Prey of Pray: Allegorizing the Liturgical Practice
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Owl as a Herald of Redemption
3. The Jewish Owl
4. The Owl and King David’s Tikkun Ḥaẓot
5. Conclusions
Funding
Conflicts of Interest
References
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1 | The discussion about the symbolism of Jewish art is well rooted in twentieth-century Jewish scholarship. See, for example, (Wischnitzer-Bernstein 1935, pp. 71–89; Epstein 1997). On the symbolism of zoomorphic motifs in synagogues, see (Huberman 1979, pp. 52–65; Hubka 2003, pp. 95–103). |
2 | The present study located barely a handful of owl depictions in Hebrew medieval illuminated manuscripts. |
3 | The absence of documented owl depictions in eighteenth-century Polish synagogues might be due to the sparsity of remnants and photographs from these sites. However, it is also possible is that the owl was a unique motif in the Franconia region of the early modern period. |
4 | In Isaiah (34:11, New International Version [NIV]), three nocturnal birds are described as inhabiting deserted places and symbols of destruction: the desert owl [Hebrew: ka’at], the screech owl [kipod], and the great owl [yanshuf]. The desert owl and screech owl are also mentioned in the same context in Zephaniah 2:13–14. According to Rashi, the “kipod”, which he calls “kifofa” (translated as “great owl”), is a nocturnal bird: “Karya [little owl] and kifofa—birds that cry at night and their faces resemble those of a cat with their eyes in front” (Bavli Niddah 23a, William Davidson Edition–English [WDE–E]). The kipod and kifofa were mentioned in phrases that mark their oddness: “[…] One who sees an elephant, a monkey, or a vulture [Rashi: “Kifof”] recites: Blessed… Who makes creatures different” (Bavli Berachot 58b, WDE–E); “All types of animals are auspicious [signs] for a dream except for an elephant, a monkey and a long-tailed ape [Hebrew: “kipod”]” (Bavli Berakhot 57:2, WDE–E). These verses refer to humans or strange animals that astonish their viewers. The resemblance between the faces of nocturnal birds and human beings, especially in the shape of the jaws (Tosfot Chulin 62:2) or the cheeks (Sefer Mitzvot Gadol 59–62) is the cause of this astonishment. Tosfot (Chulin 63:1) specified three different nocturnal birds according to the phrase “Abaye says: Ba’ut among birds kifof”. Accordingly, “Ba’ut” is the barn owl [Hebrew: “Tinshemet”], while “karya” and “kifof” refer to the desert owl [Hebrew: “kos”] or the owl [Hebrew: “yanshuf”]. Medieval Hebrew sources also used several different names to describe nocturnal birds of prey. For example, in the Iggeret Ba’ale Hayyim, translated from Arabic to Hebrew by Kalonymus ben Kalonymus in the thirteenth century, there are at least two names of nocturnal raptors: the Athene [kos] and owl [yanshuf]. See (Kalonymus ben Kalonymus 1873–1874, p. 24a). In medieval Christian bestiary and aviary literature, nocturnal raptors such as the nycticorax, noctua, bubo, and ulula were discussed. See (Miyazaki 1999, p. 27). All these birds were portrayed similarly in the miniatures that accompanied the texts. |
5 | See, e.g., Abarbanel on Isaiah 32:10: “[…] the sages received that the soul of Esau was reincarnated into the soul of Jesus from Nazareth […] and perhaps it is called Jeshua [ישוע], a name that is comprised of the same letters of the name “Esau [עשיו]”. And hence, all believers of his religion and faith should have been called the sons of Edom, because Jesus is Esau and Esau is Edom […]”. |
6 | See also Shemot Raba, Vaera 9:13, and Psikta Rabbati Piska 17. |
7 | On this haggadah, see (Wengrov 1967). |
8 | For a comprehensive analysis of the paintings of human figures and narrative scenes, see (Tabori 1987). |
9 | Tabori focused on technical aspects relating to the illustrated initial words and their distribution (ibid., p. 14). |
10 | See (ibid., pp. 17–18). |
11 | The owl was not the only animal that medieval Jews identified with positive “Jewish traits” in response to its “negative Jewish traits” in Christians texts. According to Epstein, Christians identified the hare, as well as a group of other animals, including the hyena and the weasel, as animals that are involved in strange and incomprehensible sexual activity and thus symbolize sexual hypocrisy. This hypocrisy was associated with homosexuality, which was also considered immoral. Christians in the Middle Ages also suspected Jews of possessing ‘moral hypocrisy’. It was this comparison that may have led Christians to identify Jews with hares. In response, the Jewish minority not only accepted the image imposed on them but embraced it. See (Epstein 1997, p. 27). Jews could emphasize the positive aspects of the hare—an intelligent and cunning animal—that is capable of hiding from its enemies (ibid.). |
