1. Introduction
The existing literature has confirmed that the COVID-19 pandemic affected fish traders through economic disparities, corruption, harassment, an increase in clearance fees, and livelihood burdens (
Adegbite et al. 2022;
Burki 2020;
Mudege et al. 2022;
Mwenyango 2023), and they are still exploring ways to cope with these impacts (
Chiwaula et al. 2022). The COVID-19 pandemic restricted the movement of people, goods, and services across borders in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) and greatly affected informal cross-border trade and traders (
Mvunga and Kunaka 2021). On specific terms, COVID-19 disrupted social life and increased gender disparities in sub-Saharan Africa with limited coping mechanisms (
Maestripieri 2021). Preliminary studies by
Chiwaula et al. (
2022),
Mudege et al. (
2022), and
Mwema et al. (
2022) provided evidence on how different social groups faced varying risks of contagion and the coping mechanisms they employed in response to the consequences of the pandemic. Evidence also shows how different minorities and migrants faced disproportionally higher risks of contagion (
Maestripieri 2021) and, at the same time, how societies coped with social distancing measures and their disruptive social and economic consequences, which have a more significant impact on the most vulnerable segments of societies: women, children, low-income classes, and ethnic minorities (
Maestripieri 2021). However, there is limited information on how minority cross-border traders were specifically affected by COVID-19 and how they adapted to the control measures.
This paper seeks to use an intersectional approach to understand the coping strategies of male and female cross-border fish traders during the COVID-19 pandemic. Intersectionality theory allows us to understand how different social identities and systems of power, such as gender and economic factors, intersect to shape the experiences and responses of these traders to the pandemic (
Acebillo-Baqué and Maestripieri 2023;
Baig 2021;
Maestripieri 2021). Thus, intersectionality theory provides valuable insights into the pandemic’s effects by considering the social determinants, consequences, and coping mechanisms of emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic (
Acebillo-Baqué and Maestripieri 2023).
Lazarus and Folkman (
1984) posit two ways of coping with emergencies, which are direct ways of solving problems that elicit negative emotions (problem-focused coping) or indirect ways that people use to distance themselves from negative emotions (emotion-focused coping). These coping strategies depend on the domain of the threat; a mortal threat, like the COVID-19 pandemic, would more likely activate problem-focused coping (
Ben-Zur 2019;
Biggs et al. 2017). With this approach, people would actively search for solutions to the current situation. According to
Biggs et al. (
2017) and
Gross and John (
2003), the coping strategies that people use to regulate their emotions could be either behavioral or cognitive efforts. Due to the limitation and inflexibility of behavioral approaches, such as restrictions on cross-border trade, disruptions in the supply chain, or limited access to markets during the outbreak of COVID-19, in this paper, we examine the information that cross-border fish traders provided about coping with the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Cross-border trade represents the buying and selling of goods between two neighboring countries or beyond, with the seller or buyer in the other country (
Mussa et al. 2017). There is a substantial volume of trade of agricultural and non-agricultural products, including fish, between Malawi and other countries within the region, involving male and female traders (
Bouët et al. 2020;
Mussa et al. 2017). However, cross-border trading is mal-affected by gender inequalities like limited access to resources, increased vulnerability to exploitation, limited participation in decision making, and restricted access to credit (
Afrika and Ajumbo 2012).
Atkins et al. (
2021) indicated that outbreaks of viruses such as the COVID-19 pandemic are one of the most significant threats to humanity. The occurrence of emergencies is impartial, and while disasters are not gender-selective, how men and women experience the aftermaths of disasters dramatically differ (
Mudege et al. 2017,
2022;
Neumayer and Plümper 2007;
Pérez-Gañán et al. 2023). These differential outcomes are accentuated by the varied experiences, skills, and roles of men and women in society (
Pérez-Gañán et al. 2023). Women and men play different roles, which result in different identities, responsibilities, and attitudes, leading to gender inequality (
World Bank 2021). Against this backdrop, this paper aims to analyze the gendered impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on cross-border fish traders on Lake Chilwa in Malawi.
