Queer in Cyprus? The LGBTIQ Movement, Normativity, and Resistance in a Changing (Trans)national Landscape
Abstract
:1. Introduction
Queerness and queer are not about the heroic and triumphant distancing from the normative … Such positionalities are never static, they are always shifting … The architecture of social injustice is always about deciphering and confronting the vexed meeting points of various axes of difference.
Differences over how we understand things and what our priorities are, are not necessarily bad … It’s essential that we continue to focus on legal and policy goals. However, I welcome the formation of more radical groups that focus on other tasks … It’s good to have multiple groups, as long as we complement, rather than undermine, each other.(VN, Accept-LGBTI Cyprus activist 2021)
2. On (Trans)national LGBTIQ Politics and Activism: Normativity and Resistance in a Changing (Trans)national Landscape
3. Queer in Cyprus? The Cypriot Context
4. Materials and Methods
5. Findings
5.1. Ambivalence toward Transnational LGBTIQ Politics
Generally, I don’t like identities. I don’t like labelling people … One doesn’t need to state to the other person: “Hi, I’m X, and this is my sexual identity”. This [statement of sexual identity] has nothing to do with anything.(KG, 2009)
Furthermore, participants did not distinguish between “gay”/“lesbian”/“trans*” and “queer”—i.e., a term that is often employed to resist the fixity of sexual and gender identities, such as “gay”, “lesbian”, and “trans*” (Butler 1990, 1993). They appeared to be uninterested in, or unconvinced by, the different connotations that the “gay/lesbian/trans*” versus “queer” terms have assumed in “western/European” sexuality and gender identity politics and scholarship. Particularly in relation to the term “queer”, most interviewees rejected it as a term for describing non-normative sexual desire or gender expression, thus raising the questions of whether the meaning of “queer” travels across borders and what it means in Europe (Paternotte 2018, p. 62). As a Greek-Cypriot male participant said, “I have a very positive attitude toward how I describe myself … ‘Queer’ is like a piss bomb” (SM, 2017).It’s not that … I have any problem using it [i.e., the term “trans*”], but it doesn’t really make sense to me. In a way, it doesn’t cover me. I was who I am before the trans* label came to Cyprus and became popular … Before … I would say “I’m a woman”. Now I say, “I’m a trans* woman” … I like the fact that, now, we have a small family.(ZD, 2016)
I’m proud to be gay, but … I wouldn’t feel comfortable being part of such [i.e., an LGBTIQ] group … The decriminalization [of same-sex conduct] did not affect me in any way; because when you go out somewhere and people realize that you are gay, they get annoyed. So, it doesn’t make a difference whether it was decriminalized or not.(JZ, 2009)
Raising a child is a huge responsibility and same-sex relationships are more problematic than straight ones … It’s easier for them [i.e., same-sex people] to have fights and break up, and this will have negative effects on the child. I hold the same belief about same-sex marriage also.(EL, 2009)
These statements illustrate the relationship between ambivalence toward transnational LGBTIQ politics and dominant ciscentric and heterocentric discourses in Cyprus. Other work has also reported that fear of discrimination and social marginalization inhibits the embracing of transnational LGBTIQ identities and creates ambivalence toward transnational LGBTIQ politics (Altman 1996b; Ayoub 2016; Bilić 2016).[Me and my partner] tell our families, the neighbors etc. that we are roommates, even though we know they know or they suspect… Because, this way, there’s no problem … If we explicitly said we are a gay couple, things would have been different, and we don’t want to go through this … This is how things in Cyprus are, you know?(LR, 2009)
This ambivalent identification with, and willingness to question mainstream transnational LGBTIQ discourses, such as “coming out”, paradoxically occurs within ciscentric and heterocentric national discourses that negatively affect LGBTIQs’ lives. This, then, shows the messy conditions where the productive willingness to question mainstream transnational LGBTIQ politics ironically occurs within conditions of fear of being discriminated against, when LGBTIQ activists begin to identify with mainstream transnational LGBTIQ politics. In this sense, the ambivalence is messily critical but also acquiescent at the same time (Ayoub 2016; Evangelista 2022; Manalansan 2018).Personally, I wouldn’t want to “come out” in the sense of going out there into society and yelling it [i.e., that I’m not heterosexual] … As I told you before, I live my life and people probably think that I’m a metrosexual. … I think that if I lived under the “gay label”, my life would be much different.(WT, 2009)
5.2. Acclamation of Transnational LGBTIQ Politics
