hardt, who is a scholar of globalization, democracy, and social movements, made a perceptive comparison between the slogan of “Woman-Life-Liberty” in Iran in 2022 and the slogan of “Liberté, égalité, fraternité” in Europe in the 18th century, especially during the Great French Revolution. French people then made that tripartite slogan their national motto. Soon after, Haitians took up that same slogan and adopted it during their own struggles for freedom, national liberation, and the end of slavery.

As Hardt argues, people’s struggles for freedom and justice travel, get translated, and gain new dimensions, creating cycles of movement. One of the ways they travel is through their slogans. In his analysis of WLF, Hardt implies that the WLF slogan in Iran is more advanced than the French LEF. “I am fascinated by Iranian people’s slogan of WLF”, Hardt states. The word “Woman” reveals the implicit patriarchal assumptions in the French slogan from the 18th century that were embedded in the word “fraternity”. It is not that Iran’s slogan of WLF negates the French slogan of LEF; it appears to be a supplement to it or a reinterpretation of it in the 21st century in a country where its women and men are struggling to liberate themselves from an anti-women theocracy. Hardt continued to say, “I wish not only success for you as Iranians in Iran but also success for you in effecting other nations by your dreams and desires so a cycle of revolutionary movements can be created to help us all to win” (Hardt 2022 BBC Television).

Žižek (2022), the Slovenian philosopher, cultural theorist, and public intellectual, highly admired the women’s movement in Iran, stating that the ongoing protests in Iran are historically significant because they unite diverse issues—like women’s rights, opposition to religious oppression, and resistance to state violence—into a single, powerful movement. He examines the uniqueness of the “Zan, Zendegi, Azadi” (“Woman, Life, Freedom”) movement and emphasized that it is not just echoing Western movements like #MeToo or those associated with other feminist slogans, but it is a much deeper, broader struggle for personal and societal freedom. Iranian men joining these protests understand that advocating for women’s rights also means fighting for their own freedoms, seeing women’s oppression as part of a larger system of state control.

We end this paper with a quote from Zizek:

“We in the West have no right to treat Iran as a country that is desperately trying to catch up with us. Rather, it is we who must learn from Iranians if we are going to have any chance of confronting right-wing violence and oppression in the United States, Hungary, Poland, Russia, and many other countries. Whatever the immediate result of the protests, the crucial thing is to keep the movement alive, by organizing social networks that can continue to operate underground in the event that the forces of state oppression achieve a temporary victory. It is not enough simply to express sympathy or solidarity with the Iranian protesters, as if they belong to some faraway exotic culture. All the relativist babble about cultural specificities and sensitivities is now meaningless. We can and should see the Iranian struggle as synonymous with our own. We don’t need female figureheads or Woman Kings; we need women who will mobilize us all for “woman, life, freedom”, and against hate, violence, and fundamentalism”.

(Žižek 2022)