The Artistic and Ideological Framework of Funerary and Mourning Ceremonies for Polish Monarchs in the 16th Century: A Study on Reconstructing the Visual Aspects of Funeral Rites

Abstract

The issue of royal deaths, along with studies on the ceremonial framework, the artistic and ideological aspects of their funerals, the rituals of power succession, and the public manifestation of dynastic power, represents a significant area of research in contemporary humanities. This article explores the origins and evolution of mourning and funeral ceremonies for Polish monarchs, and subsequently, based on various sources, examines the fixed and variable elements of the funerals of Sigismund I the Old (r. 1507–1548), Sigismund II Augustus (r. 1548–1572), and Stephen Báthory (r. 1575–1586), which followed a ceremonial protocol established in 1548. Additionally, it addresses the challenges of reconstructing the visual aspects of these ceremonies, with particular attention paid to their artistic and ideological components and their connections to the funerary traditions of other European rulers.

1. Introduction

The most significant events related to the functioning of the monarchy provided opportunities for the public display of the dynasty’s power. Alongside coronations, the most elaborate ceremony was the funerals of royal family members—distinct rites de passage—where secular rituals, blending with liturgy, created a complex ideological message. These events were meticulously planned and staged spectacles of power. In Poland, the three consecutive royal funerals were organized based on a script established in 1548, which outlined three-day, elaborate funeral ceremonies. However, by the 17th century, these ceremonies were shortened to a single day, becoming the second day of a four-day coronation celebration of the subsequent ruler.

One of the first publications on funeral rituals in early modern Poland and the related artistic forms was the book by Juliusz A. Chrościcki (1974). Ewa Śnieżyńska-Stolot (1975) subsequently discussed the origins and course of funeral ceremonies at the Polish court in the 14th century, while Urszula Borkowska (1986) examined their evolution from the 14th to the 17th century. A more recent contribution to the literature is the collection of articles published in the volume entitled Śmierć, pogrzeb i upamiętnienie władców w dawnej Polsce (Śmierć 2020).

The course and artistic–ideological framework of the funerals of the last two Jagiellons and Stephen Báthory have been discussed by Julian Gołąb (1916), Marek Ferenc (1999), Wojciech Fałkowski (2009a), Piotr Józef Janowski (2015a, 2015b), and Renata Sulewska (2019). More recently, Piotr Józef Janowski (2022) also addressed the mourning ceremonies following the deaths of Sigismund I the Old and his son, which were organized outside the borders of Poland.

Much has also been written about the royal tombs, the royal burial chapels of the Jagiellons and the Vasa dynasty in the cathedral on Wawel Hill in Kraków, and, more broadly, about the necropolis of Polish rulers and national heroes located there. The history and ideological significance of the sarcophagi of Sigismund II Augustus and Stephen Báthory have been the subject of articles by Barbara Tuchołka-Włodarska (1986), as well as Katarzyna Kolendo-Korczak (2013) and Agnieszka Trzos (Kolendo-Korczak and Trzos 2018).

Although several publications address this topic, the organization, execution, and artistic–ideological framework of funeral and mourning ceremonies for Polish kings in the 16th century still require more extensive research within a broader comparative context, moving beyond the narrow focus of previous detailed studies. Furthermore, since Urszula Borkowska’s (1986) article, there has been no comprehensive analysis of this subject that incorporates new sources, reevaluates and reinterprets existing materials, reflects the current state of research, and addresses a more extensive set of research questions. As a result, a notable gap persists in the scholarly discourse.

The aim of this article is to present the origins and evolution of the funeral and mourning ceremonies of Polish kings, as well as to identify their constant and variable elements in relation to the funerals of the last two Jagiellonian rulers of Poland: Sigismund I the Old (July 26–28, 1548), his son Sigismund II Augustus (February 11–13, 1574), and Stephen Báthory (May 23–25, 1588). Additionally, this article addresses the underexplored issue of reconstructing the visual aspects of these ceremonies. Particular attention is given to their artistic and ideological framework and the likely transfer of motifs from the funeral ceremonies of other Western European monarchs. This research approach is essential due to the scarcity of iconographic materials depicting comparable celebrations held in 16th-century Poland. The discussion is grounded in a detailed analysis of manuscript and printed sources, as well as the existing scholarly literature. Complementing the article’s content is a set of related illustrative materials.

