Researching Young Women Associated with Gangs in El Salvador: The Role of Emotions, Trust, and Participatory Methodologies in Social Research

Abstract

This article reflects on six years of work that implemented various participatory research methods with young women linked to gangs in El Salvador. The reflection focuses on the fundamental role of emotions and trust in contexts marked by violence and social exclusion. From the Freirean perspective of popular education and the approaches of Haraway and Butler, it also analyzes how these participatory methodologies with an autobiographical focus contribute to the re-signification of identities, the construction of agency, and the creation of safe spaces for dialogue. Through methods such as the systematization of experiences, life narratives, and critical ethnography, not only was the complexity of the participants’ lived realities captured, but the investigative process also became a vehicle for empowerment and social transformation. This article highlights how the ethical management of emotions, combined with the construction of trust-based relationships and the use of an autobiographical approach in participatory methodologies, redefines research as a humanized and transformative practice in the study of stigmatized and excluded populations. The findings emphasize the recognition of the contribution participatory research makes in contexts of violence and exclusion for the design of public policies, programs, or reintegration strategies. This underscores the need to promote research lines and funding that advance such proposals from the social sciences, establishing them as key tools for structural transformation.

1. Introduction

“It is impossible to know while neglecting intuition, feelings, dreams, desires. It is my entire body that socially perceives. I cannot, in the name of accuracy and rigor, deny my body, my emotions, my thoughts. […] The disregard for emotions as distorting elements in research, the fear of intuition, the categorical denial of emotion and passion, the belief in technicality—this ultimately leads us to believe that the more neutral we are in our actions, the more objective and efficient we become. More precise, more scientific…”

(Freire 1997) 

Social research in contexts of violence and exclusion presents ethical, methodological, and epistemological challenges, especially when working with historically stigmatized and criminalized populations. In Central America, the phenomenon of gangs has been a recurring topic in social sciences, emerging as a key subject of study due to its impact on social dynamics and the perpetuation of structural exclusion.

The phenomenon of gangs in El Salvador finds its roots in mass migrations and deportations from the United States during the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the aftermath of a 12-year armed conflict that, even after the signing of the Peace Accords in 1992, maintained conditions of exclusion and structural poverty. This context facilitated the adoption and expansion of U.S.-based gang cultures, such as Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Barrio 18, which adapted to local dynamics and established territorial control in impoverished communities (Murcia 2015; Reguillo 2005). These transnational structures developed complex organizational hierarchies with clearly distributed roles and functions. Over the decades, gangs evolved from neighborhood groups into key social and political actors in the dynamics of violence and crime in the region, exerting significant control in both urban and rural areas of El Salvador (Santacruz Giralt and Concha-Eastman 2001).

The participation of women in Salvadoran gangs has been marked by subordinate and stigmatized roles. Although they were historically allowed to become active members (“brincadas”), their roles became more peripheral as “collaborators” or “active civilians” following the implementation of repressive policies such as “Mano Dura” (Santacruz 2019). These women face dual stigmatization: due to their gender and their gang affiliation. They are often viewed as tools for tasks such as extortion collection or transporting drugs and weapons, given the perception of lower risk compared to that of male gang members (Curry 1999; Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn 1999). These dynamics, however, perpetuate patriarchal control over their bodies and decisions, complicating their disassociation from gang life.

Security policies in El Salvador have prioritized punitive approaches, such as the “Mano Dura” and “Super Mano Dura” strategies, which have intensified the criminalization and stigmatization of youth linked to gangs (Aguilar 2019). These measures have increased the prison population, disproportionately affecting women as collaborators. Reintegration programs, on the other hand, have had limited impact due to a lack of continuity and their reliance on traditional approaches, often underestimating the importance of comprehensive support and focusing exclusively on religion-based initiatives as an effective solution for gang-affiliated individuals (Interpeace 2013).

Although gang-related issues are not exclusive to youth, young people have been its most visible face. By 2016, El Salvador had four detention centers for individuals under 18 involved in criminal activities, three for young men and one for women aged 12 and older, some serving sentences ranging from three to fifteen years. Some of these girls were already mothers at the time of detention. By 2016, no studies specifically addressed the reality of young women and girls associated with gangs. Despite this population leaving detention at an average age of 20 to 24, reintegration programs were limited, with little evidence of their effectiveness. Most young women returning to their communities remained involved in gang life, either due to their environment or as partners of male gang members who did not allow them to leave. Unlike men, for women, becoming the partner of a gang member often meant losing total autonomy, including the inability to end the relationship without risking death.