The study adopted intersectional theory as an analytical approach, but its primary focus was on gender, examining the experiences of male and female cross-border traders. Gender is identified as an important attribute to understanding different inequalities and power dynamics between men and women and how they coped with the impacts of the pandemic. The paper’s main aim is to interrogate how significant the COVID-19 pandemic and the public health measures put in place to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic affected small-scale, cross-border fish traders. It also aims to identify and outline how the intersection between gender and other identities during emergencies shapes coping strategies to recommend best policy practices.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Analytical Framework
Our study adopted an intersectional approach. The theory of intersectionality has gained increased success in recent years in women’s studies for its capacity to go beyond a simple binary approach to gender inequalities (
Baig 2021;
Moabe and Asela 2021;
Ryan and El Ayadi 2020). Intersectionality considers what occurs when multiple axes of inequalities exist in relation to each other so that gender is always seen in interactive and complex relations with other factors, such as ethnicity, class, and age (
Berkhout and Richardson 2020;
Ryan and El Ayadi 2020). Under this perspective, these structures of inequalities are crosscutting and mutually reinforcing systems of domination and subordination, which may construct multiple uneven and contradictory social patterns (
Anthias 2005). They are interrelated but different systems of inequality. Thus, people hold positions that may conflict with each other—such as for black middle-class women, who are privileged for their belonging to the middle class but discriminated against for their being black women. Focusing on only one axis of inequality impedes grasping the real reach of the pandemic’s effect and its unequal distribution across social groups in society (
Acebillo-Baqué and Maestripieri 2023). An intersectional approach to gender goes beyond the dichotomy of men and women to vertical–hierarchical or horizontal approaches to inequality (
Djoudi et al. 2016). Dichotomous approaches view vulnerabilities as independent occurrences that uniformly affect different groups of people (
Djoudi et al. 2016). However, an intersectional approach explores the overlays and overlaps inherent in multiple vulnerabilities that reinforce exclusion (
Acebillo-Baqué and Maestripieri 2023).
Holman et al. (
2021) noted that an intersectional approach to gender is more transformative and power-sensitive as it recognizes multiple dimensions of identity, understands power dynamics, and promotes social justice. The intersectional approach considers gender with other identities to appreciate the different social differences and power relations between men and women (
Holman et al. 2021;
Maestripieri 2021). The approach goes beyond basic assumptions that women are the most vulnerable in the face of disasters to in-depth attention to the other identities of these women, highlighting the intragroup disparities that influence how they experience the effects of disasters (
Hackfort and Burchardt 2018). There is no homogeneous cluster of people; for instance, there are differences within and across women, based on different needs, ages, physical locations, education, and classes (
Moabe and Asela 2021). The appreciation of these differences helps in understanding the differentiated aspects of vulnerability.
Gender is a social construct, and understanding it involves analyzing behaviors, characteristics, altitudes, and social norms linked to one’s biological sex at birth (
Moabe and Asela 2021). Gender as a social construct varies from society to society, and this construction is also likely to change with time (
UN Women and UNFPA 2021;
WHO 2007). In other words, gender refers to the roles, expectations, and values placed on men and women in what it considers appropriate for them. Gender integration into disaster risk reduction is vital in building resilience and recovery, especially in developing countries with generally high disaster levels (
Moabe and Asela 2021;
UN Women and UNFPA 2021;
World Bank 2021). The importance of understanding gender intersectionality in emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic is informed by the differential social roles of men and women (
Anthias 2005;
Maestripieri 2021;
Moabe and Asela 2021). According to
World Bank (
2019), when men and women are allowed equal opportunities in the economic sphere, better results are achieved in firm performance and economic development.
This paper explores how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted male and female cross-border fish traders, how they coped with the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, and how different intersectionalities had a bearing on the coping mechanisms in Malawi to inform policy, research, and operational practice. The study aimed to answer the following research questions and associated measures; How have male and female cross-border fish traders been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and associated measures? What coping and adaptation mechanism responses have been employed by male and female fish traders? Which of these coping mechanisms have worked for either men or women?
2.2. Study Site
We conducted a cross-sectional study involving both qualitative and quantitative data collection methods to investigate the gendered impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and how the different intersectional identities of cross-border fish traders had a bearing on the coping mechanisms. The study was conducted around Lake Chilwa (
Figure 1), which lies between 15°30″ S and longitude 35°30″ E and is a shared waterbody between Malawi and Mozambique. Lake Chilwa, located in southern Malawi, is a shallow, moderately saline endorheic lake, covering 683 km
2 with extensive wetlands. It is the second largest lake in Malawi and an internationally significant Ramsar wetland (
Kafumbata et al. 2014;
Njaya et al. 2011). Lake Chilwa supports a biodiverse ecosystem that is crucial for local livelihoods, food security, and contributes USD 21 million annually to the Malawian economy, primarily from its fishery (
Kafumbata et al. 2014;
Njaya et al. 2011). It is densely populated, with around 325 people per square kilometer. The small-scale fishery is dominated by three species—
Enteromius paludinosus (Matemba),
Oreochromis shiranus (Makumba), and
Clarius gariepinus (Mlamba) (
Njaya 2009)—and is mainly threatened by climate change (
Chiwaula et al. 2012).
