1. Introduction
Sexual minorities frequently experience violence, discrimination, and personal rejection (
Herek 2000b), since minority genders and sexual orientations have often been associated with controversy, stigma, and confusion (
Huffaker and Kwon 2016). In order to facilitate research about anti-lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) attitudes,
Herek and McLemore (
2013) proposed the construct of sexual prejudice, which can be understood as a negative attitude toward an individual due to their belonging to a group defined by minority sexual behaviors, attractions, or orientations. Sexual prejudice is a prevalent phenomenon in our society and research into this topic has been of interest to social scientists since the 1970s (
Herek 2000b). It is a broad concept that includes homophobia, homonegativity, heterosexism, and, more recently, transphobia and biphobia (
Baiocco et al. 2018).
Despite a societal evolution toward greater acceptance of individuals with diverse sexual experiences, prejudice and discrimination against sexual minorities is still a global social problem (
Baunach 2012), given that sexual prejudice is still supported by social norms in various contexts and that social stigma still remains in many cultural institutions, including in political contexts (
Hoyt and Parry 2018). Therefore, structural sexual stigma, or heterosexism, is an ideology embedded in institutional practices that puts sexual minority groups at a disadvantage (
Herek et al. 2009).
Regarding the social and political environment, in recent decades, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) communities have been gaining increasingly relevant importance, not only by claiming their civil rights, but also in fighting against discrimination and in favor of equality (
Almeida 2010). Since the end of the 20th century, many countries have made legislative changes to enhance sexual minority protections, especially in the areas of health, employment, and housing, in addition to several major advances in family rights (
Carroll and Mendos 2017). For example, Portugal has experienced a series of significant changes over the last four decades, following the Carnation Revolution and the ratification of the democratic Portuguese Constitution of 1976, namely, the expansion of civil and social rights, especially regarding gender equality (
Lopes et al. 2016).
In Portugal, homosexuality was considered a crime until it was removed from the Portuguese penal code in 1982. Portugal’s accession to the European Union in 1986 proved to be fundamental to the promulgation of multiple pro-equality policies that were later implemented. The main legal mechanism that triggered these changes involved the introduction of a sexual orientation clause that provided explicit constitutional protections against discrimination. The implementation of these protections was subsequently followed by the introduction of a law that permitted de facto same-sex civil unions in 2001, a 2010 law allowing for same-sex marriage, and a gender identity recognition law that was passed in 2011 (
Lopes et al. 2016). In addition, laws allowing same-sex couples to adopt and jointly adopt children and permitting access to in vitro fertilization (
Costa and Salinas-Quiroz 2019), respectively, were passed in 2016. Notwithstanding, a heterosexist climate still exists in Portugal, creating contradictory social dynamics between legal regulations that stipulate equality and the discriminatory practices still common in daily life (
Carneiro and Menezes 2007).
In the most recent Portuguese legislative elections in 2019, a positive economic outlook created a space for the emergence of a greater variety of issues on the political agenda. This new space for debate encompassed not only the less positive aspects of the economic recovery and financial stabilization measures (such as low-quality public services and an increase in foreigners in the labor market), but also issues such as environmental sustainability, taxes, immigration, corruption, and the rights of sexual minorities, among others (
Fernandes and Magalhães 2020). Thus, attitudes toward sexual minority identities may have improved, as reflected by the more diverse and inclusive composition of the current Portuguese parliament, which has several members who are women of color, as well as several openly gay or lesbian deputies.
The literature shows that some important variables may influence negative attitudes toward LGB people, such as sociodemographic and psychological characteristics, like gender, as men usually display greater sexual prejudice than women (
Brown and Henriquez 2008;
Costa et al. 2014;
Costa et al. 2018). Age is another variable that may influence negative attitudes toward LGB people (
Costa et al. 2014;
Schwartz 2010), as older people tend to present higher levels of sexual prejudice when compared to younger people (
Avery et al. 2007;
Lewis 2003), which can be partially explained by the fact that social attitudes are formed at younger ages and are subsequentially resistant to change, causing older people to retain more conservative attitudes typical of past social norms (
Andersen and Fetner 2008). Sexual orientation also could affect attitudes regarding LGB people (heterosexual people typically present more negative attitudes toward LGB people) (
Costa and Davies 2012), as could religiosity (
Brown and Henriquez 2008;
Schwartz 2010) (religious individuals express more negative attitudes toward LGB individuals) (
Olson et al. 2006;
Whitley 2009). Educational attainment also might impact perceptions of LGB individuals (individuals, with lower levels of educational attainment tending to have higher levels of sexual prejudice) (
Schwartz 2010), in addition to cultural differences and ideological beliefs concerning homosexuality (
Costa et al. 2014), as well as political orientation (individuals who identified themselves as conservatives present more sexual prejudice than individuals who identify themselves as liberals) (
Barth and Parry 2009;
Haslam and Levy 2006). Therefore, all of these variables may not solely influence attitudes toward LGB people (
Poteat and Mereish 2012), but also the perception of the legitimation of their fundamental rights, including same-sex marriage and parenting (
Brumbaugh et al. 2008;
Webb and Chonody 2014;
Wood and Bartkowski 2004).
