All-Mighty Soccer and the Structure of Gender Stereotypy in Romania

Abstract

This article explores how gender stereotypes and institutional practices influence the development and public image of women’s football in Romania, framing the case within debates on social sustainability (SDG 5), media representation, and sports governance. Using a mixed-methods approach, we triangulate (1) a qualitative content analysis of DigiSport online coverage (n = 57 articles; 2022–2025), (2) public testimonies collected at a national conference on gender and sport held in Timișoara in 2025 and (3) two in-depth, semi-structured interviews with one professional player whose multi-club career offers cross-organizational insights and one professional player who is still a student at the start of her career. The findings reveal systematic symbolic exclusion: in our sample, stories about women’s football make up approximately 2% of total football coverage and are mostly limited to results-only briefs, with little contextual information about athletes, resources, or structures. Historically, post-socialist policy changes have led to formal recognition but limited material support, resulting in symbolic compliance, such as UEFA/FRF mandates without corresponding investments. Current initiatives, like FRF’s Modele de Femeie campaign and UEFA-supported GOALSCORE, increase visibility but coexist with persistent gendered framings in media narratives and public discourse. The interviews support the media findings, highlighting recurring barriers—such as precarious funding, limited pathways, gendered disrespect in stadiums, and the psychological impact of marginalization—alongside stories of resilience and agency. We argue that achieving sustainable inclusion in women’s football requires more than regulatory measures; it calls for media parity, stable resources, and gender-competent leadership. Aligning policy with cultural change through equitable coverage standards, transparent funding, and accountability measures can transform football from a symbol of inequality into a space of social empowerment.

1. Introduction

Sports socially and culturally influence many complex dynamics and relationships among organizations, society, and economic and institutional forces (Dowling et al. 2024). Sports play, among other roles, a special part in shaping people’s identities, tolerance, and ability to adapt to various challenges, whether personal or political. Today, the concept of sustainability includes not only ecological aspects of daily life but also social justice, gender equality, and inclusive governance. These are essential in social sustainability, as emphasized in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SDG 5). Football, or soccer, with its global popularity and traditionally masculine image, plays a significant role in shaping public life. Despite longstanding efforts, Romanian, as well as international, football still shows masculine dominance in its symbolism and structure. Top–down policies, encouraged by organizations such as UEFA, promote women’s participation in major clubs; however, women’s football continues to face challenges, including a lack of legitimacy, funding, and recognition. Structural and cultural barriers hinder progress, as stereotypes often overshadow gender equality policies by portraying women as weaker or unable to partake in aggressive sports. These perceptions limit women’s participation and diminish football’s ability to empower communities and foster development.

Although women’s football has expanded globally over the last thirty years, in contrast, in Romania, it has largely relied on internal factors and, more frequently, external influences. Gender stereotypes, the political environment, and institutional challenges have played key roles in its development. As institutional recognition has slowly grown, women’s football in Romania has become fragmented, heavily influenced by the cultural beliefs of the population.

The initial development of women’s football started in the 1960s, mainly through teams sponsored by state factories. These grassroots efforts grew stronger in the 1970s and early 1980s, as women from industrial cities such as Brașov, Craiova, and Bucharest formed competitive teams and organized informal tournaments. In this context, football was more than just a sport; it served as a way for working-class women to build a sense of occupational identity and community pride (Szasz 2025).

By the mid-1980s, women’s football had become quite prominent, with stadiums often filled for derby matches. However, this progress abruptly stopped in 1988 when Elena Ceaușescu, the wife of the communist dictator, ordered the shutdown of all women’s teams. This top–down decision represented a significant ideological crackdown and reversed two decades of progress (Hitruc 2024).

Following the regime change in 1989, women’s football gained official recognition. In 1990, the first official tournament, the Cupa Libertatea, was launched, with 24 teams participating. The state’s ideological retreat from sports and its shift toward a neoliberal governance model; however, significantly reduced institutional support. The socialist infrastructure that was inherited allowed for a brief surge—over 2000 players were registered with the Romanian Football Federation (FRF) by 1994—but numbers soon dropped due to a lack of funding, privatization, and renewed gender stereotypes (Szasz 2025).

Trușcă and Teodorescu (2023) argued that women’s football faced disadvantages both due to its amateur status under socialism and the redirection of resources after 1990 toward men’s football, which thrived because of Romania’s international success with the “Golden Generation”. While women’s teams depended on local efforts and informal organization, men’s teams attracted sponsorships and gained public prestige. This led to a significant gap in competitive performance and institutional focus. The reinstatement of women’s football occurred only after Romania’s integration into European football governance.

In 2006, UEFA mandated that elite clubs develop women’s teams, a decision that triggered structural compliance but rarely translated into cultural or financial commitment. By 2018, the FRF had introduced licensing criteria that required top-tier clubs to maintain youth and senior women’s teams. Despite a quantitative increase in participation and teams, implementation remained largely symbolic, often driven by regulatory necessity rather than genuine efforts toward promoting gender inclusivity.

Despite numerous structural reforms, including the reintroduction of Liga II in 2013 and the establishment of the Superliga in 2013–2014, the women’s national league has continued to face instability. Frequent changes in the number of participating teams and naming conventions reflect the broader institutional uncertainty. However, as Szasz (2025) notes, these policies often resulted in symbolic compliance rather than genuine investment. More recently, the government’s announcement of investments in women’s football only after Romania’s EURO 2024 elimination (Helmis 2024) illustrates a form of symbolic compliance with investment policies, underscoring how gender inclusivity in football continues to be reactive rather than structurally embedded.

Culturally, in Romania, football has remained a contested gendered space. The socialist regime promoted women’s sports as part of a broader emancipatory rhetoric, yet also restricted access to specific roles and sports deemed “unfeminine” (Szasz 2025). In post-socialist Romania, exclusion was no longer state-enforced but instead embedded in market dynamics and patriarchal attitudes. Coaching roles remained male-dominated, with few women holding leadership positions in the women’s sport.

Nevertheless, women continued to assert agency. In the 1990s and early 2000s, female players adapted to exclusionary structures by developing alternative strategies, including leveraging informal economies, forming close-knit support networks, and engaging with football as both a form of labor and an expression of identity. Football has become a platform for resilience and empowerment, providing material, symbolic, and social capital for women who are otherwise marginalized in the new capitalist order (Szasz 2025).

This historical evolution highlights a crucial sustainability challenge: the long-term success of inclusive sports systems cannot rely solely on institutional mandates or symbolic gestures. As this research shows, true sustainability in women’s football requires not only addressing structural inequalities but also transforming cultural norms, and ensuring fair access to resources, leadership, and recognition.

Considering these issues, this article adds to the research on sport and sustainability by critically examining how gender stereotypes shape institutional responses in Romanian women’s football. This study focuses on the following main questions:

What forms of gender stereotyping affect women’s football in Romania?

What forms of gender stereotyping can be identified in Romanian women’s football, and how might these shape perceptions and experiences within the sport?

How do institutional responses reflect or resist these biases?