In the context of research on the broadly understood issue of royal funerals in Europe, it is worth mentioning the three-volume publication Les funérailles princières en Europe (XVIe–XVIIIe siècle) (Les funérailles 2012, 2013, 2015) and noting the existence of numerous articles discussing these events from various research perspectives (Der Tod des Mächtigen 1997; Szabó 1998; Hengerer 2007; Johannsen 2014; Schraven 2006; Schraven 2014). The aforementioned studies will also be relevant to the topics addressed in this article.

2. The Evolution of the Funeral Rituals of the Kings of Poland from the Late 14th Century to the Early 16th Century

The impetus for the development of the funeral ceremony of Polish kings was the one-day requiem for Casimir III the Great, the last ruler of the Piast dynasty, held in Kraków, the country’s capital at the time, on November 19, 1370, at the behest of Louis of Hungary, who, due to political conflicts, was delayed in attending the funeral (on November 7) of his uncle and predecessor on the Polish throne. Propaganda concerns related to the need for legitimization and the manifestation of continuity of power led to the introduction of new elements into the funeral rituals of Polish kings, modeled after the funeral of the first Anjou ruler on the Hungarian throne, Charles I Robert, father of Louis of Hungary, in 1342. Among these elements was the figure representing the deceased ruler, embodied by a knight dressed in royal attire. This figure symbolized the mortal nature of the monarch and functioned as a sacrificial figure. The Kraków ceremonies also featured other symbolic elements, such as the breaking of banners, the offering of gifts during processions to the city’s churches, and the display of banners and coats of arms of the various regions of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland (Borkowska 1986, pp. 146–48; Kucia 1999, pp. 89–98; Fałkowski 2009b, pp. 58, 61–67; Janowski 2015a, pp. 67–70).

The Grand Duke of Lithuania and King of Poland Władysław II Jagiełło died in Gródek, far from the Polish capital, making it necessary to organize the transport of his body to Kraków1. Before this took place, the deceased was dressed in royal garments and placed in a “wooden box smeared with tar and resin” along with the royal insignia (Jana Długosza 2009, p. 133). Along the route of the procession, local people gathered, and in Kraków, the mourning procession was met by the widowed queen with her sons, processions from the city’s churches, as well as representatives of guilds, religious orders, and residents of the Polish capital. On June 11, 1434, mourning services were held, after which the coffin was temporarily placed in the Church of St. Michael on Wawel Hill. A week later, after the arrival of invited guests, “the two royal sons […], mourning the death of their father, gathered […] with a large group of knights at the royal catafalque” (Jana Długosza 2009, p. 135). After offerings were placed on the altar and a sermon delivered during the mourning Mass, Władysław II Jagiełło was buried in the cathedral at Wawel.

Subsequent funerals of Polish kings also required the transportation of their bodies to Kraków. The mourning ceremonies following the death of Casimir IV Jagiellon (died June 7, 1492, Grodno) most likely also lasted three days, and based on this model, the funerals of his sons, who were also his successors on the Polish throne, King John I Albert (died June 17, 1501, Toruń) in Kraków and Alexander (died August 19, 1506, Vilnius) in Vilnius, were held (Borkowska 1986, pp. 150–52).

3. Mourning Ceremonies Following the Deaths of Polish Kings in the 16th Century

The circumstances of the death, organization, and course of the funerals of the two last Jagiellons and Stephen Báthory are detailed in the publications mentioned in the Introduction. Therefore, this section of the article will focus on identifying the constant elements of these ceremonies and their relation to similar commemorative ceremonies for other European rulers.

On April 1, 1548, King Sigismund I the Old died at the royal castle on Wawel Hill. Although more than forty years had passed since the last royal funeral in Poland, the royal court was well versed in the prevailing funeral customs. This is best evidenced by a letter from the widowed Queen Bona Sforza to one of her daughters after the death of her husband, in which she recounted that the clergy followed “the prescribed rites” and that everything “related to the burial of kings” had been properly prepared (Niemcewicz 1839, p. 52). Immediately after the king’s death, his body was prepared for public display. The deceased was dressed in coronation robes and placed on a bed of state. The inclusion of the royal insignia, as with the coronation ceremony, had symbolic significance. It emphasized the uninterrupted reign of the deceased and provided an opportunity to manifest the sovereignty of power.

A good example of the arrangement of space in which the royal body was displayed in Poland is a small oil painting on a copper plate depicting the body of Sigismund III Vasa (died April 30, 1632, Warsaw) laid out on a catafalque under a canopy in one of the rooms of the royal castle in Warsaw (Figure 1 and Figure 2).