Two representative communities were selected, namely, Ngotangota and Chinguma. The communities were selected to represent small-scale fishery-based value chain activities in which both men and women are involved in cross-border fish trade. These communities are predominantly Mang’anja peoples which follow a matrilineal system of marriage. In Malawi, under the matrilineal system, inheritance is passed through the daughter, who assumes ownership of land and serves as the head of the household. In many cases, women under this system are traditional leaders, as they hold control over decision making (
Berge et al. 2014). Agriculture and fishing are the primary economic activities in these areas. While fishing is predominantly performed by men, fish processing is largely dominated by women (
Manyungwa et al. 2019;
Simfukwe et al. 2022). Due to their proximity to Mozambique, the majority of their fish are sold across the border, with only a small proportion reaching larger cities such as Lilongwe and Blantyre in Malawi. However, the onset of COVID-19 in Malawi, declared a national emergency on 21 March 2021, presented a significant challenge for these communities to maintain their traditional livelihoods (
Ndasauka et al. 2024). The pandemic resulted in approximately 2686 deaths, and measures to control its spread, including restrictions on cross-border movement, were enforced. In one way or another, COVID-19 measures affected the normal lives and livelihood strategies of these low-income communities. Therefore, it is vital to understand these impacts in order to improve programming for future pandemics or national disasters.
2.3. Data Collection Approach and Methods
To comprehensively understand gender-related coping inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic, we used three data collection methods, namely the “SenseMaker” tool, a household questionnaire, and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs), between April and November 2022. Furthermore, sex-disaggregated Emergency Market Mapping and Analysis (EMMA) toolkit workshops were held for one day in Chinguma, Lake Chilwa. Participants in the workshops were all cross-border traders and the workshop was undertaken to gain insights into how the COVID-19 pandemic affected both male and female cross-border fish traders and how they coped with the challenges. The tools were key in collecting data on the key thematic areas of household socio-economic and demographic characteristics, measures that had a significant impact, barriers to trade adaptation due to COVID-19, gendered impacts related to access to income, policy environment, gendered coping and adaptation strategies employed by the cross-border fish traders, and gendered challenges encountered at the border during fish trading. Furthermore, eight KIIs were undertaken with local experts to obtain expert opinions on the cross-border fish trade, how men and women are involved in the trade, and how the COVID-19 pandemic affected the traders. The objective of these interviews was to understand the overall situation among male and female cross-border fish traders during the COVID-19 pandemic.
In line with the growing interest in studying processes of human sensemaking (
Van der Merwe et al. 2019), our study also adopted a SenseMaker approach using the Cognitive Edge SenseMaker tool. Sensemaking is a research approach that aims to explore and understand the ambiguous dynamics of complex social systems (
Abolafia 2010). Our study used narrative analysis to abductively explore connections and patterns of how cross-border fish traders were affected during the COVID-19 pandemic. According to (
Abolafia 2010), narrative analysis is a social process of pattern recognition involving abduction, comparing culturally approved models to the current conditions to establish relevant facts and events, plotting and reordering those facts and events into a plausible narrative, and selective retention. The analysis focused on how the COVID-19 pandemic affected men and women involved in cross-border fish trade and how other intersectionalities played a role in coping with the effects of the pandemic. We obtained stories on the experiences of men and women involved in cross-border fish trade.
Participants were purposively selected with the guidance of the fisheries extension staff to capture those actively involved in the cross-border fish trade. In total, 137 respondents participated in the study, of which 86 were female. Furthermore, 32 people participated in the EMMA workshop. There were some overlaps between the questionnaire and the SenseMaker tool as participants responded to both tools. The EMMA workshops were participatory and took a day. The data on the local population were collected in the local language and later transcribed to English, cleaned, and prepared for analysis. Ethical clearance was sought through the National Committee on Research Ethics in The Social Science and Humanities (NCRSH) Research Protocol No. P.09/21/601. Furthermore, verbal consent was obtained from participants before the commencement of the interviews.