How do institutional responses such as the Romanian Football Federation (RFF) reflect or resist these biases?

By addressing these questions, this article advances the discussion on social sustainability by examining how inclusive policies, fair representation, and institutional support for women’s participation in football are essential in building more just and resilient social systems. Our findings emphasize the importance of aligning policy with cultural change, media accountability, and active gender mainstreaming in sports governance.

This study used a mixed-methods approach to connect structural, media, and personal perspectives. A qualitative content analysis of DigiSport articles (n = 57) exposed recurring patterns of stereotyping and symbolic exclusion in media. These findings were triangulated with public testimonies collected at a national sports conference in Timișoara, where female players, legal experts, and psychologists highlighted institutional barriers and gendered dynamics. To deepen this perspective, the researchers conducted two interviews (an 80 min semi-structured interview with a professional footballer in her late 20s, and a 60 min semi-structured interview with a younger-generation professional player), which provided cross-club insights into systemic neglect, resource inequality, and cultural bias. Together, these methods directly address the research questions by demonstrating how stereotypes are perpetuated in public discourse and how institutional practices either reinforce or mitigate these biases.

The paper is organized as follows: Section 2 provides a theoretical background and contextual framing; Section 3 describes the methodological approach; Section 4 presents the results of the empirical study; and Section 5 discusses the implications for gender equality and social sustainability in football and concludes with the key findings of this research.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Gender Norms and Stereotypes in Sport

The sociology of gender has long emphasized that gender is not a biological fact but a social construct rooted in cultural stories, institutional practices, and everyday interactions (de Beauvoir 1949; Butler 1990; Connell 1987). Within this framework, sports are a key space where gender roles are both reinforced and challenged. Traditionally, sports have been regarded as a masculine domain, highlighting qualities such as physical strength, aggression, and competitiveness—traits that align with dominant notions of masculinity (Connell 1987; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005).

Gender roles dictate what is considered socially acceptable behavior for women and men. In sports, this often results in assumptions that certain activities are better suited to one gender than the other. These norms lead to both tangible inequalities—such as access to resources, coaching, and funding—and symbolic marginalization, with women athletes often considered to be outsiders or anomalies within male-dominated sports environments (Cooky and Messner 2018; Messner 2002).

Stereotypes stem from essentialist thinking, which posits that individuals or groups possess fixed, inherent traits that define their identity. Gender stereotypes, in particular, oversimplify complex human behaviors into two opposite categories. They overlook internal diversity, erode personal agency, and restrict the potential for individual growth. Feminine and masculine roles are seen as mutually exclusive, creating a dualistic and overly simplified view of identity (Leyens et al. 1994; Macrae et al. 1994).

In sports, these stereotypes manifest as the belief that men are naturally more competitive and athletic, while women are less capable or emotionally unfit for high-performance environments (Chalabaev et al. 2013; Spencer et al. 1999). The internalization of these expectations has been shown to reduce women’s perceived competence and motivation, leading to lower participation rates and underperformance due to stereotype threat (Schmader et al. 2008).

Bem’s (1974) Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) and the Personal Attribute Questionnaire (PAQ) remain essential tools for understanding gender roles. Bem introduced the concept of psychological androgyny and observed that substantial conformity to gender norms restricts behavior and performance in various settings, including sports. Eccles et al.’s (1983) expectancy–value model supports this by demonstrating that the perceived importance of a task and belief in one’s ability are strong predictors of participation. Girls often see themselves as less capable in sports, especially those considered masculine, which lowers their interest and involvement.

Parents play a crucial role in passing on gender stereotypes. Fredricks and Eccles (2005) and Jacobs and Eccles (1992) found that mothers who endorse traditional views of femininity are more likely to see their daughters as less capable in sports. This reduces support for girls’ participation in physically demanding sports and reinforces gendered perceptions from a young age.

Stereotypes can cover many areas, including race, socio-economic background, and sexuality. Studies by Steele and Aronson (1995) and Croizet and Claire (1998) show that stereotypes can hinder performance by inducing stress and eroding self-confidence. For example, in football, the stereotype that dribbling is a masculine trait has been found to negatively affect even skilled female players’ performance (Chalabaev et al. 2008).

The media also play a vital role. As Eastman and Billings (2001) demonstrate, commentary on televised games often reinforces racial and gender stereotypes by emphasizing male players’ strength and focusing on female players’ appearance or emotional expression. Although the number of female commentators has grown, old gender stereotypes still prevail, affecting the recognition and legitimacy of women’s sports.

More broadly, gender stereotypes influence opportunities related to health, identity, and ongoing participation in society. Valtorta et al. (2024) highlight how stereotypes impact body image, perceived health, and even career choices in sports.

Furthermore, Cooky et al. (2013) demonstrate the economic effects of stereotyping, highlighting significant pay gaps between male and female athletes, even in similar sports. These disparities are further reinforced by the underrepresentation of women in sports leadership positions (Knoppers and Anthonissen 2008) and by enduring ideals of hegemonic masculinity, which portray sports such as football as inherently male domains (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005).

School environments also influence stereotypes. Xiang et al. (2018) found that girls with higher scores for gender stereotyping reported less interest in running and lower intentions of participating in the future. Conversely, boys reinforced their participation when stereotypes matched their sports identity. Therefore, stereotypes not only restrict inclusion but also impact broader public health and educational outcomes (Cowley et al. 2021).

In summary, gender stereotypes—based on essentialist beliefs and upheld by social institutions—still serve as systemic obstacles to equality in sports. Their ongoing existence jeopardizes the future of inclusive and diverse sporting environments. Addressing these issues demands interventions at various levels, in education, media, policy, and daily practices.

2.2. Media Representation and Symbolic Exclusion

The sports media play a crucial role in shaping cultural views of gender and supporting social hierarchies. Through selective coverage, language choices, and symbolic framing, sports journalism can either reinforce or challenge traditional gender norms. It significantly influences cultural perspectives on gender and maintains social hierarchies. By choosing which stories to cover, how to present them, and the symbols used, sports journalism can either uphold or oppose these roles. However, when it comes to women’s football, media coverage in Romania and around the world has largely continued to support these stereotypes through symbolic exclusion (Bruce 2016; Cooky et al. 2013; Fink 1998).

Sports-focused media, especially in print and broadcast formats, continues to underrepresent female athletes and their achievements. This neglect also includes the structural invisibility of women’s football teams in mainstream coverage. As Cooky et al. (2013) demonstrate in their longitudinal study, women’s sports receive less than 5% of total sports media coverage worldwide. When they are featured, the tone often trivializes or infantilizes female athletes. In the Romanian context, women’s football has limited visibility, with matches rarely broadcast on national TV, and major sports publications do not regularly report on league developments or player milestones.

This absence reinforces the gender hierarchy in sports by symbolically excluding women from public recognition and celebration. It also influences audience perceptions, affecting sponsorship, funding, and participation. The lack of visible female figures in football—such as national team captains, top scorers, or young talents—prevents the creation of positive role models for young girls. As Eastman and Billings (2001) argue, the repeated language and framing used by commentators reinforce stereotypical expectations, portraying male athletes as strategic and strong while overlooking the achievements of female athletes.