A comparable example from Western Europe is a painting showing the deceased Archduke Albert VII of Habsburg (died July 13, 1621, Brussels), son of Emperor Maximilian II, whose body was also displayed surrounded by regalia under a canopy on a bed of state, with altars standing at the back of the room (Figure 3).

It is worth noting that in Poland, effigies—royal likenesses made from posthumous wax masks—were not created, as was customary in France. Typically, after two or three days, the body, along with specially prepared funeral insignia, was placed in the coffin. Original regalia were placed before it or on its lid. The walls of the room in which the coffin was displayed were covered with black cloth to mark mourning, altars were set up, candles were lit, and people waited for the day of the funeral (Borkowska 1986, pp. 141–42; Sabatier 2012, pp. 18–24; Janowski 2015b, p. 31).

The preparations for the funeral of Sigismund I the Old can be compared to the information about the first actions following the death of the creator of the power of the Habsburg family and a fervent advocate of Burgundian etiquette and ceremony—Emperor Maximilian I (died January 12, 1519, Wels)—who left precise instructions regarding the fate of his body after death (Weiss-Krejci 2008, p. 186). His body was displayed for three days to the public, accompanied by the sound of bells and prayers, and then it was wrapped in a cloth and ceremoniously placed in a coffin. This coffin, in the presence of court dignitaries, city representatives, clergy, and the common people, was transferred to the church of St. George in Wiener Neustadt (Schmid 1997, pp. 205–7). Considering the familial connections and close relations between the Habsburgs and the Jagiellons, it can be assumed that the Polish dynasty modeled its practices on their imperial relatives, a point that will be discussed further2.

After the death of Sigismund I the Old, no records of earlier royal or princely funerals in Poland could be found. As a result, the Bishop of Kraków, Samuel Maciejowski, wrote the Ordo pompae funebris serenissimi Sigismundi Regis Poloniae (Gołąb 1916, pp. 13–27; PAN, BK, ms 241, pp. 125–33). The final form of the funeral ceremony script likely reflected the influence of Bishop Maciejowski’s closest circle, including educated Polish humanists such as Filip Padniewski, Stanisław Hozjusz, and Jan Dantyszek. It is also possible that the bishop consulted with the French envoy who was in the city at the time, and who was likely familiar with the recent funeral ceremonies for Francis I of France (died March 31, 1547, Rambouillet) (Janowski 2015a, pp. 73–76).

The first ceremonies following the deaths of Polish rulers were significantly influenced by the location of their death and their distance from the country’s capital. King Sigismund II Augustus died on July 7, 1572, at one of his favorite hunting residences in Knyszyn, while Stephen Báthory passed away on December 12, 1586, at the castle in Grodno. In both cases, it was necessary to transport the coffins with the royal bodies to Kraków, covering a distance of about 500 km and requiring an appropriate funeral procession. The route was divided into stages, and participants in the procession were assigned specific duties, both when removing the royal coffins from each resting place and during the journey to the capital (Ceremonie 1830; Pogrzeb 1839). The arrival of the procession in each town can be compared to the ritual of the royal entry into a city (adventus regis) (French Ceremonial 2007; Śliwowska 2008). In this meticulously orchestrated public spectacle, which consisted of several elements, the king displayed his majesty one last time to his subjects. This also served to create a sense of continuity of power and legitimize the actions of state officials. These spectacles took place with lit candles, and the musical accompaniment was blended with prayers and the wailing and crying of the crowd (Janowski 2015b, p. 34).

The most ceremonial welcome of the royal body in both cases occurred in Kraków and Warsaw, where Anna Jagiellon3, accompanied by her ladies-in-waiting and dignitaries, went to meet the funeral procession. It should be emphasized that only the coffins of Sigismund II Augustus and Stephen Báthory were displayed in the collegiate church of St. John in Warsaw, because in later years, with the establishment of the representative function of the royal castle in Warsaw, the body of the monarch and the coffin were displayed in a specially prepared room within the castle (Sulewska 2019, pp. 182–83). In contrast, before the solemn entry into Kraków, the coffin was placed outside the city walls. In the case of Sigismund II Augustus’s funeral, it was placed in the summer residence of the bishops of Kraków in Prądnik, near Kraków (Przezdziecki 1868, p. 133; ZNiO, ms 9789/II, f. 13), while Stephen Báthory’s coffin was set up in one of the rooms of the recently renovated royal palace in Łobzów, designed by the Florentine architect Santi Gucci. The arrangement of this interior, with its occasional architecture, was a clear sign of mourning, and also a place for the prayers of Queen Anna Jagiellon, Swedish princess Anna Vasa of Sweden, the clergy, and courtiers (Pogrzeb 1839, pp. 328–29; Janowski 2015b, p. 35).