From an epistemological perspective, this article examines the reality of young women involved in gangs in El Salvador, recognizing the importance of contextualizing this phenomenon within the social and historical structures that have enabled it, such as migration, deportation, and the aftermath of the armed conflict. The research highlights the methodological and ethical challenges that arise when addressing stigmatized and criminalized populations, questioning the dominant epistemologies that dismiss the value of the body, intuition, and emotions in social research.

The methodological approach of this research is based on meta-systematization, which allows for a reflective analysis of experiences and projects related to young women in gangs in El Salvador. This approach seeks to identify common patterns and learnings, build broader knowledge about reintegration and empowerment practices, and critically assess the limitations of traditional approaches. In doing so, it provides a foundation for developing transformative new intervention models.

To carry out the meta-systematization, several key guiding questions were taken into account. First, the question was raised: How do autobiographical and participatory methodologies used in intervention projects contribute to the process of building trust and empowerment among participants? Finally, the question was asked: How do emotions, both of the participants and the researchers, influence the processes of social and personal transformation in reintegration projects, and how can they be ethically managed in research with stigmatized populations? These guiding questions led the reflective and analytical process, allowing for a deeper understanding of the dynamics involved in these interventions.

The central experience of this research is “The String Orchestra,” a sociocultural initiative developed by a non-governmental organization (NGO) in El Salvador between 2016 and 2021. This project worked with young women affiliated with the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Barrio 18 gangs, who were serving sentences for various offenses at the Women’s Social Reintegration Center. The women in the center were between the ages of 13 and 21. Through art and popular education, “The String Orchestra” not only provided a space for creative expression but also contributed to the empowerment and personal transformation of its participants. Voluntarily, the young women joined an artistic space where they learned to play string instruments. The project used music and art as tools for mediation, enabling the participants to build alternative life projects beyond gang violence.

The specific contribution of this research lies in its critical and reflective approach to the experiences of young women associated with gangs in El Salvador, through the meta-systematization of social intervention projects. By exploring autobiographical and participatory methodologies, the research provides a deeper understanding of the dynamics of empowerment and social reintegration in contexts of violence and exclusion. Additionally, it offers new perspectives on how emotions and methodologies centered on subjectivity can be transformative tools in reintegration processes, challenging traditional approaches that have tended to view participants solely from a victimization perspective. This study not only documents concrete experiences but also proposes a framework for designing future, more inclusive and effective research for stigmatized populations.

2. Theoretical & Methodological Frameworks

This article is based on a critical and reflective analysis of six years of research conducted with young women associated with gangs in El Salvador. For this purpose, the research team carried out a meta-systematization exercise, understood as a deeper and higher-level process of analysis and reflection compared to the systematization of experiences. While the systematization of experiences focuses on documenting and reflecting on a specific experience, meta-systematization goes beyond this, encompassing multiple experiences, projects, or practices within the same context or thematic area to extract broader and more general lessons (Oscar 2018). Meta-systematization seeks to identify patterns, principles, and common approaches across different experiences, helping to understand not only what worked or did not work in a particular case but also trends, methodological approaches, and strategies that can be applied to a variety of situations. This process allows for a broader reflection on theoretical frameworks, methodologies used, and the implications of practices in different contexts.

The studies conducted employed various participatory research methods, including the systematization of experiences, life narratives, and critical ethnography, framed by the principles of popular education (Freire 2023) and participatory action research (Fals Borda 1987). The choice of these methodologies aimed to transcend the positivist and objectivist approaches that have predominated in previous studies on gangs. Instead of treating participants as objects of study, strategies were adopted to recognize them as active subjects in the co-construction of knowledge, capturing the complexity of lived realities and highlighting their transformative potential.

The objective of this article is not to present specific results from each study but to critically reflect on how autobiographical methodologies facilitated trust-building with such a unique group, how emotions—of both participants and researchers—played a significant role throughout the process, and how, rather than being regarded merely as subjective aspects, emotions can foster empowerment and social transformation processes.