12 | |
13 | See (Hirsch 2010, p. 137). On the spread of the image of horned Moses in medieval Europe, including German lands, see (Mellinkoff 1970, pp. 69–75, Figure 80: Speculum Humanae Salvationis, Weißenau, 14th century; Kremsmünster, Stiftsbibliothek, Codex Cremifanensis 243, fol. 21v and Figure 81: Biblia Pauperum, Nördlingen, 1471; Munich, Bavarian State Library, fol. 18v). Images of Moses with two horns or two beams of light were painted by Jewish scribes and painters in early eighteenth-century illuminated manuscripts. See, e.g., Yaakov ben Yehudah Leib Shamash of Berlin, Seder Tikkun Sabbath, Hamburg, 1730; Amsterdam Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, Ros 661, fol 1r, and Yaakov ben Yehudah Leib Shamash of Berlin, Psalm Book, Hamburg, 1721; Amsterdam, Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, Ros 533, fol 1r. For more about the “Jewish” characteristics of the owl in medieval bestiaries, see (Hassig 1995, pp. 97–98). |
14 | |
15 | See (Janson 1952, p. 178). |
16 | “Second Nürnberg Haggadah”, Germany, 15th Century; London, David Sofer Collection, Nuernberg MUS 2121 (formerly). |
17 | On the iconography of this scene, see (Kogman-Appel 1993, pp. 122–24). |
18 | In Jewish tradition, the people of Israel and the Torah married on the festival of Shavuot. See, for example, Shemot Rabbah (33:7) on the verse, “Moses gave us the LORD’s instruction, the special possession […]” (Exodus 33:7). The Midrash proposes to read the word “possession”, in Hebrew “morasha”, as the Hebrew word “me’orasa”, which means “engaged”. Therefore, it interprets the verse as an engagement between the people of Israel (the bridegroom) and the Torah (the bride). |
19 | Rashi explained the phrase “If you had not plowed with my heifer” as “if you had not questioned my wife”. |
20 | In 1466, the Mentelin Bible was published in Germany for the first time. It was later reprinted thirteen times. In about 1475, the illustrated Zainer Bible was published. It was reprinted in 1477. |
21 | See (Wolff 1982, p. 591). Katrin Kogman-Appel pointed to the resemblance between animals painted by the Master of the Playing Cards and in the Yehudah and Second Nürnberg haggadot, made in the second half of the fifteenth century. Kogman-Appel suggested that these cards may have been used by the painters of these two haggadot, perhaps indirectly, as visual models. See (Kogman-Appel 1993, pp. 173–77). |
22 | The image of three small birds attacking an owl appears, for example, in a thirteenth-century English illuminated bestiary (Bestiary, England, second quarter of the thirteenth century; London, British Library, MS. Harley 4751, fol. 47r). The painter described each of the small birds in a distinct design and posture that gave them individual personalities. In contrast, the owl was depicted as a large, awkward figure with a blank gaze. A similar scene of three birds assaulting an owl was painted in Bestiary, England, 1225–50; Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Bodley 764, fol. 73v (See also Miyazaki 1999, p. 28) and in “The Queen Mary Psalter”, England, 1310–20; London, British Library, Royal MS 2 B. vii, fol. 129r. The number of birds assaulting an owl in medieval Christian art was not fixed: a scene of two birds attacking an owl can be seen in “The Queen Mary Psalter”, fol. 128v. Five birds attacking an owl were carved under a misericord in the late fourteenth century in Norwich Cathedral, Norwich, England. |
23 | In the early modern period, as in Classical antiquity, the owl could be also connected to Athena and symbolize wisdom. See (Hirsch 2010, pp. 138–39). However, this interpretation is irrelevant to the owls referred to in this article. |
24 | Gradual, Germany, Nuremberg, 1507–1510; New York, The Morgan Library, MS M.905 II, fol. 145r. |
25 | Gradual, Germany, Nuremberg, 1507–1510; New York, NY, The Morgan Library, MS M.905 I, fol. 38v. |
26 | See (Hirsch 2010, pp. 131–33, 170). The owl as representing negative features, not necessarily Jewish, was mentioned as early as in the Parables—an English fable book, published in 1219. See (Klingender 1971, pp. 363–64). |
27 | See (ibid., pp. 162–63, note 118). |
28 | See (Harrison 1998, pp. 479–81). |
29 | On Mark Catesby’s Natural History of Carolina, Florida & the Bahama Islands, which contains information about the owl’s flying abilities (the information was acquired in 1723), see (Irmscher 2011, pp. 153–56). |
30 | See (Harrison 1998, p. 467). |