The Jagiellons understood perfectly that the construction of the dynasty’s power was supported by artistic commissions, including those for funerary or sepulchral purposes. Sigismund I the Old funded the construction of a chapel at Wawel Cathedral, where during his lifetime, his tomb was placed. His son, Sigismund II Augustus, began the construction of a mausoleum at the Lower Castle in Vilnius, intended for himself in the event of his death in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as well as for his two wives (Testament 1975, p. 4). It is likely that the premature death and funeral of his second wife, Barbara Radziwiłl (d. May 8, 1551), also prompted Sigismund II Augustus to attend to the artistic arrangements for his own burial. In this context, some of his commissions from the 1560s and 1570s can be interpreted.

In the years 1560–1572, Sebald Linck, the court embroiderer of the last Jagiellon, created a series of black-and-white textiles for him. Among these were, for example, woolen covers with royal coats of arms for travel wagons, velvet liturgical garments, and other textiles for decorating both sacred and secular interiors, as well as a set of fabrics for horses. More importantly, during the years 1559–1566, Sigismund II Augustus was also served by the Brussels-based tapestry maker and trade agent Roderigo Dermoyen. He came from a family with experience in weaving black-and-white heraldic tapestries. In 1539, his father Willem, with the assistance of the renowned Flemish painter Bernard van Orley, produced six heraldic tapestries in his workshop, which were later used to decorate the family chapel of the Mendozas in Valencia. A similar, though much larger, order was placed by Sigismund II Augustus with Roderigo Dermoyen. As a result, before August 9, 1566, a set of 84 black-and-white heraldic tapestries, featuring the arms of the last Jagiellon, was delivered to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and placed in the castle at Tykocin, one of the best-guarded fortresses in the Commonwealth at that time (Hennel-Brenasikowa 1996, pp. 36, 38–39; Szmydki and Janowski 2022, pp. 155–59; Szmydki 2022, pp. 63–65, 260–63).

It is certain that some of these textiles were used during the funeral ceremonies following the death of Sigismund II Augustus, as evidenced by accounts of the transport of his body, the requiem in Warsaw, and the funeral in Kraków. During these ceremonies, the coffin with the body of the last Jagiellon, displayed on a specially prepared movable platform, was covered with a black velvet cloth featuring a silver lamé cross. During the procession of Stefan Báthory’s coffin from Grodno, the same cloth was most likely used, and individuals were even designated to hold it. It can be assumed that the artistic setting was modeled after the customs at the imperial court. This is supported by the fact that when Maximilian I’s body was transported from Wels to Wiener Neustadt in 1519, the imperial coffin, placed on a bier, was covered with a black cloth featuring a white cross. A similar arrangement accompanied the transport of the coffin of Augustus, Elector of Saxony (d. February 11, 1586, Dresden) (Schmid 1997, pp. 205–6; Janowski 2015b, p. 33; Szmydki and Janowski 2022, pp. 155–59) (Figure 4).

One of the few surviving testimonies of royal Polish funerals are the tin sarcophagi. The original iconographic program of the first of these, in which the wooden coffin of Sigismund II Augustus was placed, was created by prominent humanists and scholars from the king’s inner circle, likely with the monarch’s involvement. The sides of the sarcophagus feature personifications of the five senses, depicted in a state of sleep, except for the personification of the immortal soul, which remained awake. This concept was linked to the widely discussed issue of the relationship between the soul and the body in the early 16th century (Kolendo-Korczak and Trzos 2018, p. 73). It is unclear when the coffin of Sigismund II Augustus was placed in the tin sarcophagus, but it seems that this occurred only on the day of the funeral (Figure 5).