Sexual prejudice is often apparent in some political arguments against LGB rights, which are usually grounded in religious beliefs, conservative political opinions, and/or the desire to protect traditional values (
Burridge 2004;
Brewer and Wilcox 2005;
Miceli 2005;
Olson et al. 2006). Thus, public opinion plays a role in the evolution of the rights of sexual minorities, since it can influence which politicians they vote for, and this partially determines the quality of the environment in which sexual minorities live, which can simultaneously be a source of stress and rejection and support and legitimation (
Lax and Phillips 2009). Beyond this intrinsic importance, assessing the sexual prejudices of Portuguese politicians can contribute to a broader understanding of the dynamics of politics, power, social movements, public opinion, and policymaking institutions.
Hence, the present study is a pioneer in the Portuguese context, due to its novel main objective that aims to evaluate sexual prejudice levels among a Portuguese political sample. Furthermore, this study also seeks to understand the relationship among several sociodemographic variables and sexual prejudice levels.
4. Discussion
Sexual prejudice scores were significantly higher among religious participants, compared to non-religious participants. These results are in line with other studies that have found that religion represents an important predictor of negative attitudes toward LG people, and which have observed more negative attitudes toward LG people among religious individuals (
Duck and Hunsberger 1999;
Costa and Salinas-Quiroz 2019;
Herek and Capitanio 1996;
Rosik et al. 2007). In fact, highly religious people tend to express more negative reactions toward gay and bisexual individuals, for instance, by opposing policies and laws that prohibit employment discrimination against them or laws that allow for same-sex unions or marriage, among others (
Brint and Abrutyn 2010;
West 2018). In addition, those who oppose same-sex marriage often highlight the damage done to society, families, and children, resulting from the approval of marriage equality for LGBT people (
Cowan et al. 2005).
In this study, political views were divided into three categories—general, fiscal, and social. Among all three categories, the highest levels of sexual prejudice were found among those expressing right-wing political views. According to previous research, people who hold right-wing and more conservative political positions usually present higher levels of sexual prejudice (
Avery et al. 2007;
Hoyt et al. 2018;
Whitley and Lee 2000), while individuals with more liberal political ideologies typically present lower levels of sexual prejudice (
Herek 2000a,
2002;
Hoyt et al. 2018;
Schwartz 2010). This finding may be explained by the fact that right-wing political positions tend to be more frequently associated with religiousness and traditional beliefs (
Costa et al. 2014).
Correlational analysis and hierarchical multiple regression analysis confirm that modern conceptualizations of sexual prejudice in the Portuguese political context are still associated with more traditional forms of heterosexism, even though some participants were likely to express prejudice in other, subtler ways, such as keeping to heteronormative sex and gender roles. Nevertheless, the strong correlations with traditional heterosexism suggest that these factors are useful subtle indicators of attitudes toward lesbians and gay men (
Massey 2009). The opposite effect may be found regarding political engagement, since other findings support the theory that more politically engaged politicians tend to show lower perceptions of gender and sexual orientation inequalities (
Bernstein 2005).
Some limitations of this study ultimately restrict the generalizability of its findings. Sample participants were disproportionately recruited from civil parishes, in addition to being well-educated and possessing Internet and technological access. It would be useful if future studies could include more members working in higher levels of government, especially members of parliament. Furthermore, the use of complementary methodologies such as in-depth face-to-face interviews or focus groups could be useful in future research.
The researchers hope that the pioneering nature of this study in Portugal will encourage further research on this topic. In addition, this study allowed us to affirm that sexual prejudice is a reality in in the Portuguese political context, in addition to which variables are relevant when studying sexual prejudice. However, as there is no further research concerning this topic, it is pertinent that future studies be carried out to confirm or dispute this study’s findings.
Research regarding sexual prejudice is extremely important, not only in the political context itself, but also for the general public. As reported in this study, the sample of self-identified politicians displayed low levels of sexual prejudice. As these individuals have the power to make decisions, such as passing laws with direct positive or negative impacts on sexual minorities’ lives, it is extremely important to raise awareness regarding the prevalence of sexual prejudice in the Portuguese political context, so that it can be reduced or eliminated. At the same time, sharing these results may help citizens to make more informed electoral decisions, as, in many cases, sexual prejudice is subtle and invisible. This study also reinforces the need to reflect upon the implications that this phenomenon may have for sexual minorities, such as employment, rental, and general forms of discrimination, as well as the higher prevalence of mental health disorders (e.g., depression or anxiety), among other issues. Thus, when confronted with this information, individuals, whether politicians or members of the general public, have the opportunity to seek changes to expand equal rights and demand action to achieve this goal.