It is important to note that the initial approach to the “Orquesta de Cuerdas” experience came as an invitation from the NGO running the project. The NGO had been working for over a year on the initiative and observed significant changes in the young women, not only in their integration into the orchestra collective despite being from opposing gangs but also in their reflections on life projects after leaving incarceration. The NGO was interested in reflecting on this experience and understanding what was happening with the participants. As a result, systematization was chosen as the research method.

Systematization was understood as a reflective exercise to reconstruct the collective history, incorporating the diverse voices of those who lived the experience. The aim was to highlight its pedagogical richness and transformative power. Participatory workshops, in-depth interviews, and collective analyses were conducted, involving nine young women from the orchestra, eight facilitators, institutional actors, and the participants’ families. The results were published in the booklet Liberarte: A Systematization of Experiences from Multiple Voices (Melenge and Chévez 2018). Through this process, the participants identified music as a transformative tool, allowing them to reinterpret their prison experiences and construct new life narratives for their future.

After completing the systematization of experiences, it became evident that there was a need to delve deeper into the reasons why these young women joined gangs and ended up in detention. This second phase would not have been possible without the trust built during the systematization process. Once again, the process was voluntary, and the nine young women were invited to participate. The research team decided not to tell the participants’ stories but to enable them to write and reflect on their own life narratives.

A workshop on film and literature was conducted, where the young women learned about other women who had shared their stories autobiographically. At the end of the workshop, four participants decided to join the year-long process. Through creative writing workshops, semi-structured interviews, and reflective journals, the participants crafted autobiographical narratives, which were later compiled in the book Las Guapas: Histories of Life, Love, and Freedom (Chévez and Melenge 2019). The process enabled them to recognize their life histories and reinterpret personal experiences, facilitating healing linked to their histories of violence. The results of this research were published in the article “Young women in Salvadoran gangs (Chévez-Reinoza and Melenge-Escudero 2023)”.

Emerging questions arose from these contexts: What happens to these young women’s lives after they are released? How do they continue with their life projects? It was noted that the majority of the young women became pregnant within six months of their release, prompting the study Pregnancies, Motherhood, and Sexuality: Sexual and Reproductive Rights of Young Women in Social Reintegration Processes (Chévez and Melenge 2020). This research involved semi-structured interviews with six young women who had been in the ISNA Social Reintegration Center between 2014 and 2019. All entered the center as minors; two already had children upon arrival. Their ages ranged between 18 and 23 years. Only one had completed basic education. All of them became mothers within a year after their release. This research explored the meanings and significance of motherhood in the social reintegration processes of young women. A key finding was that motherhood became a way to be perceived more favorably by society, reducing stigma related to their gang affiliation and incarceration.

Finally, after years of accompanying these processes, the research team participated in a multi-sited ethnographic study on conflict mediation experiences (2023) as part of the TRANSGANG project1. This critical ethnography involved four young women as co-researchers in the Salvadoran case, enabling them to adopt a reflective perspective on their roles as agents of change within their communities.

This journey serves as the basis for reflecting on two fundamental pillars from a methodological perspective. The first is a review of the methodological aspects employed in each of the studies conducted during this period. This includes an analysis of the autobiographical approach, the tools used, strategies for the ethical management of emotions, and the creation of safe spaces for participants. The second pillar is the use of a critical theoretical framework that intertwines Freire’s (2023) perspectives on co-constructing knowledge with Haraway’s (1988) concepts of situated knowledge and Butler’s (1993) notions of identity re-signification.

The concept of situated knowledge, introduced by Haraway (1988), argues that all knowledge production is influenced by the social, historical, and cultural position of the researcher. This approach challenges positivist objectivity and emphasizes the need to recognize subjectivity and emotions as integral components in understanding social realities. For Haraway, incorporating these dimensions enables a more ethical and contextual approach to the participants’ experiences, fostering a horizontal relationship between researcher and participant.

Butler (1993), for her part, highlights how identities and experiences are shaped by power structures and discourses that must be challenged and deconstructed. In this research context, working with young women linked to gangs required an approach that not only documented their experiences but also empowered them to resist and re-signify dominant narratives that perpetuate their stigmatization. Butler argues that narrating and reflecting on one’s experiences can serve as a form of political and personal resistance, allowing individuals to reclaim agency and challenge societal norms that oppress them.