31 | There is much more evidence that synagogue painters generally remained faithful to medieval visual sources. For example, they used the medieval square letter type that was typical of medieval Ashkenazic illuminated manuscripts as opposed to the shift of Hebrew manuscript illuminators to the Amsterdam letter type that was widely used in printed books in the early modern period. See (Orgad 2017, pp. 70–71). |
32 | Eliezer-Zusman was a well-known master craftsman in Franconia in the first half of the eighteenth century. He signed the paintings of the Bechhofen, Horb, and Kirchheim synagogues, all of them in the vicinity of the Unterlimpurg Synagogue. The stylistic similarities indicate that the painter of the Unterlimpurg Synagogue was part of the school of craftsmen founded by Eliezer-Zusman. He may have been an apprentice or worked under Eliezer-Zusman’s supervision before painting the Unterlimpurg Synagogue’s interior. Hence, he was probably familiar both with Eliezer-Zusman’s style and the liturgical themes he featured. See (ibid., pp. 306–07). |
33 | In synagogues in Eastern Europe, vaulted symmetrical constructions with two towers were painted on elephants’ backs, probably to resemble contemporary conventional depictions of the Jerusalem Temple. See (Orgad 2017, pp. 79–80). In the Bechhofen Synagogue, Eliezer-Zusman painted a different kind of construction representing the Temple: a multistory residence with a large gate in front—very much like the house on the elephant’s back in the Horb Synagogue. Thus, this construction apparently represents the Temple as well. See (ibid., pp. 196–97). The painter of the Unterlimpurg Synagogue probably found this design not clear or convincing enough as a depiction of the Temple and sought to rely on other visual models of a domed castle with two towers, which originated in Eastern Europe. |
34 | In the first half of the eighteenth century, human figures were often implied by depicting hands in various positions and actions. Therefore, the painter of the Unterlimpurg Synagogue could not paint human figures there, nor could he paint a crown on the owl’s head—a motif that was only used in synagogues for the Torah crown or the double-headed eagle (conspicuously, all the crowns in the 1732 Ihringen Haggadah were erased—perhaps for the same reason. See, for example, Figures 9 and 10). In depicting human figures as animals, he probably did not rely on medieval paintings in Passover haggadot in which Jews were imaged with animal heads. However, he might have followed Eliezer-Zusman’s anthropomorphized figures in the Horb Synagogue, allegedly representing some of the Jewish community leaders. See (Toeplitz 1923, p. 7). |
35 | According to a dating inscription in the Unterlimpurg Synagogue, the ornamentation was completed in the Hebrew year 5499, (1738 or 1739). See (Panter 2015, p. 83). According to various studies, the work on the interior painting of the Kirchheim Synagogue ended in the Hebrew year 5500 (1739 or 1740). See (Orgad 2017, p. 169). |
36 | Rabbi Shmuel Eliezer Halevi Idles—rabbi in Chelm and Ostroh between sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. |
37 | See (Miyazaki 1999, p. 30). |
38 | It should be noted that of all the paintings in the Unterlimpurg Synagogue, only a lion, a hare, and the owl are imaged gazing at the viewer. The first two are identified with the Jewish people: the lion might represent the tribe of Judah or Messiah ben David, and the hare might symbolize Jacob and the people of Israel; painting the owl in the same way suggests that the painter had a similar intention. |
39 | According to the documented signatures of Eliezer-Zusman, the decoration of the Bechhofen Synagogue was completed in 1732, while the interior of the Horb Synagogue was painted in 1735. See (Orgad 2017, pp. 167–69). Depiction of an owl from the Bechhofen Synagogue, which was designed similarly to the owl in Horb, was copied by Yosef Valersteiner. See (Davidovitch 1962, p. 15). |
40 | Passover Haggadah, Ihringen, 1732; Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Ms. 181/48. Similar to other early modern haggadot, the 1732 Ihringen Haggadah includes narrative scenes copied from the Amsteradam Haggadah. However, in contrast to most other early modern haggadot, some of its paintings share the medieval symbolic attitude of contemporary synagogue painting, especially in the variety of zoomorphic motifs painted outside the narrative scenes, sometimes in heraldic pairs. Moreover, this haggadah’s paintings are very similar in style and motifs to those in the synagogues of Bechhofen and Horb. Therefore, it is possible that Eliezer-Zusman—and his co-worker in the Unterlimpurg Synagogue—were familiar with the paintings in this haggadah. There is evidence of direct copying from the Ihringen Haggadah to the wall of the Unterlimpurg Synagogue without the intermediation of other synagogue paintings in Franconia in the depiction of Jerusalem: a tower appears in both the haggadah and the Unterlimpurg Synagogue (see Panter 2015, p. 86) with an identical column of bricks on its left side (Figure 9, left to the border), whereas in Horb, the same construction was painted without this element. According to the photographed documentation, this construction was not included in the depictions of Jerusalem in the Bechhofen and Kirchheim synagogues. |