This was undoubtedly the case during the funeral rites of King Stephen Báthory, when the coffin was placed in the tin sarcophagus at the royal palace in Łobzów near Kraków, before the funeral procession set out to the cathedral at Wawel Hill. The aforementioned sarcophagus was created after the king’s death in 1587 by Daniel Gieseler I in Gdańsk. On the sides of the sarcophagus, personifications of the cardinal virtues were depicted, paired with their opposites shown as historical figures. The figural scenes were separated by depictions of ancient and biblical heroes, serving as models of virtue. On the lid of the coffin, an inscription was placed, praising the king’s military achievements as well as his diplomatic talents (Kolendo-Korczak 2013, pp. 644, 662, 667–68). The sarcophagus was undoubtedly displayed during the funeral procession, and although it was covered with black fabric, its presence did not go unnoticed by contemporary observers (Kurze 1588; Kronika 1930, pp. 60–64) (Figure 6).

4. The Funerals of the Last Two Jagiellons in 1548 and 1574, and of Stephen Báthory in 1588

The actual funeral ceremonies for the last two Jagiellons and Stephen Báthory began with the transfer of the coffin containing the monarch’s body to the Wawel Cathedral. Since the successors of Sigismund I the Old and Stephen Báthory participated in their burials, the ceremonies were preceded by audiences in which they received foreign princes and envoys, who then accompanied them on the procession from the Wawel Castle to the Church of St. Florian in the nearby Kleparz district, where the funeral participants gathered. There, the royal coffins (those of Sigismund II Augustus and Stephen Báthory) were brought, and the funeral procession was finally formed. Leading the procession was a cross, followed by students, scholars, monks, and the poor dressed in black cloaks carrying candles. Next, the banners of the respective regions were carried according to their seniority, with the Lithuanian and Polish banners brought at the end. Horses were also led, draped in multicolored capes that reached the ground, with coats of arms or the deceased’s emblem or monogram attached to them (Martiale 1574; Kurze 1588). The last horse was always dressed in black. The procession also included bier covered with multicolored materials, the final one being black velvet. A figure symbolizing one of the monarch’s roles, that of the military commander, rode a horse clad in royal armor. Following them was another figure dressed in royal robes, representing the immortal majesty of the monarchy. The procession also included musicians, courtiers gathered around the coffin, armed attendants, and other dignitaries. Directly in front of the coffin, the royal insignia were carried. Behind the coffin, foreign princes followed, accompanying the deceased monarch’s immediate family. The queen’s ladies-in-waiting, envoys, senators, nobility, townspeople, and crowds of people also participated in the ceremony. Upon arriving at the Wawel Cathedral, the clergy, led by the primate, prayed for the soul of the deceased monarch, after which the coffin was placed in the tomb crypt.

The lack of iconography for the funerals of Polish kings in the 16th century necessitates that the reconstruction of the artistic setting of these ceremonies relies solely on written sources and analogies. A useful point of reference for the appearance of Polish ceremonies can be found in the iconography of the funeral observances for Charles V in Brussels in 1558 (La Magnifique 1559; Schrader 1998, pp. 69–94; Aurnhammer and Däuble 1980/1981, pp. 116–25), and to some extent, those held a year later in Augsburg (ÖNB, cod. 7566). The depiction of banners, horses in capes, and accompanying figures (Figure 7) seems to align with the artistic features described in written sources concerning the funerals of Polish kings. Similarities also include the participation of musicians in the procession, the display of regalia (Figure 8), and the portrayal of a figure representing the deceased monarch (Figure 9). The appearance of the funeral procession, particularly the biers carrying the coffin, is reflected in illustrations related to the funeral of Emperor Ferdinand I Habsburg (d. 25 July 1564, Vienna) (Hannewald 1566) or King Frederick II of Denmark and Norway (d. 4 April 1588, Antvorskov Castle) (Figure 10). Meanwhile, Dresden engravings produced after the death of Augustus, Elector of Saxony reveal the beginning of the funeral procession, including an armored knight on horseback, as well as the widowed Agnes Hedwig of Anhalt and her retinue (Bretschneider 1586).

On the second day of the funeral ceremonies in Kraków, a procession departed from Wawel Hill in the same composition and order as the previous day, proceeding to six city churches dedicated to All Saints, St. Francis, St. Anne, St. Stephen, the Virgin Mary, and the Holy Trinity. The procession carried biers draped with black fabric, the same ones that had borne the royal coffin the day before. Only the most prominent participants of the ceremony entered each church, where they were tasked with making a triple offering during the Mass (at Kyrie Eleison, Offertory, and Agnus Dei).