This reflective analysis privileges a second-order qualitative methodology, where the data generated during the original studies are reinterpreted through a critical lens. This includes a systematic review of field notes, diaries, and interview transcripts, focusing on the role of emotions in the research process, strategies for building and maintaining trust-based relationships, and the transformative impact of participatory methodologies with an autobiographical focus on both participants and the research team.

Emotions, often excluded from traditional research approaches as subjective, are fundamental to understanding the depth of human experiences and promoting transformation processes. Josselson (2013) emphasizes that empathy and emotional connection between researchers and participants not only enhance the quality of the data collected but also foster a deeper ethical commitment. In contexts of violence and exclusion, such as young women linked to gangs in El Salvador, emotions are not merely reactions but transformative dynamics that enable the reinterpretation of traumatic experiences and pave the way for the construction of new narratives.

Trust, in turn, becomes an indispensable pillar in social research, particularly in contexts where violence and stigma have eroded human and social relationships. Freire (2023) emphasizes that trust is built through horizontal dialogue and mutual respect, essential elements for participants to feel recognized as active subjects in the knowledge production process. In research involving excluded and stigmatized populations, such as young women linked to gangs, trust not only facilitates access to deeply personal life stories but also strengthens participants’ agency by validating them as co-protagonists of the research process (Guba and Lincoln 1989). This bond of trust fosters safe spaces where participants can reflect and reinterpret their experiences, transforming the research process into one of both personal and collective transformation. In this sense, trust is not a means but an end that redefines the researcher-participant relationship, promoting an ethic of care and commitment that transcends academic boundaries.

An ethical approach based on horizontality and dialogue was adopted, prioritizing the validation of the participants’ voices and their active role in the research process. This involved challenging traditional power relations between researchers and participants, promoting research that not only generated knowledge but also contributed to transforming the realities under study.

3. Results

The process of obtaining the results presented in this article, applying meta-systematization, involved a deep analysis and reflection on the diverse experiences accumulated over six years of research with young women associated with gangs in El Salvador. This process included gathering, comparing, and synthesizing findings from different studies conducted during the development of the “Orquesta de Cuerdas” project, each carried out at specific critical moments, and reflecting the complexities of the participants’ social and emotional contexts as well as the practical and ethical demands of the process. Through participatory workshops, in-depth interviews, and collective analyses, both individual and group experiences were reconstructed, identifying patterns, common principles, and transformative elements. This approach transcended reflections on specific cases, generating broader insights that highlighted methodological trends and strategies applicable to other contexts. By integrating and synthesizing these experiences, meta-systematization provided a comprehensive and strategic vision that facilitated the identification of key theoretical and methodological frameworks, alongside the empowerment and social transformation processes observed in the participants.

Initially, there was no plan for a long-term investigative project. However, emerging needs and the findings from each stage opened new avenues of inquiry, transforming the investigations into an evolving and organic process. Each research initiative not only provided key data to understand the realities of the young women but also strengthened the critical reflection and transformative capacity of the project.

From the systematization of experiences to the multi-sited ethnographic analysis (See

Table 1. Research Conducted with the “Orquesta de Cuerdas”.

Investigation	Main Objective	Methodology Implemented	Participants	Key Findings	Contribution to the Analysis
1. Systematization of Experiences (2018)	Document and collectively reflect on the experience of the Orchestra of Strings.	Participatory workshops, in-depth interviews, collective analysis.	Nine young women from the Orchestra of Strings, eight facilitators, institutional actors, and families.	Strengthened trust and critical reflection among participants. Identified transformative elements of art.	Creation of a safe and reflective space; foundation for implementing participatory methodologies.
2. Life Stories (2019)	Explore the autobiographical narratives of the young women to understand their involvement with gangs.	Cinema and literature workshops, creative writing workshops, semi-structured interviews, reflective journals.	Four young women who participated in autobiographical narratives.	Recognition of life stories and re-signification of personal experiences. Healing processes.	Enriched individual and collective narratives.
3. Pregnancy, Motherhood, and Sexuality (2020)	Analyze the meanings and significance of motherhood in social reintegration processes.	Semi-structured virtual interviews due to the pandemic.	Six young women previously associated with the Center for Social Reintegration (ISNA).	Identified motherhood as a mechanism for reintegration and reduction of social stigma.	Deepened the understanding of the relationship between social roles and transformative agency.
4. Multi-sited Mediation Study (2023)	Examine mediation practices in gang-related contexts through international comparison.	Multi-sited ethnography, document review, narrative interviews.	Four young women from the Orchestra of Strings and participants from rival gangs.	Demonstrated the impact of art as mediation in violent contexts. Generated cross-cultural learnings.	Connected local insights with global contexts; highlighted collective impact and sustainability.