The mass media represent one of the most influential forces shaping gender-related values, norms, and behaviors. As Duncan (1990) and Riffe et al. (1998) explain, what people see, hear, and read is heavily shaped by editorial choices. Thus, sports journalism acts as an ideological tool that reinforces dominant norms (Fink 1998; Meyers 1994).

Because sport is a key part of popular culture, it has long been at the forefront of communication technologies, making it a strategic area for reproducing hegemonic masculinity (Tomlinson 2002; Donaldson 1993). Media narratives often emphasize attributes traditionally associated with men—such as strength, aggressiveness, and rationality—while reducing female athletes to their appearance or traditional roles (Kane and Lenskyj 1998; Messner 1998; Buysse and Embser-Herbert 2004).

Wensing and Bruce (2003) identified several symbolic strategies used by the media to reinforce cultural gender expectations in coverage of female athletes:

• Gender marking, where events are specifically labeled as “women’s” competitions; unintentional reinforcement;
• Compulsory heterosexuality, presenting female athletes in traditional gender roles;
• An emphasis on appropriate femininity, focusing on beauty, grace, or demeanor;
• Infantilization, using diminutive or patronizing language;
• Non-sports reporting, where the focus shifts away from athletic performance.

These practices not only make female athletes invisible but also restrict them to limited gender roles. In women’s football, this symbolic exclusion is explicit through the lack of coverage, neglect of key players, and failure to develop narrative stories around female teams.

Arslan and Koca’s (2007) study provides empirical support for this pattern. Their analysis of Turkish daily newspapers revealed that only 6.05% of sports articles focused on female athletes, while 87.02% centered on male athletes. Gender stereotypes appeared in 37.5% of written content and 13.9% of visual content. The variation in stereotype strength across different newspapers further highlighted the biased framing. This research demonstrates how sports media perpetuate the gendered marginalization of female athletes and allow hegemonic masculinity to persist through both visual and textual portrayals.

Romania is no exception to these trends. As our study demonstrates, articles on women’s football in the analyzed media sources account for approximately 2% of the total during the examined period. This ideological framing significantly influences girls’ and women’s participation in sports, limiting their access to role models and perpetuating the notion that football is neither suitable nor prestigious for women. It also impacts their self-image and career prospects, strengthening gender inequality and threatening the long-term viability of inclusive sports systems (Cooky and Messner 2018).

To promote equity, it is crucial not only to boost the media visibility of women’s football but also to change the tone and narratives used to describe female athletes. As our study demonstrates, true inclusivity requires that female footballers be portrayed with the same respect, analytical depth, and seriousness given to their male counterparts. Without such changes, cultural biases will continue to shape both the visibility and representation of women’s football in Romanian media.

3. Materials and Methods

This research employed a mixed-methods approach, combining content analysis, statistical data, and one personal narrative to examine how institutional practices, media portrayal, and lived experiences influence women’s football in Romania. As part of the qualitative component, the researchers attended a conference on women in sports where female football players and officials shared public testimonies about institutional barriers and personal struggles. To build on these insights, a semi-structured interview was conducted with a different female footballer, whose experience across multiple clubs revealed recurring challenges faced by women at all levels of the sport. Thus, the interview was designed not to achieve statistical representativeness but to provide depth and lived experience that triangulates with other data sources.

3.1. Qualitative Component

Participation in a Specialized Conference

In the qualitative research, the authors participated in “Lines Crossed: Gender Identity, Inclusion, and the Struggles of Fair Competition in Sports” in Timișoara, 2025, serving as both organizers and attendees. During the event, several representatives from women’s football, including players, coaches, and advocates, delivered presentations. They were invited as guests and keynote speakers because of their important contributions to Romanian sports. These speakers, all female, included Dr. C. M., a lawyer and sports law expert who is also a lecturer at the National Coach Training and Development Center, a sports trainer, and a martial arts coach; Dr. A. G., a sport psychologist with the Romanian Olympic and Sports Committee (COSR), a member of FEPSAC’s Administrative Board, and an applied psychology specialist; and players M. S., from ACS Roma, and F. P., who is involved in various women’s football teams. Their talks provided crucial insights into institutional frameworks, policy implementation, and personal stories that highlighted the challenges that women encounter both individually and systemically in sport. The event featured a diverse range of public testimonies that highlighted the social and cultural barriers rooted in gendered dynamics within Romanian football. SV (the second author) wrote all the data, which was textually used as important information in our analysis.

To further explore and contextualize these themes, a semi-structured interview was conducted with a female professional football player who was not part of the conference participants. The second author (SV) knew the player beforehand, which helped foster trust and openness during the discussion. With over ten years of experience in Romania’s national league—having played for multiple teams at both amateur and professional levels—the interviewee provided valuable insights into recurring issues such as institutional neglect, unequal funding, and cultural bias.

The 80 min interview was conducted online via Facebook Messenger, with informed consent ensuring anonymity and academic use of data. The discussion covered gender bias in sports governance, media marginalization, limited institutional support, and the psychological toll of navigating a male-dominated environment.

The interview also focused on complex issues that shape the real experiences of female football players in Romania, including social and family acceptance, working conditions within clubs, and strategies for maintaining a decent standard of living amid financial struggles. Additionally, the player shared views on the structural and cultural changes needed to grow women’s football, such as fair funding, stronger institutional support, and public recognition of women as professional athletes. These stories added important context to the research, linking personal stories with broader structural and cultural inequalities seen in media and institutional analysis.

A second semi-structured interview, about 60 min long, was conducted through Facebook Messenger. The player gave informed consent for academic data use and completed an anonymity certificate. Like the first interview, the discussion covered gender bias in sports governance, media marginalization, social recognition and support, financial difficulties, and diversity in Romanian women’s football.

The interviewee, a 19-year-old player still working toward her degree at the Faculty of Physical Education and Sports, shared insights that echoed many of the challenges highlighted in the first interview—especially institutional neglect, limited funding, and unequal recognition—but also added the perspective of a younger generation of athletes. Since she relies on her parents for financial support, her experience reflects a transitional phase between dependence and professionalization, where family expectations significantly influence both her athletic and intellectual growth.

This generational perspective provided a nuanced understanding of the cultural and economic challenges faced by emerging female footballers, showing how family support, educational goals, and financial instability intertwine to shape women’s pathways in sports.

At the same time, a qualitative content analysis of Romanian sports media was carried out. The main data source was DigiSport, a leading national sports reporting platform. DigiSport was chosen because it offers the most comprehensive and continuous coverage of women’s football in Romania, enabling a systematic observation of both the amount and tone of coverage. For comparison, ProSport, another major sports outlet, published only about ten articles related to Romanian women’s football during the same period, confirming the limited visibility of the topic in mainstream media. The DigiSport search covered the years 2022–2025, using the Romanian keyword “fotbal feminin” (“women’s football”). Out of 1492 search results, a targeted sample of 57 articles was selected for review. The selection criteria focused on texts that directly referenced Romanian women’s football events, clubs, or individual players, ensuring thematic consistency and relevance to the research questions.

