Lobbyists in Spain: Professional and Academic Profiles
Abstract
:1. Introduction
- The capacity to mobilise lobby supporters or members as a sign of social support in the context of public opinion has a relevant value in the democratic system. Thus, there are interest groups that mobilise their members through public demonstrations, support in the form of messages in various formats, explaining the number of followers or valuing the economic volume generated in the sector, among others (Branton et al. 2015; Rasmussen et al. 2018; Mergeai and Gilain 2020).
- The lobby’s financial capacity allows it to deploy a set of activities that cannot be carried out by lobbies with scarce economic resources. Hence, business or employers’ lobbies have greater resources than those that generate resources through the volume of their membership, such as NGOs, consumer associations, professional associations or trade unions. These resources, in turn, can be projected onto other capacities available to lobbies (Schnakenberg 2017; Dür 2008; Carty 2010; Galbraith 1956; Dempsey 2009; Sadi and Meneghetti 2019).
- Access to public authorities is essential to be able to engage in dialogue with decision-makers, as it is difficult to gain support for a proposal simply by handing over documentation or through grassroots campaigns. This capacity is part of the revolving door concept because those who have been part of the public authorities maintain a network of contacts that allows them to interact more easily. Likewise, having knowledge of the gatekeepers in the administration or the legislature is essential to know whom to act on, a responsibility that does not necessarily fall on the person with the highest hierarchical rank (Dür et al. 2015; McGrath et al. 2010).
- Advocacy helps when there is a fit with social values because it is easier for rulers to make decisions with social demands that are in line with what is acceptable to the population as a whole (Rasmussen et al. 2018; Biliouri 1999).
- Having a good social image facilitates the lobby’s work, as its proposals seem to have a higher level of legitimacy (Klüver et al. 2015; Marshall 2015; Rasmussen 2015; Lowery 2013).
- Occupying a strategic space in society or the economy also confers greater weight on dialogue processes. This would be the case of the role of the financial system in the economic system, which is concretised in an expression widely used in European institutions, such as that they are “systemic elements”, i.e., that they underpin the system.
- 26% are between 20–29 years old;
- 36% are between 30–39 years old;
- 19% are between 40–49 years old;
- 12% are between 50–59 years old;
- 7% more than 60 years old.
- 1% are between 20–29 years old;
- 8% are between 30–39 years old;
- 37% are between 40–49 years old;
- 34% are between 50–59 years old;
- 20% more than 60 years old.
1.1. Initiatives
- Require public institutions and representatives to proactively record and publish information on their interactions with lobbyists, including summaries of meetings, calendars, agendas and documentation received.
- Ensure that a “legislative footprint” is created for each proposal in order to ensure full transparency of decision-making processes.
- Ensure that records apply to both direct and indirect lobbying efforts, targeting all institutions and individuals who play a role in public decisions.
- Introduce a legal obligation for public authorities to strive for a balanced composition of advisory and expert bodies, representing a diversity of interests and views.
- Make open calls for the constitution of advisory/expert groups and ensure that common selection criteria are used to balance different interests.
- Publish legislative footprints to track, in a uniform manner, contacts and input received on draft policies, laws and amendments.
- Ensure greater transparency on the composition and activities of expert groups by publishing information on the selection process of members, as well as the publication of detailed minutes of meetings.
1.2. Lobbying and Communication
- Proactive strategy, in which the lobby takes the initiative in the definition, elaboration and approval of public policies, allowing it to raise situations and anticipate issues that may affect the interest group. Having the ability to be able to raise issues that may affect the lobby’s interests facilitates the structuring of the issue, delimits the conceptual boundaries of the discussion and influences the approach to the solution to the problem (Schnakenberg 2017; Carty 2010; De Bruycker 2016).
- Reactive strategy, which is delimited by a passive action of the lobby, which is only put into action when a decision affecting the lobby’s interests is being raised, discussed or approved. This action does not allow solutions to be put forward but starts from a defensive activity, which greatly reduces the scope for action (Chari and O’Donovan 2011; Rasmussen et al. 2018; Benítez 2018).
- Direct lobbying: organised as direct relations with the members of the institutions on which the lobbies act. These actions can be dialogic (conversations, interviews and reviews) with members of the legislature to the executive; delivery of specific or general documentation; and participation in advisory or expert commissions (Castillo-Esparcia et al. 2020; Castillo-Esparcia 2011).
- Grassroots lobbying: such as communication campaigns in support of the lobby’s demands through the media, campaigns on social networks or mobilisation of people (Arceneaux 2018; Dempsey 2009).