The following day, as previously described, mourners gathered on Wawel Hill from all directions. Only the most prominent participants of the funeral were permitted to enter the cathedral. During the Mass, sermons were delivered, followed by the final, primarily secular act of the mourning spectacle, symbolizing the transfer and continuity of power. A knight in armor (referred to in Polish sources as a kiryśnik) entered the church on horseback, bearing the royal standard. He then ceremonially handed over his armor (helmet, shield, sword, and standard) through the senators to the new king and predesignated princes. Simultaneously, the regalia were removed from the bier and placed before the altar. The knight then rode to the main altar, dismounted, and fell to the ground. Following this, the helmet, shield, and sword were ceremonially broken, and the standard’s staff was snapped in half, symbolizing the definitive end of the deceased king’s military service. A dignitary then raised the broken standard and presented it to the new king4. Marshals broke their staves and seals, including the seal of the late monarch. The return of the mourners to the royal castle also carried a solemn and ceremonial character.

The prevailing scholarly view is that the secular ceremonies on the third day of the funeral rites began with the intonation of the Pater Noster (Gołąb 1916, pp. 37–38). This claim is supported by the funeral script prepared by Bishop Maciejowski, which indeed stipulated such an order of proceedings. However, a comparison of the funeral program from 1548 with contemporary and later accounts suggests that all secular ceremonies actually took place after the Mass. This sequence was observed during the funerals of Sigismund II Augustus and Stephen Báthory (La pompa 1574; Martiale 1574; Kurze 1588). Determining the precise nature of these ceremonies during the burial of Sigismund I the Old remains challenging. While Latin and German accounts confirm adherence to Bishop Maciejowski’s script (Ruiz de Moros 1548; Franconius 1548), another description of these events offers a different perspective (Gołąb 1916, pp. 27–40; MNK, Bibl. Czart., TN 66, pp. 205–11). This latter source is particularly valuable as it not only recounts the funeral rites but also details events before and after the main ceremonies. The level of detail lends credence to the assumption that the author was present at the events they described. According to this account, the retrieval of the regalia from the bier, the breaking of the knightly armor, and the shattering of the lance occurred only after the Mass. Notably, there is no mention of the ceremonial entry into the cathedral or the fall of the knight (referred to as kiryśnik, as mentioned above) before the altar. Both this 1548 account and subsequent descriptions of Polish royal funerals indicate that after the regalia were removed from the bier, they were not placed on the altar, as previously assumed, but rather displayed in its vicinity (MNK, Bibl. Czart., TN 66, pp. 209–10).

Reconstructing the arrangement of the Wawel Cathedral and Kraków churches during royal funerals proves far more challenging than determining the sequence of funeral rites. It is certain that sacred spaces, including walls, floors, and choir stalls, were adorned with black drapery. If the new monarch participated in the ceremonies, their throne and the canopy above it were also covered in black. On the first day of the funeral rites, the royal coffin was always placed in the main nave of the cathedral, in front of the tomb of St. Stanislaus, bishop, martyr, and patron saint of Poland. By the afternoon of the second day, the cathedral was prepared, like a theatrical stage, for the final act of the drama. The main altar was covered with black velvet adorned with a silver or gold cross, and coats of arms were hung on the walls of the church. In 1548, the bier bearing the royal regalia was placed on a platform covered with black cloth. This structure was illuminated by burning candles (Gołąb 1916, p. 37; MNK, Bibl. Czart., TN 66, p. 208).

5. Funeral Ceremonies for the Last Two Jagiellonians Held Outside Poland

It is also worth mentioning the funeral ceremonies commemorating the last two Jagiellonians, which were held outside the borders of Poland. In 1548, a solemn requiem for Sigismund I the Old was organized in the cathedral in Augsburg. The ceremony was attended by Emperor Charles V, his brother Ferdinand, and princes of the Holy Roman Empire, along with Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, who were present at the imperial diet (Reichstag) at that time. The organizers ensured a fitting artistic and ideological setting for the event. A wooden structure, draped in black satin (castrum doloris), was erected in the Augsburg cathedral. This structure tapered towards the top and was adorned with candles. On its sides were inscriptions praising the deceased Jagiellonian, penned by Georg von Logau, a prominent poet and humanist associated with the imperial court. Underneath this structure, the royal regalia were displayed on biers. The floor and walls of the presbytery were covered with black fabric, and the coats of arms of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were hung. The main altar was draped with black velvet adorned with a large silver lamé cross and four coats of arms, likely Jagiellonian in origin.