), the research addressed central questions ranging from the re-signification of experiences within the prison to the impact of motherhood as a strategy for social reintegration. These investigative processes not only answered specific questions but also contributed to creating safe spaces for reflection and empowerment, demonstrating that participatory research can be a medium for social transformation.

The following comparative table summarizes the main characteristics of the four investigations conducted, highlighting the objectives, methodologies, participants, and transformative elements of each stage. This structure provides a clear visualization of how each investigative moment contributed to the overall analysis and the insights generated during these six years.

Building on this comparative framework, the analysis presented below delves into the key aspects that intersected across the various investigations.

3.1. Participatory Methodologies and Autobiographical Approach

The autobiographical approach, combined with participatory methodologies, played a transformative role by enabling the young women to develop a critical capacity for reflecting on their lives and their surroundings. The techniques employed, such as creative writing, reflective workshops, and life narratives, provided a space where participants not only recounted their experiences but also became aware of the structures that had shaped their trajectories. Freire (2023) emphasizes that education and research should not be unidirectional processes but rather dialogical spaces that allow subjects to become active agents in their transformation. This process allowed them to reconcile with their histories, re-signifying traumatic experiences and transforming them into tools for learning and resistance.

Addressing complex topics like violence through these approaches facilitated a sensitive and respectful engagement, opening up possibilities for dialogue with other social actors. The outcomes of these investigations, such as Las Guapas: Historias de vida, amor y libertad, became vehicles for raising awareness. Families of the participants, as well as educational institutions, governmental bodies, and private enterprises that accessed these narratives, developed a deeper and more empathetic understanding of a historically stigmatized population. In this sense, autobiographical approaches were not only tools for individual empowerment but also served as windows for reconciliation between the young women and society.

Feixa (2018), in his work La imaginación autobiográfica, argues that a life story can reflect the history of a nation, with its pains and complexities. In this case, the personal narratives of the young women captured the profound inequalities, violence, and exclusion characterizing El Salvador. By sharing these stories with a broader audience, the autobiographical approach positioned itself as a bridge between the individual and the collective, illuminating the interconnections between personal experiences and the nation’s structural challenges. This bridge between the individual and the structural resonates with Haraway’s (1988) ideas, emphasizing that personal narratives can reveal broader contextual truths. Thus, these approaches, beyond being research tools, contribute to processes of reconciliation and social transformation.

Finally, by allowing the young women to become narrators of their own stories, this approach not only challenge traditional dynamics of power in research but also offer an ethical and transformative model that can be replicated in other contexts of exclusion. Butler (1993) argues that narrative and the re-signification of identities are forms of resistance against oppressive structures. Autobiographical narratives, by integrating critical reflection and creative expression, were consolidated as tools to imagine alternative futures—not only for the participants but also for the communities in which they live.

3.2. Building Trust as a Pillar for Social Research

The establishment of trust was a progressive and multidimensional process. Freire (2023) argues that trust is the foundation of genuine dialogue, where both parties are recognized as active subjects in the learning process. From the initial encounters, the young women exhibited distrust toward the research team, influenced by their prior experiences of exclusion and criminalization, as well as the inherent mistrust of “outsiders” ingrained in gang culture, where speaking is often forbidden without the leader’s authorization. Beginning with the systematization of experiences was key to building this trust. As Mejía (2008) notes, systematization transforms experiences into tools of knowledge, enabling participants to re-signify their lived realities.

During our first encounter with a group of nine young women inside the detention center, we were accompanied by a psychologist who was not a trusted figure for the participants, creating an initial barrier. The objective of this meeting was to explain the process we intended to undertake and assess their willingness to participate. The young women responded with monosyllables, avoided eye contact, and displayed defiant and indifferent behavior, testing whether we feared or deceived them. Only the leader, serving as their spokesperson, interacted with us. For each question, the others would look to her, waiting for her response.