2.4. Data Analysis
Quantitative data from questionnaires were analyzed using Stata 17. Descriptive statistics were used to explain the gendered impacts of COVID-19 and how the cross-border fish traders coped with the challenge. Additionally, qualitative data from the KIIs and FGD were transcribed and stored electronically, and hard copies of handwritten notes from the field were also kept. The respondents’ answers were organized and analyzed deductively using the pre-determined thematic areas. The thematic areas focused on challenges faced by cross-border fish traders, the impacts of COVID-19 on cross-border fish trade, and coping strategies for the cross-border fish traders to respond to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis took into account aspects of intersectionality, looking at marital status, education status, age, and sex.
2.5. Limitations
Due to a ban on research activities, mobility restrictions, and safety concerns for the research team and study participants, it was impossible to conduct the study at the height of the pandemic when restrictions and other measures were in full force. The study was implemented when measures had been relaxed in Malawi. Participants kept saying that the conditions of cross-border fish trade had not gone back to pre-COVID-19 conditions; however, the results are still valid.
2.6. Positionality Statement
The researchers’ extensive experience working with marginalized communities in Malawi significantly informed the design of the study, ensuring that it was contextually appropriate and sensitive to local dynamics. To maintain professionalism and minimize bias, independent enumerators were engaged to collect data from respondents without interference. This approach ensured the collection of accurate data that genuinely reflected participants’ perspectives. Furthermore, the data analysis was conducted with integrity, adhering to professional standards to avoid influencing the results. Regular peer reviews and participant validation processes were implemented to ensure that the findings remained rooted in the participants’ voices and experiences, enhancing the credibility and reliability of the study.
3. Results
3.1. Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Study Participants
The results in
Table 1 indicate that the majority of the men and women have at least a primary level of education (49.7% of men and 72.1% of women) compared to secondary education (27.4% of men and 16.3% of women). Additionally, there were gender differences in marital status, with most male fish traders being married (98.0%), and none being divorced or separated. In contrast, among women, 76.7% were married, 9.3% were divorced, and 4.7% were separated. Regarding the type of fish traded, women dominate in the trading of both small pelagic fish species (51.4%) and large species of economic importance (24.8%). Conversely, 48.6% of men trade small pelagic species and 15.0% trade large fish species. It should be noted that in this research, small pelagic species included
E. paludinosus (Matemba), while
O. shiranus chilwae (Makumba) and
C. gariepinus (Mlamba) were classified as large fish species.
3.2. COVID-19 Measures That Had a Significant Effect on Cross-Border Fish Traders
The study participants indicated they were a number of COVID-19-related measures that had an effect on their business. The participants indicated the closure of land borders (24.7% men; 21.8% women) and wearing a mask in public places (19.4% men; 19.6% women) as key measures that affected their business. Other notable measures included social distancing (16.2% men; 12.3% women), 14 days of mandatory quarantine (8.5% men; 11.2% women), and the requirement of a COVID-19 certificate (7.4% men; 6.3% women) (
Figure 2).
Furthermore, discussions with respondents revealed that the use of informal routes into Mozambique increased during the COVID-19 pandemic due to border restrictions. The challenges of restricting markets’ assembly in the destination country led to fish being sold at lower prices, with traders frequently facing arrests and harassment from Mozambican police. Both male and female participants in the focus group discussions (FGDs) reported these experiences: “We faced immense difficulties while crossing the border. For instance, in my case, I engage in cross-border fish trade with Mozambique, and during that time, we had to pay exorbitant amounts to cross the border and make sales”. Additionally, a female respondent stated, “During the peak of COVID-19, we had to sell fish at very low prices due to a scarcity of buyers, which ultimately led to a sharp decline in our fish business capital”.
Furthermore, actors in transportation services for cross-border traders indicated that “Prior to COVID-19, I transported a significant amount of fish. In a single day, I would receive numerous calls to deliver fish stock to the market. Sometimes, I would receive multiple calls simultaneously. I could make up to seven return trips in a day. However, during COVID-19, many traders were apprehended by the police and lost their capital, causing them to cease their business operations. Hence, there were very few customers during this period. Apart from that, some individuals were apprehensive about engaging in fish trading. As transporters, we started reaching out to customers, inquiring if they required transportation, but unfortunately, they were unable to conduct their business”.
Regarding the aspect of social distancing, both male and female participants in the FGDs confirmed that it contributed to the dissolution of marriages due to misunderstandings among couples concerning social distancing measures. Female respondents shared the following perspective: “The COVID-19 measure of one-meter social distance had also an impact on our household. Some women implemented this measure within their households, creating conflicts with their husbands. This led to men leaving their families and seeking sexual services from sex workers at beer bars. This caused commotion within the family as some women also vowed revenge which caused separation and divorce. As a result, their fish business was interrupted. In other instances, the behaviour of men brought COVID-19 infection to households which also halted all business operations within the household”. This can be attributed to limitations of information regarding COVID-19 and misinterpretations of information that were spread by people in households and also on social media.