[Cypriot] people haven’t suddenly become gay. It’s just that, nowadays, they allow themselves to become visible … Maybe this has to do with the fact that Cyprus has become a member of the EU. During the past fifteen-twenty years, we started coming closer to Europe. More and more young people go [to university] in the United Kingdom and in the United States—especially in these two countries … So, as more young people go abroad to study, we [i.e., Cypriots] become more open-minded; because they [i.e., young people] came out of the box. But whoever doesn’t come out of the box remains the same … Now, you might think I’m telling you that there has been a change. Well, yes, but only among those people who leave their country [i.e., Cyprus].(XP, 2009)
This [i.e., that there are various forms of discrimination against LGBTIQs in Cyprus] is also related to the fact that [geographically] we are close to Muslim, Asian, and African countries so, whether we like it or not, we are affected [by their sociocultural trends]. These are close-minded societies and because we are affected by them, we do not broaden our horizons … Nobody [i.e., none of the politicians] is really trying to change the country’s foundations to make it more liberal, more European, more tolerant.(GC, 2009)
What we are trying to explain to the politicians is: “Ok, you always mention that you are more European than the Greek-Cypriot politicians” … Europe is a good pressure tool. The other thing we are trying to explain to them is this: “If you let … [LGBTIQ activists help you] make the [legal] amendments before going to Court [i.e., before some Turkish-Cypriot LGBTIQ applicant resorts to the ECHR], this will help you prove what you are saying to others, to the EU. You are saying about yourselves that you are more European [than Greek-Cypriot politicians] but you must prove how [this is the case], in a way that makes sense”.(CH, 2009)
Thanks to the support of … [transnational LGBTIQ] groups … we have learned how to talk to society and to politicians about these [i.e., LGBTIQ] issues as human rights and as European issues … In the north [of Cyprus], Europe has a lot of currency, because of the need to prove to ourselves and to others that we belong to the “west” and to Europe and to the EU.(DH, 2013)
5.3. Resistance toward Transnational LGBTIQ Politics
There is this myth that LGBTIQs are a homogeneous group … We are trying to do something on our own and it’s the ultimate betrayal, although trans* people are the poor relative … We have our own group … because we can’t afford to wait until our time comes.(QJ, 2016)
I know we need to be good and nice gays and lesbians, if the Church and the politicians are not to stone us to death! That’s why I side in favor of gay marriage … What I want is freedom, but I know that we can’t win, unless we play their game. Still, they [i.e., trans* individuals] should be represented. After all, we are claiming that we are representing them.(OA, 2010)
Knowing the terminology and being politically correct and all is nice. Nonetheless, debates like this mean nothing, unless we remain united and are clear about what we want to achieve. I personally do not care about labels. What I want to see is real change … Unless we focus on this and find ways to get along despite our differences, I don’t think we [i.e., Accept] will last much longer.(ZX, 2010)
We suck up to parties and politicians to give us what they will give us anyways because of Europe, like same-sex civil partnerships, and we think that we have achieved something … We [i.e., LGBTIQs] are their alibi so that they can pretend to be progressive, while most of them continue to talk about “the foreigner”, “the economic migrant” as the abomination … They sweep under the carpet their xenophobia, their nationalism, their power games, and we are the carpet! … They say, “give them some rights, the minimum ones, and it’s a win-win situation”. As if superficial rights, like same-sex civil partnerships, do away with injustice and all those things we, the privileged ones, pretend do not exist.(RF, 2018)
I’m … disgusted by these fakes … who only care to show how cultured and supposedly queer and above-all-that they are, while sipping 20-euro cosmos … What about the high school dropout who is a construction worker or a plumber and who is gay or non-cis? … They don’t care such people exist … There is a huge difference between constructive disagreement and questioning things all of us erroneously used to believe at some point, and between having reached a point where we compete and fight each other over stupidities, to the extent that the [LGBTIQ] movement in Cyprus is falling apart.(PP, 2018)
What we need is to find our commonalities and to create ties, at the social and at the cultural level … One can’t be speaking of an LGBTIQ community when the community is not there … Being an LGBTIQ activist isn’t a job one does for an organization. It’s about how one lives every day, [about] how one is able and, most importantly, willing to understand others and reach out to them … despite whether this person is richer or more educated than others or has less needs.(XW, 2022)
6. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
Appendix A. Additional Details about Materials and Methods
Appendix A.1. Participants by Age and Gender Self-Identification
Participant Characteristics | |
---|---|