The initial meetings were tense, silent, and challenging, but we decided not to rush the process. Multiple meetings were held to explain our intentions and allow the young women to articulate their expectations. Eventually, they voluntarily agreed to participate. During this early stage, the research team adopted an empathetic approach, emphasizing cultural sensitivity and mutual respect. This approach helped create a safe space for the young women to share their most personal stories. Ghiso (2008) emphasizes that systematization is an ethical and political praxis that validates experiences as legitimate knowledge, challenging traditional knowledge hierarchies. Addressing sensitive issues such as violence and exclusion through these methodologies fostered horizontal dialogue, recovering collective learning as tools for social transformation (Torres 2008).

The young women felt heard and recognized. We learned not to rush them—there were days when they wanted to talk and others when they did not. Emotional instability is a characteristic of young women in detention contexts, so we learned to begin each visit by asking, “How are you? What happened this week? How do you feel? Do you want to work today?” There were days when they said yes and days when they did not want to engage. The systematization focused on understanding the young women’s experiences within the Orchestra while in prison, avoiding inquiries about their lives outside, gang affiliations, or past stories. This approach made them feel secure in the space we constructed together, free from judgment. The systematization process spanned about a year. Its primary achievements included evidencing the socio-artistic project’s transformative elements in their life projects and the trust established between the group and the researchers, alongside the reflective capacity the young women developed. Beyond fostering self-reflection, the project highlighted the importance of art as a space for resistance against social stigma:

“This process helped me reflect on the things we do; I never had this opportunity before. I felt heard and wasn’t afraid to share my opinion.”

In this case, trust facilitated the participants’ openness to continue engaging in various research processes, strengthening their sense of agency and enabling them to share their stories from a place of autonomy. The experience demonstrates that in contexts of violence, trust becomes a transformative element that redefines the relationship between researchers and participants, turning it into an ethical and collaborative alliance.

3.3. Personal and Collective Transformation

The impact of these investigations went beyond data collection, evolving into profound processes of personal and collective transformation for the participants. Through participatory and autobiographical methodologies, the young women experienced significant shifts in their self-perception, personal narratives, and connections with others. Collective listening, writing, and dialogical spaces not only served as tools for reflection but also became catalysts for re-signifying their identities, shedding the stigma of being “gang-affiliated women” and envisioning themselves as agents of change.

Butler (1993) highlights that re-signifying identities involves challenging hegemonic discourses that perpetuate exclusion, allowing individuals to rewrite their stories from liberating perspectives. In this case, the young women confronted and deconstructed societal narratives that solely labeled them as “gang-affiliated women”. This act of re-signification not only had an individual impact but also fostered a sense of collectivity and solidarity among participants, building relationships rooted in mutual support and collective empowerment.

Moreover, the safe spaces created during the research played a pivotal role in developing critical consciousness about their societal roles. According to Freire (2023), social transformation begins with an act of conscientization, where individuals not only identify the oppressive structures shaping their lives but also perceive themselves as active agents capable of altering those realities. Through this process, the young women not only rethought their individual stories but also imagined alternative futures and prepared themselves to contribute positively to their communities.

Ghiso’s (2008) and Torres’s (2008) add to this reflection by emphasizing that the systematization of experiences not only organizes and documents lived processes but also serves as a space for critical reinterpretation. In these investigations, the young women were not just data contributors but active participants in reconstructing their stories. They used these tools as platforms to highlight their achievements and challenges, crafting new narratives that questioned structures of exclusion.

The participants’ testimonies also illustrate this transformation. One young woman shared: “I had never seen myself as someone capable of changing my environment, but this process helped me understand that I’m not alone and that we can achieve great things together”. This shift in perspective demonstrates how the research process became a space for empowerment that transcended barriers of exclusion, fostering a personal transformation that extended its impact to the young women’s families and communities.

This approach underscores the potential of participatory methodologies as tools for social justice. By integrating the re-signification of identities and the construction of supportive collectives, these methodologies not only generate knowledge but also promote social change processes with the power to transcend immediate environments and contribute to the construction of more equitable societies.

3.4. The Role of Emotions

Emotions, far from being a secondary element, became the central axis that connected participatory methodologies and the autobiographical approach. According to Haraway (1988), situated knowledge not only recognizes emotions as an integral part of human experience but also values them as tools for interpreting social realities through ethical and committed perspectives. In this context, emotions played a crucial role for both the research participants and the research team, creating bridges for understanding and transformation.