3.3. Challenges Due to COVID-19 That Affected Trade Adaptation
The results in
Figure 3 indicate that both women and men faced challenges that were either specific to their gender or not. For example, both genders experienced difficulties related to a lack of affordable financing (46.5% of women and 47.1% of men). However, certain challenges differed in their effect on each gender. For instance, non-repayment of loans from friends affected 47.1% of men compared to 2.3% of women; increased harassment along the fish trade routes affected 52.9% of men compared to 33.7% of women; and the demand for bribes disproportionately affected women (18.6%) compared to men (7.8%).
Furthermore, in-depth discussions with cross-border traders revealed that the level of harassment increased significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic. Male respondents expressed during FGDs that “During the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, we men experienced the most severe hardships, enduring physical beatings and abuse. In certain cases, our fish stocks were confiscated, resulting in a complete loss of our business capital”.
In similar cases, female respondents also reported that “we encountered increased cases of opportunistic sexual exploitation when caught during COVID-19 in order to keep our business running and ensured that our household are able to survive. Sometimes we were forced in unprotected sexual activities”.
3.4. Gendered Effects of COVID-19 on Cross-Border Fish Traders
3.4.1. Effects Related to Access to Income
This study revealed that cross-border traders experienced significant losses in income (88.2%) and assets (73.2%), exacerbating pre-existing financial disparities. For example, one female respondent shared, “
I was completely destitute during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. I had to cease all cross-border fish trading and relied on growing rice which I sold after three years that I managed to restart the business”. Furthermore, 45% of male and 52% of female traders reported a decrease in income exceeding 50%. The reduced income for both genders was attributed to difficulties in transportation (88.1%), a decline in the number of buyers (73.2%), the closure of marketplaces (72.5%), and harassment and corruption at the border (54.7%) (
Figure 4). Due to the loss of income from fish trading activities, it was reported that many traders lacked the funds to purchase fish for trading. As a result, 43.2% of female traders and 54.2% of male traders had to sell their assets to cover the business losses and sustain their households’ livelihoods.
3.4.2. Effects Related to Policy Environment
Movement restrictions and the implementation of physical distancing policies led to transport limitations and bottlenecks, reducing access to export markets. All cross-border traders reported that fish stocks piled up in the markets due to movement restrictions, which led to a reduced number of customers. This caused delays in completing sales for their consignments. For instance, it was mentioned that cross-border traders would take one to two weeks to sell a consignment. These delays significantly impacted their revenue and profits, as a substantial portion of their income was spent on lodging and food in Mozambique, thereby perpetually affecting their household income levels. Furthermore, 55.7% (18.4% males and 37.3% females) of the traders indicated that border closure measures put their vending activities on hold; as a result, they redirected their business capital to cover family needs. However, 44.3% (24.3% males and 20.0% females) stated that they continued vending using unchartered routes and conducting business at night to evade police and other border officials. However, 86.4% (48.5% males and 37.9% females) of the traders stated that they did not benefit from the government’s safety net programs introduced to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic.
3.4.3. Effects Related to Sexual Exploitation and Exposure to Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs)
Due to the imposed curfews, cross-border traders sold fish in their clients’ homes when they crossed Mozambique. This arrangement made the cross-border traders more susceptible to sexual exploitation and abuse, particularly when encountered by police during their patrols. For instance, during FGDs with female participants at Chinguma, it was reported that “Some six women cross border traders were caught by law enforcers from Mozambique while trading house by house in Mozambican suburb areas. Their fish stocks were confiscated, and they were taken to a police cell where they were continuously raped by different policemen for three consecutive days. Furthermore, they were demanded to pay K60,000.00 (US$72.12) as a penalty for their release. Upon arriving in Malawi, one female cross-border trader underwent Voluntary Counselling and Testing, and she was found to be HIV positive”. A similar FGD discussion with cross-border traders from Chombe indicated that “During the time of COVID-19 restrictions, once caught by the law enforcers, we were asked to pay a penalty fee of K50,000 (US$61.72) for breaching the measures on mobility restriction. However, in many cases, the female cross border traders resorted to offering sex instead of paying the demanded charges as it had a huge bearing on their revenue and meeting their family needs”.