The qualitative analysis of 57 media articles was coded, involving five categories to capture both symbolic and structural aspects of representation. These categories were: Visibility and media presence, which evaluated how prominently women’s football was featured, considering placement, headline significance, and imagery. Gender marking and stereotypical framing identified language that highlighted femininity, beauty, or emotional qualities instead of athletic skill. Narrative omission or quantitative framing covered instances where only match results or key moments were mentioned without interpretive commentary. Socio-economic and personal contexts noted references to partners, relationships, or secondary jobs, as well as the absence of discussion about training or tactics. Finally, institutional and structural representation examined mentions of governance, funding, or policies, linking media narratives to broader gender equality initiatives.

These media patterns corroborate the interviewee’s reflections on social acceptance, club conditions, lifestyle strategies, and the need for structural change.

3.2. Quantitative Component

Statistical Data from Institutional Sources

To complement the qualitative findings, official statistical data were obtained from the FRF and affiliated public sources. These data included the following:

The number of registered women’s teams and players per year;

Licensing requirements and compliance levels among top clubs;

League structures and evolution from 2006 to 2024.

This information was used to assess the structural commitment to gender equity in football and to monitor long-term trends in women’s participation in organized sports. The dataset helped bridge the gap between the discussion and the quantitative results, providing insights into how external mandates (e.g., UEFA requirements) have or have not contributed to sustainable growth in women’s football in Romania.

4. Results

4.1. Statistical Trends in Romanian Women’s Football (2005–2025)

This analysis is based on publicly available data published by the FRF via its official website and related communications. Quantitative information—such as the number of active teams each season, league structures, and playoff formats—was sourced directly from official competition pages (e.g., Superliga feminină, historical league formats) and cross-checked with policy directives and development updates from the FRF. Additional contextual data were gathered from press releases, UEFA project documents (such as GOALSCORE), and partner NGO reports, including the FILIA Centre report (FILIA 2022). Together, this dataset offers a comprehensive overview of women’s football development in Romania, emphasizing both institutional advancements and persistent gaps in systemic support and visibility.

From 2008 to 2025, Romanian women’s football saw notable changes in team participation. Starting with 12 teams in 2008, the league reached its peak at 20 in 2011–2012, organized into two regional series, and has since shrunk to have as few as 8 teams in recent seasons (2023–2025).

Descriptive statistics:

Total seasons analyzed: 17 (2008–2025);

Total number of teams across seasons: 153;

Mean number of teams per season: ≈9.0;

Median: 10 teams;

Mode: 12 teams (present in seven seasons);

Minimum: eight teams;

Maximum: 20 teams.

These fluctuations indicate a mix of strategic testing and operational challenges, such as pandemic-related disruptions and limited resources. The move to reduce the number of teams to eight in 2023–2025 points to a possible decline in the league’s competitive strength or financial support.

The structure of the playoff system has also evolved significantly over the years:

Summary statistics (2005–2025):

Seasons with a playoff format: 14;

Total teams in the playoffs: 40;

Average playoff teams per season: 5.0;

Mode and median: four teams;

Minimum: zero (in unitary league seasons);

Maximum: six (between 2019 and 2023).

Between 2023 and 2025, the playoff was limited to four teams, aligning with the league’s reduction to a total of eight clubs.

The FRF has taken several steps to formalize women’s football. In 2018, the FRF required all Liga I teams to establish women’s teams as a licensing requirement, aligning Romanian football with UEFA’s gender equality guidelines. Additional institutional measures included the following:

Between 2020 and 2023, clubs had to register at least 20 players for the U15 National Championship and form senior women’s teams.

In 2022, registration for the U13 Championship was made mandatory, requiring a minimum of 15 players.

The FRF reports that the number of registered teams rose from 43 in 2014 to 144 in 2020, marking more than a 200% increase (Federația Română de Fotbal 2020). More than 100,000 women and girls participate in mixed and female-only football programs throughout Romania (Agerpres 2024).

In 2023, FRF teamed up with Next Advertising to launch the campaign “Modele de Femeie/Models of women,” highlighting the national women’s team as social role models. The agency Next Advertising describes the campaign as “a campaign for normalising the presence of women in football and everywhere, signed by the National Women’s Football Team of Romania” (Next Advertising 2023). The initiative addressed broader gender issues beyond sports, such as equal professional rights, the decision to become a mother, and gaining access to non-traditional careers. One article noted that in 2023, over 100,000 girls and women were registered in mixed or female-only clubs nationwide—up from approximately 330 participants in the early 1990s—making this campaign a part of a larger institutional effort toward inclusivity (Şchiopu 2024).

In 2024, the focus shifted to promoting family support for women in football. To achieve this, the campaign used a deck of illustrated cards, each presenting a player’s portrait and personal story. To connect with the predominantly male audience, many stories highlighted support from fathers, brothers, and coaches—men whose encouragement had played a crucial role in the players’ careers. This storytelling approach underscored how messages from institutional leaders aimed to challenge deep-rooted cultural norms and boost visibility for women in football. By engaging society at its cultural core, the campaign aimed to break down gender stereotypes from the top down, using storytelling, family images, and social advocacy as tools for change.

This approach situates Modele de Femeie within the larger context of institutional and structural representation, demonstrating how sustainability in sport extends beyond resource allocation or policy reforms. The FRF’s emphasis on narrative and symbolic representation supports formal initiatives like UEFA’s Women’s Football Strategy 2024–2030 and the GOALSCORE project, showing that institutional sustainability also relies on cultural legitimacy and gender-inclusive communication.

Similarly, FRF partnered with GOALSCORE, an EU-supported initiative led by the Malta FA, with collaborators in Romania and Portugal, and NGOs like the FILIA Centre. The project aims to fight violence against women through football by training coaches to recognize and address abusive or coercive behaviors. Research in 2022 focused on coaches’ attitudes and best practices (FILIA 2022).

These initiatives demonstrate increasing institutional commitment to international gender equality standards such as SDG 5. Although Romania has a strong legal framework for gender equality, such as Law 202/2002, its practical application within sports is still inconsistent.

Scholars (Agyemang and Singer 2013; UN Women 2021) highlight that sustainable sport systems need to be inclusive, equitable, and participatory. Yet, Romania’s underdeveloped women’s football reveals a gap between formal equality policies and their actual execution. Although officially recognized and supported through UEFA and FRF licensing, women’s football receives minimal funding, limited media coverage (around 2% in our sample), symbolic rather than substantial institutional backing, and almost no leadership. For example, UEFA’s Unstoppable: Women’s Football Strategy 2024–30 plans to invest €1 billion to promote women’s football across Europe, supporting club competitions, national teams, and grassroots programs (UEFA 2024) (uE). During 2024–2027, UEFA increased the solidarity share for clubs outside the men’s continental tournaments from 4% to 7%, channeling more funds to underfunded associations and clubs (UEFA 2024). Yet, resources for women’s football are substantially lower than those for men’s. Top European men’s leagues generate billions; Deloitte’s 2023/24 report notes the European football market hit €38 billion, with elite clubs earning significant sponsorship, broadcasting, and commercial revenue (Deloitte 2025). By contrast, Romania’s FRF allocated only €300,000 for the 2023–24 Superliga Feminină (Eurosport România 2023) While UEFA can establish structural frameworks and redistribute resources, the true impact depends on national federations’ commitment. Romania’s modest funding highlights this gap: UEFA can lay the groundwork for equality, but national bodies must act to realize it.