For the young women, discussing their emotions meant making sense of their experiences, confronting trauma, and beginning a process of re-signification. Participatory methodologies created spaces where they could verbalize their fears, hopes, and frustrations. This process, as noted by Josselson (2013), allowed the participants to experience empathy as a form of emotional validation, building trust and strengthening their sense of agency. Many shared that they had never before had the opportunity to critically reflect on how emotions shaped their decisions and life perspectives. Speaking about emotions not only humanized the research process but also enabled them to connect the individual with the collective, understanding their experiences within a broader social context.

A significant example was how the young women were able to re-signify their identities through music in La Orquesta de Cuerdas. This space allowed them to express their pain and transform it into creative resistance. The emotions that emerged during these encounters—from sadness to hope—acted as catalysts for healing and collective change. Haraway (1988) describes these types of dynamics as fundamental for breaking with traditional knowledge hierarchies, demonstrating that emotions do not distort reality but instead offer a richer and more nuanced understanding.

The research team was not exempt from emotions, which challenged the notion of neutrality in social sciences. From the frustration of encountering initial barriers of trust to the joy of observing the participants’ progress, the team’s emotions were a constant presence. This acknowledgment runs counter to the positivist idea that emotions are obstacles to objectivity. Freire (2023) argues that researchers are not neutral entities but subjects who must also ethically and emotionally engage with the processes they facilitate.

Critically reflecting on the team’s emotions allowed for questioning the power dynamics inherent in research and fostering an ethical and human approach. Instead of ignoring them, emotions were analyzed as tools to identify biases, recognize limitations, and strengthen collaborative dynamics. This was particularly evident in the systematization sessions, where researchers also shared their emotions and learned from the participants’ experiences, establishing a horizontal and authentic relationship.

The ethical management of emotions required accepting that the research process impacts not only the participants but also those facilitating the space. Recognizing and working with emotions helped avoid re-victimization and build an environment of collective care. This approach transformed the research into not just a space for knowledge generation but also a platform for healing and the construction of more human and equitable relationships.

Emotions were not an obstacle but an essential component for the success of the research process. Their ethical and reflective management created spaces of trust and transformation for both the participants and the research team. Thus, the role of emotions in this study reinforces the idea that research in contexts of violence and exclusion requires not only methodological rigor but also profound human sensitivity and ethical commitment.

3.5. Ethical Challenges in Contexts of Violence and Social Exclusion

Research in contexts of violence and exclusion presented significant ethical challenges, including the potential re-victimization of the participants, the emotional exposure of the research team, and tensions related to the power dynamics inherent in the investigative process. Managing these challenges required methodological flexibility, constant adaptability, and an ethical commitment grounded in the dignity, respect, and agency of the participants.

Guba and Lincoln (1989) emphasize that ethics in qualitative research must go beyond formal compliance to prioritize the autonomy and well-being of those involved. In this project, flexible ethical protocols were implemented, including the constant validation of the participants’ voices and the adaptation of methodologies to their emotional and contextual needs. For instance, there were days when the young women decided not to participate, and these decisions were respected without pressure, reinforcing trust and security within the process.

Freire (2023) argues that research committed to social transformation cannot ignore the power relations between researchers and participants. This principle guided critical reflections within the research team on how to avoid extractivist dynamics and promote a horizontal and emancipatory dialogue. Knowledge construction thus became a collaborative process where the young women not only shared their stories but also became co-creators of narratives reflecting their realities and aspirations.

The research team also faced the challenge of managing their own emotions, particularly in situations of high emotional intensity. According to Haraway (1988), the production of situated knowledge requires acknowledging how the researcher’s emotions influence the process and can be used as tools for a deeper and more ethical understanding of shared experiences. Internal reflection and mutual support within the research team were essential for managing these challenges, fostering a collective care approach.

These ethical challenges also prompted broader discussions about the responsibility of research in contexts of violence. Butler (1993) underscores that research practices must challenge oppressive narratives and contribute to the re-signification of marginalized identities. In this sense, the work with the young women not only sought to document their stories but also to create spaces for them to re-signify their experiences and strengthen their agency as protagonists of change.

The experience gained through this project reaffirms the need to adopt comprehensive ethical approaches in social research, especially in contexts of high vulnerability. Beyond data collection, the research process should be conceived as an opportunity to build trust, foster critical reflection, and contribute to social transformation while always respecting the dignity and rights of those involved.