On the other hand, FGDs with male participants revealed that “We were aware of cases where our female business counterparts faced sexual exploitation, mostly by Mozambican police. However, cases of sexual exploitation were rare for men. The main challenge we faced was that our wives often denied us intimacy during the COVID-19 period”.
3.5. Challenges with Border Management
Cross-border traders reported a lack of border officials on the Malawi side to assist with the necessary documentation for travel across the borders. In addition, the lack of Malawian police officers was attributed to the increased rates of physical harassment the cross-border traders encountered. The FGD respondents reported, “We feel the Mozambican Police underrate Malawi Police because sometimes they come to harass us from the Malawi side. Had it been that the officers were available at the border we would not be going through what we went through during COVID-19” (male FGD participant).
3.6. Gendered Coping and Adaptation Strategies Employed by the Cross-Border Fish Traders
The respondents indicated that they employed reactive coping mechanisms for continued cross-border fish trade which were largely categorized into financing, harassment, and market access coping strategies (
Figure 5).
3.6.1. Financing Coping Mechanisms
The study revealed that 68.2% (58.9% female; 9.3% male) of the participants indicated that they used available local financing mechanisms such as Village Saving Loans (VSLs), while 45.2% (4.4% female; 40.8% male) of the participants used loan sharks locally known as “katapila” as adaptive techniques to keep their businesses alive. However, men indicated that “katapila” are associated with exorbitant interest rates. Once caught by the Mozambican police, they ended up losing their household assets, which ignited conflicts and led to divorces in their households. On the other hand, the survey found that the VSLAs filled a critical gap for women by providing access to finance, which helped female cross-border traders purchase other necessary household supplies. However, 43.2% of the respondents indicated that their contributions to VSLAs were limited due to the difficult business environment they encountered as, out of 10 trips, 60% of them resulted in losses. VSLAs are culturally perceived as activities primarily for women, resulting in limited participation by men. As a result, men often resort to risky income-coping mechanisms, such as relying on loan sharks.
3.6.2. Harassment Coping Mechanisms
The results indicated that 44.3% of male cross-border traders reported experiencing harassment from Mozambican police, which they coped with by sending their wives for trading. This was further confirmed during focus group discussions with male respondents who stated, “Since we were being physically harassed and some men being killed when they went to Mozambique, we ended up sending our wives to sell fish there”. However, this arrangement posed challenges as the women were subjected to opportunistic sexual exploitation and abuse by authorities, particularly police officers, in Mozambique. When asked about their opinions on the sexual harassment faced by their wives, 64.5% of them stated that they only looked at sustaining their business to support their livelihoods. However, others indicated that it was less likely since they were not informed of it by their wives, and some women had relatives and friends in Mozambique, which facilitated trading.
3.6.3. Market Access Coping Mechanisms
To overcome the challenge of limited market access due to mobility restrictions, both female and male cross-border traders employed various tactics that are presented in
Figure 5. These included smuggling fish into Mozambique (91.3% (41.5% of females and 49.8% of males)), utilizing the assistance of relatives and friends in Mozambique (72.1% (54.3% of females and 18.7% of males)), bribing immigration officers (67.4% (20.1% females; 47.3% males)), sometimes even conducting business from their lodging rooms (45.6% (25.4% females; 20.2% males)), and relying on Mozambican middlemen (34.2% (18.8% females; 15.4% males)). This was confirmed during the focus group discussion in Chome, where respondents shared their experiences. One participant expressed, “
It was really tough and amusing how we had to sell our fish. I remember one time I used a middleman from Mozambique, and later he informed me that all the fish had been confiscated by a police officer, resulting in a complete loss of my investment”. Another respondent shared an incident, stating, “
I managed to smuggle my fish into Mozambique and started selling them from a lodge to the customers I knew. However, one night, police officers were inspecting the lodges and caught me. I had to bribe them with MK120,000 to secure my release, but I lost all my capital. I had to walk back to Malawi since I couldn’t afford transportation”.
4. Discussion
The theory of intersectionality has gained increased success in recent years in women’s studies for its capacity to go beyond a simple binary approach to gender inequalities (
Acebillo-Baqué and Maestripieri 2023;
Baig 2021;
Holman et al. 2021;
Maestripieri 2021;
Ryan and El Ayadi 2020). Outbreaks of viruses are one of the most significant threats to humanity (
Acebillo-Baqué and Maestripieri 2023;
Maestripieri 2021). Hence, we need to learn from the COVID-19 pandemic to prepare for future public health crises. As seen from the findings, our research provides insight into the gendered effects of the pandemic. The findings from the study demonstrate that globally imposed public health measures such as social distancing, lockdown, quarantines, curfews, and masking were also applicable to cross-border traders between Malawi and Mozambique around Lake Chilwa. These were proven to be effective at slowing the spread of the virus (
Kupferschmidt 2020). Measures such as social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic unintentionally fueled domestic violence against women. In some instances, men engaged in extramarital relationships when their wives refused sexual activity, reportedly citing social distancing as a reason.