- 8.
- Direct online citizens’ petitions;
- 9.
- Letters to government or parliamentarians;
- 10.
- Public debates;
- 11.
- Leaflets and posters;
- 12.
- Demonstrations, among other activities, in order to put pressure on politicians to listen to them;
- 13.
- The use of related organisations such as advocacy associations;
- 14.
- The use of other entities such as think tanks;
- 15.
- Blogging;
- 16.
- Cyber activists writing on social media.
1.3. Media Appearances Functions
- They show and present themselves as determined subjects with the publicity (making public) of the interpellations of their members, because the existence of the express requests of a group is the prerequisite for social sustenance and legitimacy.
- In certain situations, they can advocate the mobilisation of the public in general, and of their members, in particular, in order to propose community support for a better implementation of the demands made to the public authorities.
- They present a psychic cohesion activity on the part of all their members, which makes them participate in a common grouping. This feeling of belonging is significant in societies with a high degree of individualism.
- One of the premises when carrying out certain actions in the media is the intention to educate the recipients about the association’s issues and its problems. This is a medium- and long-term function that aims to predispose collective behaviour to an acceptance, understanding and internalisation of the group’s objectives.
- Social conflict is also reflected in the struggles between information sources to influence the communicative system. Of all the events that have taken place, only a limited number are shown, which is why each organisation tries to ensure that its proposals are echoed in the media. In addition, by socially radiating its own objectives, it manages to restrict the access (qualitative and quantitative) of other groups that may appear to be rivals.
- As soon as one manages to penetrate the editorial content of the media, one should try to ensure that the image reflected is favourable. It is not so much important to have a high success rate, but rather that the appearances are qualitatively positive.
- Presenting and promoting itself as an organisation dedicated to a specific issue allows the interlocutors (individuals and the media) to frame the association within the aforementioned issue, which subsequently helps to obtain a certain monopolisation of the competing activity. Thus, we can observe the clear examples of Greenpeace (environment) and Amnesty International (human rights), which have achieved the identification between association and defended matter.
- The previous steps have the scatology of achieving the acquiescence of the media, individuals and public authorities that legitimise the actions implemented by the group. In this way, the lobby group becomes a subject to be consulted and listened to in its field of application.
- With regard to the political system, they convey an image of public opinion that offers support to the associative demands, thus achieving a much broader force than the real one. It should be noted that appearing in the media gives the possibility of offering a public image of the group’s representativeness, but it is also a key factor in assessing the degree of social support for the group’s demands.
2. Materials and Methods
- SO1: to understand the demographic profile of lobbyists in Spain.
- SO2: to analyse the qualifications of lobbying professionals.
- SO3: to determine the job title of lobbyist and their years of experience in the field.
- SO4: to identify the techniques that are most commonly used in direct lobbying or grassroots lobbying.
3. Results
3.1. Socio-Demographic and Academic Data
3.2. Profiles of Experience and Professional Activity
4. Discussion and Conclusions
Author Contributions
Funding
Conflicts of Interest
References
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Professional Activity | Original Job | Most Recent Job | Most Recent Job (Milbraith 1963, p. 68) |
---|---|---|---|
Law (private practice) | 16 | 11 | 8 |
Business | 9 | 11 | 17 |
Government | 26 | 26 | 57 |
Journalism | 10 | 2 | 1 |
Teaching | 6 | 4 | - |
Religion | 5 | 4 | - |
Lobbying | 7 | 14 | 2 |
Arts | 9 | 14 | - |
Other | 11 | 12 | 15 |
Age Group | N. º of Lobbyists |
---|---|
20–29 | 12 |
30–39 | 72 |
40–49 | 152 |
50–59 | 106 |
+60 | 28 |
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Castillo Esparcia, A.; Moreno Cabanillas, A.; Almansa Martinez, A. Lobbyists in Spain: Professional and Academic Profiles. Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 250. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040250
Castillo Esparcia A, Moreno Cabanillas A, Almansa Martinez A. Lobbyists in Spain: Professional and Academic Profiles. Social Sciences. 2023; 12(4):250. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040250
Chicago/Turabian StyleCastillo Esparcia, Antonio, Andrea Moreno Cabanillas, and Ana Almansa Martinez. 2023. "Lobbyists in Spain: Professional and Academic Profiles" Social Sciences 12, no. 4: 250. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040250
APA StyleCastillo Esparcia, A., Moreno Cabanillas, A., & Almansa Martinez, A. (2023). Lobbyists in Spain: Professional and Academic Profiles. Social Sciences, 12(4), 250. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040250