Outside the borders of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the memory of Sigismund II Augustus was also honored, this time in Italy. At the end of September 1572, Pope Gregory XIII held a Mass for the soul of the last Jagiellonian at the church of Santa Maria in Aracoeli in Rome. Subsequently, on October 6, 1572, funeral ceremonies were organized at the church of Sant’Anna dei Lombardi (Monteoliveto) in Naples. The walls of the church were draped in black fabrics, its interior illuminated by candles, and a catafalque was placed in the center, displaying the royal regalia, a depiction of the white eagle, and the coats of arms of Polish lands. This funeral decoration was reportedly designed by sculptor and medalist Leone Leoni (d. 1590), who had previously worked for Pope Paul III, Emperor Charles V, and other members of the Habsburg dynasty. Among Leoni’s many notable works is the monumental tomb of the Medici brothers in Milan Cathedral, commissioned by their brother, Pope Pius IV.

The climax of the Italian commemorations was the November requiem held in the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Damaso in Rome. The walls of the church were adorned with fabrics featuring depictions of skeletons, while coats of arms and burning candles were placed above the cornice. At the center of the church stood an elaborate castrum doloris, considered the first of its kind in the Eternal City. Its likely inspiration was the three-tiered, nearly seventeen-meter-high castrum doloris erected in the Church of San Lorenzo in Florence following the death of Michelangelo (died February 18, 1564). The Roman castrum doloris commemorating the last Jagiellonian consisted of a canopy supported by twelve Tuscan columns and a stepped pyramid. At the front balustrade were sculptures symbolizing the virtues of the deceased: allegories of Faith and Justice, with a central figure of an armed knight on horseback holding a raised sword, representing the Polish king. Four smaller stepped pyramids rose above the outer pedestals. The peaks of the two front pyramids were crowned by eagles with outstretched wings, crowns, and talons gripping globes, while the largest eagle stood atop the central pyramid, adorned with candles. Under the canopy was a symbolic grave covered with richly patterned fabric and the insignia of royal authority: a crown, orb, scepter, and sword (Figure 11).

The organizer of the aforementioned ceremonies was the Cardinal Protector of the Commonwealth, Alessandro Farnese, supported by the Poles residing in the Eternal City, led by Cardinal Stanisław Hozjusz. These mourning rites served as an opportunity to manifest the power of the dynasty and to pursue active international diplomacy (Janowski 2022, pp. 373–81).

6. Conclusions

Funeral ceremonies organized in the 16th century following the deaths of Polish kings drew heavily on European motifs while integrating native traditions that dated back to the medieval period. A significant milestone in their evolution was the establishment in 1548 of the funeral script for King Sigismund I the Old, which subsequently served as a template for the only two three-day royal funerals held for his successors. The mourning rituals conducted between 1548 and 1588 following the deaths of Polish kings featured both fixed elements (e.g., the public display of the monarch’s body and the coffin, three days of funeral ceremonies in Kraków) and variable elements (the transportation of the king’s coffin from the place of death to Kraków). The artistic and ideological framework of these ceremonies was heavily influenced by the customs of the Habsburg court, which were widely adopted by other European rulers at the time. Despite the lack of iconographic depictions of 16th-century Polish royal funerals, a meticulous analysis of diverse written sources allows for the identification of comparable materials, such as illustrations created in connection with the mourning ceremonies for Charles V in Brussels in 1558 or Augustus, Elector of Saxony in 1586, among others.

The rise in the Jagiellonian dynasty’s power, coinciding with the triumph of Renaissance humanism, and the aspirations of the dynasty’s last two representatives were reflected in the execution and artistic–ideological design of their funeral ceremonies. Likely in anticipation of his own funeral, Sigismund II Augustus commissioned in Brussels a set of high-quality black-and-white tapestries and instructed his court embroiderer to produce numerous black-and-white textiles. These textiles were almost certainly used during the funerals of both their owner and Stephen Báthory. Moreover, owing to their prominent international status, the last two Jagiellonian kings were honored with grand exequies held in cities such as Augsburg and Rome. The castrum doloris erected in 1572 to commemorate Sigismund II Augustus in Rome’s Basilica of San Lorenzo in Damaso is regarded as the first of its kind in the Eternal City. This structure served as inspiration for the Portuguese six years later during the exequies for King Sebastian I in the Church of the Gesù in Rome.