McCool-Myers et al. (
2022) stated that COVID-19 served as a tool for sexual exploitation, evidenced by increased cases of extramarital relations and unplanned pregnancies.
Power dynamics and misinformation played a significant role in shaping these outcomes. Strict adherence to social distancing measures by women in their households may have been influenced by power imbalances or limited access to reliable information. The sampled area follows a matrilineal system where women inherit assets and men are subject to female authority at both the household and community levels (
Berge et al. 2014). This skewed power dynamic limits men’s ability to influence decisions in some households (
Berge et al. 2014). However, this also reveals the complexity of domestic violence, which can affect both men and women. Additionally, limited knowledge and misinformation about COVID-19 further exacerbated these challenges. Many respondents were illiterate, leading to widespread misinterpretation of information about COVID-19.
Ndasauka et al. (
2024) noted that most Malawians had limited knowledge about the virus, while
Kisa and Kisa (
2024) reported that misinformation during the pandemic caused significant mental health issues in various populations.
Furthermore, restrictions on movement and gatherings disrupted routine trading activities, transportation, and market access for both men and women. While these measures affected both genders, women faced heightened vulnerabilities due to their role as primary providers of daily livelihood resources for their households (
Ragasa et al. 2019). Many women took significant risks, such as sneaking to sell fish, despite facing the threat of sexual exploitation, which further endangered their well-being. Additionally, some men exploited women’s vulnerability to shield their own struggles, sending women to navigate these challenges on their behalf. Women’s vulnerability was particularly pronounced because of their critical role in ensuring food security at the household level.
As a result, COVID-19 measures were associated with socio-economic and psychological costs which cannot be ignored. Findings from the study show that COVID-19-related measures minimized cross-border trading activities, closed fish markets, and increased cross-border harassment and sexual exploitation, which were drivers for economic and financial hardship among low-income men and women. The cross-border fish traders suffered immediate income loss from the public safety measures restricting movement. The loss of income was higher among women, especially single mothers and widows. This is in tandem with
Maestripieri (
2021), who posits that single mothers are more vulnerable to the contemporaneous presence of other disadvantaged conditions of being a single mother and a key worker. Single mothers have a double burden of financial responsibilities with limited or no support in times of need (
Stack and Meredith 2018).
Despite the imposition of stricter restrictions, the majority of cross-border traders continued their cross-border trading activities. This persistence is mainly because cross-border activities are the only reliable financial and livelihood support for women and men across borders (
Bouët et al. 2020;
World Bank 2021). However, this exposed women to increased cases of harassment, partially exacerbated by the illegal commercialization of cross-border activities (
Afrika and Ajumbo 2012;
Bouët et al. 2020). This study revealed gendered disparities in working conditions. Men frequently faced physical abuse, while women were subjected to sexual exploitation, highlighting severe human rights violations perpetrated by authorities. Many of these abuses remain unreported or ignored. Some men coped with these challenges by sending their wives to conduct trade, effectively escaping the physical brutality and death. However, this exposed women to dual violations, by both their husbands and by authorities. This raises critical questions about the level of awareness regarding women’s human rights at the household level. In desperation to meet basic needs for food and income, women often engaged in exploitative relationships to cross borders and conduct trade. Gendered harassment in informal cross-border trade has been widely documented (
Bouët et al. 2020;
Klopp et al. 2022;
Mudege et al. 2022;
Mwema et al. 2022). Furthermore,
Mangubhai et al. (
2023) reported high levels of human rights violations in small-scale fishery value chains, many of which go unreported. This vividly exposes the intersectional nature of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact, as it exacerbated existing gender disparities within the fishing industry.