Unlike the Federația Română de Fotbal (FRF), which has no women occupying its 15 Executive Committee seats, UEFA is making more active efforts to include women in senior leadership roles. In 2023, Wales-born Laura McAllister was elected UEFA Vice-President and chairs its Gender Equality Committee, demonstrating the organization’s commitment to diversifying governance. On the global stage, the FIFA Council now features women like Pascale van Damme, elected in 2025 as the UEFA-nominated female representative, showing that both continental and global bodies are increasingly formalizing women’s positions in leadership. These developments illustrate a model where women’s inclusion in football governance is becoming institutionalized, although national federations like the FRF still lag behind.

Other sports provide examples of Romanian female leadership at both national and international levels. For instance, Camelia Potec, President of the Romanian Swimming and Modern Pentathlon Federation, was elected to the European Swimming Federation (LEN) Executive Committee for 2024–2028. Similarly, Carmen Tocală, President of the Romanian Basketball Federation, is a member of the FIBA Central Board and Vice President of FIBA Europe. In handball, Narcisa Lecușanu is on the Executive Committee of the International Handball Federation (IHF). Additionally, figures like Andreea Răducan, Carmen Bunaciu, and Raluca Gîndac hold prominent roles in gymnastics, swimming, and bowling federations internationally. These examples demonstrate that female leadership is becoming more visible and attainable in Romanian sports—except in football, where governance remains predominantly male.

The difference between formal representation and actual influence indicates that structural change at the national level remains a significant challenge for gender equity in sport, especially in football.

To address this and close the gap, structural reforms, greater funding, and symbolic representation are essential.

As Dowling et al. (2024) argue, agency and institutional commitment are essential in overcoming cultural and organizational barriers in sport. The Romanian experience confirms this: symbolic efforts—such as campaigns and policy mandates—must be accompanied by consistent investment and media normalization to achieve real inclusion.

The story of progress is still marred by inconsistency and a lack of funding. Achieving sustainable development in women’s football requires more than just statistics. It necessitates clear strategies, compelling storytelling, and active community engagement.

These challenges are further evident in media narratives, underscoring the need to examine how press coverage shapes public perceptions of women’s football.

4.2. Press Release Analysis

The media significantly influences public perceptions of women in sports. Research indicates that female athletes are frequently depicted in trivial, sexualized, or marginal roles (Bruce 2016), and they are seldom given the same symbolic importance as men. This symbolic exclusion leads to reduced public interest, fewer sponsorship chances, and limited leadership opportunities for women. Media discourse can undermine institutional equality initiatives, thereby endangering the cultural foundation of sustainability.

The 1990s brought sweeping post-socialist reforms in Romania, reshaping gender roles and destabilizing the occupational identities formed during the socialist era (Szasz 2025). While this transition led to the formal recognition of women’s football—marked by the launch of Cupa Libertatea and the creation of a national championship—the support remained largely symbolic. The FRF publicly endorsed women’s football while simultaneously shifting responsibility to market forces, leading to the withdrawal of state funding, internal corruption, and rising participation costs. Although these changes appeared progressive, they reinforced exclusionary gender norms and failed to provide the structural conditions necessary for the sport’s development.

Szasz (2025) conducted a well-documented analysis of media coverage of women’s football in the 1990s, highlighting how media visibility and legitimacy were driven by institutional failures. Her research depicts a pattern of neglect, exclusion, sexism, and ignorance toward female football players. For instance, Gazeta Sporturilor published 19 articles on women’s football in 1990, but this number declined to an average of just three per year in the following years. By 1998, the sport had nearly disappeared from the national media. Instead of fostering inclusion or celebration, media narratives reinforced gender hierarchies by infantilizing female athletes and focusing on qualities such as grace, modesty, and aesthetics over skill and tactical ability. Coverage often framed women’s football as unusual or incompatible with femininity, labeling injuries as “unpleasant” for “the fairer sex”, attributing successes to male coaches, or describing achievements in gendered terms. Both male and female journalists internalized and perpetuated these stereotypes, evaluating players more based on appearance, behavior, or emotion than on performance. Even successful women’s teams remained largely invisible to the broader public due to limited television and press coverage. A more recent study (Trușcă and Teodorescu 2023) shows that, while almost half of respondents now recognize the media’s role in shaping consumer preferences for women’s football—and 71.4% view it as an important factor in promotion—nearly half (49.2%) also believe that the media continues to reinforce an image gap between men and women. Taken together, these findings suggest that, although overt neglect has given way to increased visibility, symbolic exclusion and gendered framing remain persistent challenges. Our study examines how women’s football in Romania has been covered by the media from 2022 to 2025, with a focus on DigiSport, a prominent Romanian sports TV network known for reporting both national and international sports events. As a major sports news outlet, it significantly shapes public perception through its editorial decisions and reporting style. The research involved analyzing DigiSport’s online archives to detect patterns in how Romanian women’s football is portrayed, providing insights into how mainstream media either enhances visibility or unintentionally reproduces the symbolic exclusion of female athletes—a structural form of marginalization embedded in journalistic routines and cultural hierarchies. Additionally, in light of the FRF’s involvement in two major international initiatives—since 2022, FRF has partnered in the GOALSCORE project (since 2022) to combat gender-based violence in football, as well as the aforementioned Modele de Femeie/Models of Women campaign in 2023 our goal was to track how women’s football has been portrayed in mainstream media over this time, while also assessing the stereotypes and gender bias present in recent press articles. To achieve this, 58 articles from periods before and after the campaigns’ launch were reviewed.

The GOALSCORE project, supported by UEFA and led by the Malta Football Association in collaboration with FRF, APAV, and other NGOs, aims to make football a space for prevention and empowerment against gender-based violence. It involves developing tools for coaches to identify and address coercive or disrespectful behavior, fostering awareness, prevention, and accountability in sport (FILIA 2022). In alignment with the project’s goals, Romanian women’s football players are depicted as raising awareness about domestic violence in Romania. They stand in solidarity with a 23-year-old victim who was shot near her home while holding her 3-year-old daughter. During the Nations League match against Poland, they wore white armbands to support the victim, symbolically sending a message to authorities: “They wore white armbands, and during the team photo before the match, they made symbolic gestures indicating victims in danger” (Digi Sport 2025). This unprecedented gesture demonstrates how women’s football in Romania is increasingly linked to broader struggles for gender equality and social justice. By turning the pitch into a platform for solidarity, players challenged both cultural norms and institutional silence, reframing football not only as a sport but also as a space of civic engagement and symbolic resistance.