4. Conclusions

Social research in contexts of violence and exclusion demands a critical reflection on its methods and impact, not only in generating knowledge but also in fostering social transformation among participants and researchers. This work, carried out over six years with young women linked to gangs in El Salvador, highlighted the relevance of emotions, trust, and participatory methodologies as fundamental pillars for re-signifying identities and promoting processes of change at both individual and collective levels.

One of the major contributions lies in the use of methodologies, which differentiate this project from other research initiatives by adopting a deeply participatory and reflective approach that places the experiences and voices of the participants at the forefront, rather than treating individuals as objects of study. Unlike more traditional and positivist approaches that often focus on objectivity and data quantification, this methodology recognizes and validates the subjectivity, emotions, and personal experiences of the participants as essential components of the research process. Through autobiography and the collective construction of knowledge, participants are empowered, allowing them to re-signify their experiences and challenge the dominant narratives that stigmatize them. Additionally, the emphasis on building trust and creating safe spaces for reflection and collaboration fosters a horizontal and mutually respectful relationship between researchers and participants, which not only enhances the quality of the data obtained but also strengthens processes of personal and social transformation. This approach, therefore, not only generates academic knowledge but actively contributes to transforming the realities of the individuals studied, promoting social justice and change in excluded communities.

One of the most significant contributions was the construction of trust, which emerged not merely as an instrumental means for data collection but as an ethical end that redefined relationships between researchers and participants. Freire (2023) argues that trust is the foundation of any genuine dialogue, and this study confirms that, in contexts of violence, building trust requires time, cultural sensitivity, and sustained ethical commitment. This trust facilitated the creation of safe spaces where young women could critically reflect on their stories and transform them into tools of resistance and learning.

The autobiographical approach played a crucial role by enabling participants to re-signify their identities and challenge hegemonic narratives that stigmatized them. According to Butler (1993), this act not only contests power structures but also enables new forms of agency. From Haraway’s (1988) perspective, the young women’s personal narratives became a bridge between the individual and the collective, revealing the structural dynamics that perpetuate exclusion in El Salvador.

Emotions, often marginalized in positivist research, held a central place in this process. Beyond being a subjective dimension, they became methodological and ethical tools that enriched the research process. Josselson (2013) emphasizes that empathy between researchers and participants not only deepens narratives but also fosters an ethical understanding of human experiences. In this study, the ethical handling of emotions prevented the re-victimization of the participants and promoted a mutual care space, transforming research into a two-way process.

The findings of this study have significant practical implications. For instance, social reintegration programs could adopt the autobiographical approach and participatory methodologies as tools to strengthen the personal and collective agency of individuals in contexts of exclusion. Furthermore, incorporating art and narratives into social interventions has the potential to promote long-term processes of reconciliation and transformation.

Future research could explore the applicability of these methodologies in other contexts of violence and exclusion, such as displaced communities or victims of gender-based violence. Similarly, longitudinal follow-up would allow for an evaluation of the long-term impact of these approaches on participants, their communities, and research teams.

Finally, this research not only offers a critical theoretical and methodological reflection on social research in complex and marginalized contexts but also lays a practical foundation for rethinking how social sciences can play a transformative role in fostering social change. By prioritizing emotions, trust, and transformative processes, this work underscores the potential of research to move beyond the mere generation of knowledge, evolving into a powerful tool for advancing social justice and collective empowerment. In contexts marked by violence, exclusion, and stigmatization, this study reveals how methodologies that center participants’ lived experiences and emotional realities can shift the power dynamics traditionally present in academic research. The focus on trust-building, cultural sensitivity, and ethical engagement with emotions not only deepens the quality of the data but also enriches the relationships between researchers and participants, creating space for mutual learning and transformation. By embracing participatory, autobiographical approaches, this research highlights the potential of such methodologies to re-signify marginalized identities, challenge oppressive narratives, and foster individual and collective agency. Moreover, the practical implications of this study suggest that social reintegration programs and other interventions in exclusionary contexts could greatly benefit from adopting similar participatory frameworks. Incorporating art, narrative-building, and emotional processing into social interventions could further contribute to long-term processes of reconciliation, healing, and transformation. Future researches could build on these insights by applying these methodologies to other contexts of violence and exclusion, exploring their long-term impacts on participants and communities and their potential to contribute to broader social change.