41 | See (Yaniv 1999, p. 158). |
42 | See (Epstein 1997, pp. 97–112). |
43 | As in the Ihringen Haggadah, in many other Passover haggadot dating back to the late seventeenth century in German lands, such capitals were depicted in urban scenes, mostly ones in which King David is shown in his palace kneeling before God. For example, “NL Joseph Leipnik Haggadah”, Darmstadt, 1733; Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, NL Ms. Heb. 8º983, fol 14v. “Copenhagen Haggadah”, Hamburg-Altona, 1739; Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliothek, Ms. 9, fol 24. “Hayyim of Kittsee IM Haggadah”, Vienna, 1748; Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Ms. 181/53, fol 14v. |
44 | Depictions of owls with typical “Jewish” faces were common in medieval Christian art. In these cases, the owls were painted with grotesque features such as a crooked nose. See (Hirsch 2010, p. 146; Miyazaki 1999, p. 28). |
45 | Both depictions of King David in the Ihringen Haggadah are framed in round borders reminiscent of the border of the owl on the Unterlimpurg Synagogue ceiling. Similar to the owl, in both depictions, King David’s face is viewed from the front. In the first painting, David stands on a raised platform between three pillars topped by ionic capitals (Figure 9). To his left is a candle, which indicates that the whole scene takes place at night. Nighttime relates to the legend quoted in the Jerusalem Talmud: “A violin was hung against David’s windows, a north wind was blowing at night and waving it, and it was playing by itself” (Yerushalmi, Berachot 2:5). It can also be associated with the owl. |
46 | On the development in Jewish mysticism up to the first half of the eighteenth century in the context of Israel Ba’al Shem Tov’s doctrine, see (Elior 2014, pp. 545–607). On the inclusion of kabbalistic prayers in Eastern European prayer books, see (Shadmi 2011, p. 95). |
47 | |
48 | One prominent example is the study of Kabbalah in Fürth since the end of the seventeenth century. See (Haarmann 2013, pp. 43–44). |
49 | See (Shadmi 2011, pp. 101–02). |
50 | Evidence for the popularity of this prayer in Eastern Europe is its prevalence in printed prayer and kabbalistic books printed since the seventeenth century, e.g., (Nathan Neta ben Moshe Hanover 1690). See also (Huberman 1979, pp. 14–15). |
51 | See (Magid 1996, pp. XXIV–XXV). |
52 | The Shulḥan Arukh Ha’ari, printed in Frankfurt on the Main in 1691, mentioned a custom of getting up at midnight and studying Torah shortly after prayer, then returning to sleep and getting up about half an hour before sunrise for further study. This custom, which enabled even people who found it hard to stay awake all night to practice Tikkun Ḥaẓot, demonstrated the popularity of this prayer in Frankfurt at the end of the seventeenth century. See (Horowitz 1989, pp. 26–27, note 28). |
53 | See (Yosef ben Shlomo from Poznań 1678–1679), pp. 15, 17, 20. |
54 | See (ibid., p. 2). |
55 | See (ibid., p. 21). |
56 | One of the kabbalistic inscriptions on the walls of Moravian and Franconian synagogues, including the one in Unterlimpurg, was Ledavid Mizmor. The most common usage of this psalm during prayer is when returning the Torah scroll into the Torah ark, on weekdays and holidays that do not fall on Shabbat, but it is also included in the Tikkun Ḥaẓot. According to Huberman, the Tikkun Ḥaẓot prayer was included in the liturgy in southeastern Polish synagogues in the eighteenth century. See (Huberman 1979, p. 15). |
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Orgad, Z. Prey of Pray: Allegorizing the Liturgical Practice. Arts 2020, 9, 3. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9010003
Orgad Z. Prey of Pray: Allegorizing the Liturgical Practice. Arts. 2020; 9(1):3. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9010003
Chicago/Turabian StyleOrgad, Zvi. 2020. "Prey of Pray: Allegorizing the Liturgical Practice" Arts 9, no. 1: 3. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9010003
APA StyleOrgad, Z. (2020). Prey of Pray: Allegorizing the Liturgical Practice. Arts, 9(1), 3. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9010003