After 2023, following both Modele de Femeie and the GOALSCORE campaign, there was a shift in media coverage details. Although it did not exceed 2%, there was a general change in tone, visibility, themes, and impact. For example, articles about women football referees emphasized professionalism and international recognition, aligning with the GOALSCORE empowerment message. While themes of beauty still exist, they are now paired with themes of national pride and athletic legitimacy. As a result, the tone aims to become more professional and inclusive, even though article titles still often use sensationalist and male-oriented language. Articles gained visibility by covering a wider range of topics. Previously, content mainly focused on beauty, romance, and results; now it is gradually shifting toward role models, family, and leadership. These discursive changes mark the beginning of a slow cultural shift—one that challenges long-standing gender stereotypes, expands social acceptance, and builds a foundation for audience growth, sponsorship, and leadership opportunities in women’s football.

Feminine Models/Modele Feminine

Several prominent female figures in Romanian and international women’s football have been highlighted in the Romanian media. However, their portrayals often focus on different aspects. The most well-known is Teodora Meluță, frequently called “the most beautiful footballer in Romania” before being recognized as one of the top players on the pitch (source). As she herself says,

“Yes, it bothered me to be seen only as the most beautiful footballer in Romania. It truly did! Even after winning the award for the best female footballer for the first time... I don’t believe I earned that title because of my looks. I believe it came from the work I’ve put in at every training and every match.”

(Digi Sport 2024)

Her presence in the stands during men’s matches is often noted as visually striking. Match reports, such as DigiSport’s article on 8 April 2022, described the Romania–Switzerland game as a “duel of beauties” between Meluță and Alisha Lehmann, rather than focusing on the competition between the national teams. The emphasis was entirely on appearance, with the article also mentioning Lehmann’s bisexuality.

Such portrayals exemplify how women in sports in Romania are sexualized and aestheticized in the media, judged more for their appearance than their athletic skills. These depictions reinforce gender stereotypes that turn women into visual objects, downplaying their roles as professional athletes. The lack of sports commentary and the intrusive focus on personal details highlight harmful journalistic practices that sustain a sexist media culture.

Meluță’s private life became the focus of multiple articles, covering her romantic relationships, holidays, wedding, and even how she celebrated Women’s Day. These topics were constantly contrasted with her professional career (Digi Sport 2023a).

This disproportionate focus on the private sphere demonstrates a form of symbolic injustice, as it is not applied as often to top male football players, whose personal lives rarely overshadow the technical and strategic analysis of their game. Additionally, other high-performing athletes in Romanian women’s football—despite achieving remarkable results—do not receive the same level of visibility, not even through tabloid-style articles (Trușcă and Teodorescu 2023).

This double standard shows how the media help uphold gender stereotypes: women are mainly depicted through their relational and emotional roles instead of as complete athletes. Such portrayals diminish the recognition of sporting achievements and send the implicit message that, in sports, a woman’s image matters more than her performance. In an equitable media environment, articles would provide the same level of depth and analysis for top female athletes as they do for their male counterparts, truly supporting sustainability and gender equality in sports.

This type of discourse also extends to women referees and coaches, whose authority is often questioned or trivialized through gendered stereotypes, reflecting broader cultural attitudes within Romanian football. Gigi Becali, one of the most influential and visible male figures in Romanian football, the financial backer and de facto owner of FCSB (formerly Steaua Bucharest), one of Romania’s most famous clubs, stated,

How can a woman play football? She’s not built for it. Her body parts are not designed for football. A woman was made to attract a man. If we allow this, we mock the creations of God.

This statement exemplifies the persistence of gender stereotypes and misogynistic discourse in Romanian sports. By citing supposedly religious and biological reasons, Becali not only dismisses the legitimacy of women’s involvement in football but also undermines the very idea of gender equality in sports, portraying women’s participation as a deviation from their “natural” and “divinely ordained” role. This attitude sharply contrasts with the principles supported by initiatives such as GOALSCORE or UEFA’s gender equity programs, fostering a hostile environment where female athletes must justify their existence before they can prove their abilities.

His stereotypical and misogynistic statements also extend to female referees, where the idea of gender equality in sports is outright rejected: “Everything falls apart when a woman is refereeing (...) If you’re a woman, just stay home.” (Șerban 2024) . This reflects an essentialist view of women, seen through the lens of hegemonic masculinity, which seeks to maintain gender hierarchies within deeply male-dominated institutions such as professional football. This discourse is part of a rhetoric of exclusion and symbolic violence against women in these highly masculinized fields. In a context where referees such as Cristina Bujor, Teodora Albon, or Raluca Rădulescu officiate at the highest levels with professionalism and competence, these declarations are not only unacceptable but also deeply harmful to the future of equity in sport. They legitimize gender segregation in football and undermine the contributions of women in positions of authority, promoting a regressive and discriminatory model of social organization.

In the DigiSport sources analyzed, we observed the public reaction of Teodora Meluță, one of the best female players of all time, who openly condemned Becali’s discourse and attitude. She declared:

“Unfortunately, we are still dealing with situations like this! [...] Maybe instead, you should ask yourself why you are running a football club for both men and women when you are making such blatantly disrespectful remarks about a woman who has worked hard to reach the level she is at today.”

—(Digi Sport 2023b)

Narrative omission

One of the most prominent forms of symbolic exclusion identified in the Romanian sports media is narrative omission—the systemic failure to contextualize or personalize women’s football in press coverage. Fink (1998) emphasized that female athletes are often “mentioned but not celebrated” and that coverage frequently focuses on outcomes rather than process, identity, or meaning. Cooky et al. (2013) similarly note that “women’s sports are rendered invisible not just by omission, but by the absence of storytelling.”

Despite a slow and limited rise in media coverage, most articles on women’s football published by DigiSport from 2022 to 2025 take a minimalist results-focused approach. These articles reduce women’s sports events to basic numerical results—scores, red cards, and match timelines—without incorporating stories about the players, their careers, or broader issues in Romanian women’s football. For example, reports such as those for Romania 1–1 Northern Ireland or Slovakia 0–0 Romania mention the score and key moments but lack insights into training conditions, institutional support, or players’ personal experiences. This approach strips human depth and continuity from the matches, missing opportunities to profile the athletes or highlight systemic inequalities in Romanian football. As a result, the players remain unnamed and invisible, and public discourse continues to reflect ongoing structural inequalities. The lack of personal or contextual framing is not just a neutral editorial choice but a symbolic act of exclusion that sidelines women’s contributions to sport. Omitting these stories represents a powerful form of structural discrimination—by withholding narratives, it denies female athletes the legitimacy and inspiration that male athletes receive. Bruce (2016) argues that this kind of underreporting creates a gendered hierarchy of importance: men’s sports matter and are shaped by meaningful narratives; women’s sports simply occur. By contrast, men’s football coverage in Romania routinely includes details about players’ careers, transfers, and personal lives, constructing them as cultural icons. This narrative richness highlights the asymmetry with women’s football, which is reduced to scores and statistics.