Characteristic 1 | N |
Age | |
18–30 | 25 |
31–40 | 34 |
41–50 | 22 |
51–60 | 16 |
>60 | 3 |
Gender self-identification | |
Male/man | 44 |
Female/woman | 32 |
Trans* male/man | 7 |
Trans* female/woman | 5 |
Other | 12 |
Appendix A.2. Procedures
Appendix A.3. Instruments
Appendix A.4. Interview Analysis
1 | I define “Europeanization” as a transnationalization process that includes the emergence and development of European-level governance structures and institutions, collective ideas, norms and values (Featherstone and Radaelli 2003). I use it to denote “a set of regional economic, institutional, and ideational forces of change also affecting [positively or negatively] national policies, practices, and politics” (Schmidt 2002, p. 41). This definition allows us to understand Europeanization as encompassing what Kulpa (2014) terms “leveraged pedagogy”—i.e., a hegemonic didactical relation between “west/Europe” and “rest/periphery”, in which the former claims a “civilizing” role via teaching the latter how to understand and employ LGBTIQ rights and politics in rigid and “properly European” ways. It also allows us to understand “Europeanization” and “transnationalization” as nuanced terms—i.e., as both “major” and “minor” processes where the former is “defined by nation-states and the transnational flow of global capital”, while the latter “encompasses heterogeneous transnational processes rife with potentials to challenge hegemonic forms of power and create new social relations” (Bao 2020, p. 308). In this analysis, “trans*” broadly means “non-cisgender.” Resisting a stable referential content for the term, I use the asterisk to open it to a greater range of meanings and capture the variety, diversity, and non-fixity of gender identities and their embodiments. |
2 | I define “agency” as “a temporally [structurally, and discursively] embedded [dialogical] process of social [and political] engagement, informed by the past … but also oriented toward the future … and toward the present” that “both reproduces and transforms … structures in interactive response to the problems posed by changing historical situations” (Emirbayer and Mische 1998, pp. 962, 970). However, the discussion about what agency is, is beyond the scope of this article, which is more concerned with what LGBTIQ activists’ agency performs in relation to (trans)national LGBTIQ politics. |
3 | Following Duggan (2002), I understand “homonormativity” as a neoliberal, white, middle-class gay and lesbian politics that is organized around the pursuit of rights, promotes a privatized and depoliticized queer culture anchored in domesticity and consumption, and sustains dominant heteronormative assumptions and institutions. In the same vein, I understand transnormativity also as a neoliberal, white, middle-class politics “shaped by adherence to respectability politics, heteronormative standards and class privilege” (Glover 2016, p. 340). |
4 | “Professionalization” refers to the increased focus on legislative change and lobbying based, and as a result of, financial and other support by transnational networks and organizations. It is characterized by the dominance of hierarchical organizational structures and the sidelining of grassroots activism that seek large-scale social transformation, and it is often the result of Europeanization (Butterfield 2016; Kollman and Waites 2009). “NGOization” refers to a shift of collective action to NGOs—which are vertically structured and compartmentalize their work around specific priority issues in seeking to produce marketable services and knowledge—and to the institutionalization, professionalization, and depoliticization of movements (Choudry and Kapoor 2013; Rodriguez 2007). |
5 | https://accept.cy/ (accessed on 20 July 2023). |
6 | E.g., Queer Collective Cyprus. See: https://www.facebook.com/queercollectivecy/ (accessed 20 July 2023). |
7 | I selected interview excerpts as exemplars of each of these approaches. I edited quotes for clarity, but not content. I indicate edits within square brackets in the excerpts. I quote all participants by fake initials to maintain anonymity and confidentiality, and to ensure their nonidentification. |
8 | See note 1. |
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Kamenou, N. Queer in Cyprus? The LGBTIQ Movement, Normativity, and Resistance in a Changing (Trans)national Landscape. Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 419. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12070419
Kamenou N. Queer in Cyprus? The LGBTIQ Movement, Normativity, and Resistance in a Changing (Trans)national Landscape. Social Sciences. 2023; 12(7):419. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12070419
Chicago/Turabian StyleKamenou, Nayia. 2023. "Queer in Cyprus? The LGBTIQ Movement, Normativity, and Resistance in a Changing (Trans)national Landscape" Social Sciences 12, no. 7: 419. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12070419
APA StyleKamenou, N. (2023). Queer in Cyprus? The LGBTIQ Movement, Normativity, and Resistance in a Changing (Trans)national Landscape. Social Sciences, 12(7), 419. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12070419