Furthermore, sexual exploitation left some women with sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, which is a lifelong trauma that might affect their health, trading activities, and their ability to support their households effectively. This exploitation was highly detrimental to women and violated their human rights, indicating that COVID-19 measures exacerbated human rights violations against women (
Baig 2021;
Burki 2020;
Mudege et al. 2022;
Mwema et al. 2022;
UN Women and UNFPA 2021). Additionally, women also faced physical abuses like men, such as arrests, beatings, forced payments of bribes, and even having their businesses confiscated. The physical abuses highlight broader human rights violations experienced by women during the COVID-19 pandemic in Malawi. This is tandem with
Mudege et al. (
2022), who reported that cross-border female traders between Malawi and Zambia were subjected to both exploitative sexual acts and physical abuse when women failed to comply with demands. This entails that COVID-19 control measures were misused by law enforcement officers, which increased the exploitation of women’s rights (
Felten 2023;
Mwenyango 2023;
UN Women and UNFPA 2021). In addition, increased human rights abuse of Malawian cross-border traders might be due to the lack of patrols and border controls on the Malawian side, with participants citing that many cases go unreported as the perpetrators were Mozambican law enforcers. The increased sexual exploitation of women during COVID-19 took advantage of two attributes: being a key provider of household livelihoods in developing countries like Malawi and the vulnerability of being a socially disadvantaged group in society (
Manyungwa et al. 2019;
Mudege et al. 2015;
Mudege and Ezeh 2009;
Rice et al. 2023;
UN Women and UNFPA 2021).
Furthermore, the COVID-19 measures heightened the vulnerability of both men and women by limiting access to financing mechanisms. Many men turned to loan sharks, which increased their income vulnerability and reduced their ability to adequately support their households during the pandemic. Limited economic opportunities may have driven both men and women to break COVID-19 rules and restrictions. Additionally, some men exploited the situation by using women as shields in business transactions to navigate economic hardships. Meanwhile, many women reduced or completely suspended their contributions to Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), further increasing their income vulnerability and reducing their capacity to support their households. This situation was exacerbated by limited access to credit and loans from financial institutions targeting women in Malawi, coupled with a lack of adequate incentives to empower them financially (
Adegbite et al. 2022;
Burki 2020;
Chiwaula et al. 2022). According to
Adegbite et al. (
2022);
de Milliano et al. (
2022) and
Sanyal et al. (
2022), women reduced or suspended saving because their current savings were insufficient to cope with the financial consequences of the pandemic. Additionally, female cross-border traders experienced decreased income due to business restrictions from lockdowns, quarantine, and social distancing measures. VSLAs and other women’s groups are instrumental in improving women’s economic opportunities, reducing food insecurity, and alleviating related gender-based violence (
Adegbite et al. 2022;
Chidimbah Munthali et al. 2022;
de Milliano et al. 2022). However, decreased savings and limited access to credit meant women had to fight economic disparities and pandemic effects simultaneously (
de Milliano et al. 2022). This increased the rate of poverty, food insecurity, and gender-based violence (
Burki 2020;
UN Women and UNFPA 2021).
5. Conclusions
Both male and female cross-border traders face various challenges when trading across Malawi’s borders. However, the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these difficulties, particularly for small-scale cross-border fish traders, as public health-related restrictions compromised their mobility. Measures such as lockdowns, social distancing, quarantines, and curfews led to increased food insecurity, reduced income opportunities, and a rise in gender-based violence. The informal nature of cross-border trade and the lack of a defined Malawi border on the side of Lake Chilwa left artisanal cross-border traders without state protection against human rights violations. Women were especially disempowered, facing sexual exploitation, rape, sexual violence, and exploitative relationships. As physically assaulted men sent women to trade on their behalf, these women were further exposed to human rights violations. Social distancing measures also led to internal violations of women’s rights, including increased instances of extramarital affairs or forced sexual encounters with their husbands. The difference in human rights abuses between men and women during the pandemic is notable. Violations against men were more visible and prominent, while women suffered in silence, increasing their vulnerability. Many instances of violence against women went unreported, often because the perpetrators were state agencies such as the police in Mozambique. The illegal nature of informal cross-border activities further compounded the challenges faced by traders. This situation underscores the need for inter-country coordination to protect the rights of both male and female cross-border fish traders. Concerned parties must address and mitigate the challenges faced by these traders along Lake Malawi. Establishing a formal border at Lake Chilwa could improve bilateral relations and the handling of cross-border issues. Additionally, programs to educate and sensitize both women and men about dealing with sexual violence and establishing reporting mechanisms for abusive practices and local support systems might help in minimizing gender inequalities during and after pandemics. These programs will help shape perceptions and preparedness towards gender-based violence faced by women during and after pandemics and will be key in developing equal and sustainable relationships within households and communities. Future studies should focus on understanding post-COVID-19 coping strategies and evaluating the status of cross-border gender-based violations after the pandemic which affect both men and women in the study area.