Furthermore, the lack of contextual coverage—on funding gaps, league infrastructure, or gender-based challenges—sustains the illusion of equality through participation. As Krane (2001) outlines, media invisibility exists alongside symbolic tokenism: women may be present in the sport but are denied subjectivity and cultural capital.

Although more news items are being dedicated to women’s football in Romania, a significant imbalance still exists. News stories about women’s football account for less than 1% of all football-related content compared with men’s football, and the gap is even larger when specifically referring to women’s football in Romania.

4.3. Voices of Women in Romanian Football

After reviewing the Romanian Football Federation’s official website and analyzing sports media themes over the past three years, it is crucial to incorporate women’s perspectives into Romanian football. Without insider insights and personal experiences, many issues faced by female athletes might go unnoticed or remain unaddressed. This section references four earlier narratives from the methodology chapter: two from two speeches provided by M.S. and F.P. at a gender equality sports conference, another from an 80 min semi-structured interview in 2024 with a female professional football player in Romania (R1), and the last from the 60 min interview in 2025 with a younger professional player and student in physical education (R2).

M.S. and F.P.’s speeches analyzed the economic, social, and psychological factors. They highlighted Romania’s ongoing underfunding of women’s football and the significant wage disparities between male and female athletes. They noted that players’ contracts often restrict them from taking secondary employment, making their income entirely dependent on their registered club. This restriction comes at a high cost for female athletes, who must seek lower-level jobs to continue playing professionally after being released from these contracts. Additionally, they emphasized the financial struggles faced by clubs, including inadequate facilities such as poor locker rooms and unreliable transportation—with buses frequently breaking down en route to matches—posing significant challenges to athletic performance.

From a social perspective, M.S. and F.P. addressed issues such as the marital status and educational level that female players can realistically attain, as well as the broader societal pressures to meet these milestones. Psychologically, they highlighted the ongoing stigma that female footballers face, describing how they are often subjected to bullying at stadia and routinely discouraged, unsupported, and ignored. From the stands, women players are often shouted at to ‘go back to the kitchen’ or subjected to remarks about their appearance—being labeled as either too fat or too slow. The dominant societal belief still views football as an inherently masculine domain, leaving women in the sport without recognition or validation of their efforts and achievements. Although the speeches delivered by M.S and F.P. at the conference provided valuable insights into the challenges faced by women in Romanian football, they were aimed at a general audience. They lacked the detailed structure needed for academic content analysis. Therefore, this section does not include direct quotes from the presentation. Instead, the key themes—economic constraints, social barriers, and psychological effects—are outlined and then expanded upon through a more detailed semi-structured interview with a professional player. This method allows for a more nuanced and context-rich exploration of these themes, grounded in a personal experience and testimony. By highlighting a player’s voice in the analysis, this study emphasizes an authentic perspective and fosters a deeper understanding of the structural and symbolic obstacles faced by women in football today.

Narrative Analysis Based on the Interviews

The R1 interviewee’s story is that of a player in her late 20s with rich experience, and R2 is still under 20, a professional player and student. They both offered valuable insights highlights three main aspects of gender stereotypes and discrimination in women’s football: economic aspects, social aspects, and those related to accepted norms of femininity and sexuality.

Economic Discrimination

Both players acknowledged on the large pay gap between male and female football players and the financial instability that many women experience.

R1 says: “Our salaries do not compare to the boys’; they are much lower. Some girls manage to work part-time jobs to supplement their income; that is not my case. I signed the contract under challenging circumstances in my career. I got injured while playing abroad and went through an emotional breakdown that led to depression; the Romanian club accepted me, and I signed as is.”

Although she acknowledges the low wages, she also describes how her club offers certain benefits that make the experience more tolerable.

“The salaries are low, but bonuses help. For example, we get 600 RON for a win… Moreover, the club covers housing, meals, vitamins, recovery, massage, sauna, ice…”

This suggests that, despite economic gender gaps, the emotional significance of being part of a football club and the support from the institution can sometimes compensate for unequal financial treatment, at least for a time.

Respondent R2 noted: “In my team, the girls are between 19 and 39 years old. None of them have children to support. If they needed money, they would go play abroad. Boys in football earn thousands of dollars in the same league we play in—ten times more than we do. Personally, I do not complain about money; my parents still support me. I am not sure I want to have a family, so I do not care much about money right now.”

She expressed satisfaction with small benefits like post-match meals provided in takeaway containers and access to vitamins, which she described as “good enough for now.” However, she also reported unequal training conditions, recalling her experience at a junior club from a smaller town where only two girls trained among mostly boys. Because the grass field was unusable, training sessions were held on synthetic turf. When she later played on natural grass, she suffered a fibula fracture after misjudging the ground’s traction—due to, she said, inadequate adaptation and limited access to proper training facilities.

These experiences show how economic inequalities overlap with gendered vulnerabilities in Romanian women’s football. The absence of proper infrastructure and customized training conditions worsens the systemic gaps already seen in wages and institutional support.

Social discrimination is the most apparent and internalized form, stemming from the audience and social environment.

R1 says: “Very few spectators come to our matches. The highest attendance we ever had was about 200 people, only because the club handed out free shirts. Otherwise, just a handful of fans. They often shout that we belong in the kitchen, and they mock the bigger girls for running slower. That is where the stereotypes come from—people’s education.”

R2 also expresses disappointment with the public attendance at matches: “Most family and friends come to see us. There are no tickets, the entrance is free…”. Unlike R1, who has more experience, she does not recall any of her colleagues or herself being mocked by the public.

Stereotyping Concerning Femininity and Sexuality

R1 also describes the conflict between her personal identity and societal expectations:

“I have always liked being a tomboy. I was never the type to sit still. I had long hair... that is how my father still wants me to wear it. I try to explain that it does not represent me anymore. Maybe one day I will grow it back, but not now... I was in a relationship. We had to leave this place. Our parents could not find out—they would not have accepted it. Maybe my mom, but not my dad... That is why we left.”

This quote highlights how heteronormativity and family expectations add extra pressure for female athletes, mainly when gender expression or sexual orientation differ from traditional norms.

However, R2, representing the next generation of players, noted that about 80% of her teammates identify as gay, which she sees as completely normal. She identifies as heterosexual and stressed that her family fully accepts the diverse environment in which she plays.

The players’ testimony reveal that women’s football in Romania continues to operate within a deeply unequal structural and symbolic framework. Chronic underfunding, economic instability, and limited institutional support coexist with persistent public hostility and gendered stereotypes. These experiences confirm that sport is not a neutral arena but one where patriarchal norms are reproduced and normalized. Yet, the voices of players such as R1 and R2 provide valuable perspectives from within this system. Their accounts challenge mainstream narratives, bringing forward examples of resilience, solidarity, and agency. Documenting these realities is essential—not only to expose ongoing inequalities but also to envision how sport can evolve into a fairer, more inclusive, and sustainable environment for women.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

Despite its official institutionalization in the early 1990s, women’s football in Romania has remained precariously positioned within the sports landscape, lacking sustained investment, structural support, and meaningful media representation (Szasz 2025). While symbolic inclusion has been achieved through federation acknowledgment and the launch of national competitions, real access and legitimacy have been consistently undermined by persistent gender ideologies and economic marginalization. These limitations are not isolated incidents but form part of a broader system of exclusion that reinforces patriarchal norms.

The inclusion of women’s football as a required element, mandated only by UEFA’s directive, exposes a broader historical ambivalence. It shows that institutional efforts toward gender equality in sport are frequently motivated by external influences rather than a genuine internal dedication to fairness. This disconnect between mere compliance and meaningful change highlights an ongoing tension that hampers sustainability and genuine inclusion in sports.

The narratives from players—especially the in-depth interviews conducted in 2024 and 2025—highlight a lived reality in which access to football remains deeply gendered. Many players find the sport informally, outside of official channels, often through male peers or chance encounters on shared pitches. This fragmented route to professional participation reflects the broader lack of structured support for women in sport, particularly in post-socialist contexts, where the transition to capitalism dismantled many social programs that had previously enabled mass involvement (Szasz 2025).

Nevertheless, individual players demonstrate resilience and agency. For instance, gender and sexuality remain contentious issues in Romania (Voiculescu and Groza 2021; Lelea and Voiculescu 2017), and sports are no exception. Incorporating gender studies into Romanian university curricula (Voiculescu and Lelea 2023; Voiculescu 2011), especially developing gender-inclusive programs in sports departments across various universities, could represent a significant step forward in addressing gender biases as well as the public ridicule of female football players.

Economic hardships significantly affect the performance of female football players. For example, both interviewed players openly discussed financial challenges, including low wages, reliance on club bonuses, and the pressure to seek additional employment either themselves or their teammates. However, these stories are not about victimhood but about negotiation and resistance. Their voices show how athletes actively reinterpret structural barriers, demonstrating that agency and professional networks can help partially counter systemic inequality.

The Romanian situation reflects wider trends seen throughout Central and Eastern Europe, according to Antunović (2021), women’s football in post-socialist nations remains structurally disadvantaged because of historical inequalities and the overshadowing of men’s football in media and institutional stories. In Hungary, Poland, Serbia, and Romania, women’s football is characterized by fragmented professional routes, low investment levels, and symbolic marginalization from mainstream sports culture. Although UEFA’s initiatives aim to grow women’s football, these nations continue to face persistent gaps driven by post-socialist gender hierarchies and uneven economic changes.

In Poland, Kossakowski et al. (2022) observe that women’s football fandom often reflects traditional gender roles—where female supporters are typically seen as partners or mothers—while “tomboys” challenging norms disrupt heteronormative expectations. Organista and Kossakowski (2024) also emphasize that non-heterosexual players create “enclaved non-heteronormative” spaces that challenge societal prejudice. In Hungary and Serbia, Antunović (2021) reports that public service media reproduced marginality during the 2019 Women’s World Cup by broadcasting matches but emphasizing men’s events and failing to link women’s sports with national identity themes. These patterns mirror Romania, where ongoing institutional neglect, media bias, and patriarchal discourse keep the sport’s visibility fragile.

Together, these regional trends illustrate what Antunović (2021) and Bartolući and Antunović (2022) describe as visibility without empowerment—a scenario where women’s football receives symbolic acknowledgment but lacks structural equality. Post-socialist changes did not eliminate patriarchal ideas but instead redefined them within neoliberal market pressures and gendered media hierarchies.

This research adds to the expanding scholarship on women’s football in Central and Eastern Europe by providing empirical data from Romania, a context still lacking in international sport sociology. It builds upon studies by Antunović (2021) and Jakubowska (2015), illustrating how the Romanian media reproduces symbolic exclusion and feminized beauty as key narrative themes. While Hungarian and Polish research focus on sexualization and heteronormativity, Romanian media often emphasizes aesthetic femininity and moral respectability to normalize the image of female footballers, towards more societal tolerance and acceptance. Thus, reinforces traditional gender roles under the guise of modernity. This study emphasizes the connection between media analysis and players’ personal experiences, illustrating how aesthetic framing and economic insecurity jointly sustain gender roles inequalities. It contributes to discussions in the region by viewing women’s football as both a reflection of post-socialist gender dynamics and a space of resistance, where players challenge legitimacy and visibility within deeply embedded patriarchal systems.

The media represent a significant form of exclusion, often disregarding female athletes or depicting them mainly through their appearance, sexuality, or personal lives rather than their sports achievements. Analysis shows that from 2021 to 2024, less than 1% of football-related media content concentrated on women’s matches. When women’s sports are covered, stories often focus on scores or isolated incidents, lacking a narrative flow and broader context. These practices reflect what Wensing and Bruce (2003) describe as the infantilization and desexualization of women in sports. In Romania, however, we also observe a form of complementary phenomenon of feminized beauty and symbolic demonization. Influential figures such as Gigi Becali have fostered narratives that not only marginalize women but also portray their involvement in football as unnatural or even “satanic”. As Connell (1995) discussed in her analysis of hegemonic masculinity, sports serve as a crucial arena where male dominance is both expressed and ideologically reinforced. Becali’s comments exemplify this dynamic:

“If they force me to have a women’s team, I will leave football. That is aligning with Satan’s ideals… Women are not made for football.”

(PRO X 2020)

Such discourse reinforces a masculine perspective of football and discourages girls and women from engaging in the sport. The institutional silence that often follows these remarks worsens the situation, indicating that misogynistic rhetoric is acceptable in Romanian sports culture.

As Petracovschi and Chin (2019) noted, in post-socialism Romania, the dominant social rhetoric had already begun shifting toward emphasizing aesthetic feminine beauty rather than athletic prowess. The experience of national-level athletes such as Teodora Meluță further demonstrates how gendered media framing reduces female athletes to visual commodities. Despite her sporting accomplishments, Meluță is often referenced primarily for her beauty and only secondarily for her skills. Her public reaction to Becali’s statements—questioning how he would respond if his daughter were treated similarly—was a significant moment of discursive resistance. The absence of any official reply underscores the importance of elevating women’s voices within a system that frequently silences them.

The GOALSCORE project and Modele de Femeie—initiated by the Romanian Football Federation and supported by UEFA—offer partial correctives. Both projects emphasize empowerment and gender equality through education and visibility, aligning with the Sustainable Development Goals in sports governance. However, their reach remains limited, and without systemic financial and leadership reform, such campaigns risk remaining symbolic gestures rather than transformative interventions.

Ultimately, the formal institutionalization of women’s football in the 1990s hid deeper forms of exclusion. Without ongoing investment, structural reforms, or significant media coverage, the sport remains fragile, relying on the resilience of players and local networks instead of systemic support. However, women’s football stays a space of transformation—where players’ voices, transnational advocacy, and regional solidarity can gradually reshape public perception and promote true gender equity in sport.