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Article

Identification of Sexual Behaviour of Feminist Men Who Have Sex with Woman in Indonesia

by
Cennikon Pakpahan
1,2,*,
Christian Melka Parmanto
1,
Bella Amanda
1,2,
An Nguyen
3 and
Andri Rezano
4
1
Andrology Study Program, Faculty of Medicine, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya 60115, Indonesia
2
Department of Biomedical Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya 60115, Indonesia
3
School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Melbourne 3800, Australia
4
Department of Biomedical Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, Universitas Padjadjaran, Sumedang 45363, Indonesia
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Societies 2025, 15(3), 64; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15030064
Submission received: 10 November 2024 / Revised: 20 February 2025 / Accepted: 28 February 2025 / Published: 6 March 2025
Versions Notes

Abstract

As a patriarchal country with dominant religious and cultural values, it is not easy to accept feminism in Indonesia. However, the idea has been growing and gaining acceptance in Indonesia for the past couple of years, influenced by media and technology. Feminism is not only embraced by women but also by men, which may affect men’s sexual behaviour with their partners. Therefore, we conducted a cross-sectional study with an online data survey by distributing questionnaires involving 335 participants. Our pilot study reported the sexual behaviours of (heterosexual feminist) in Indonesia compared to (non-feminist) men. Despite some indifferent behaviour, feminist men tend to ensure the satisfaction of their female partners as a form of respect for their partners. Some sexual behaviours that were significantly different between heterosexual feminist and non-feminist men always began with foreplay duration of foreplay (average) asking for the position (p = 0.001), and asking if the partner was satisfied or not. This study implies that heterosexual feminist men exhibit tremendous respect toward women and can contribute to more equitable and fulfilling relationships, fostering mutual respect and more profound emotional connection.

1. Introduction

In the contemporary era, the concept of feminism lacks a universally agreed-upon and unambiguous definition [1]. Instead, there exists a multitude of definitions of feminism, varying among feminists based on their ideas, historical context, and cultural background [1]. However, a shared principle across all interpretations is the pursuit of gender equality. Feminism is understood as a socio-political movement and ideology centred on women, advocating for gender equality in terms of societal opportunities and limited resources [2]. It is defined as the mobilization aimed at contesting and transforming the subordinate status of women to men [3].
Historically, feminism has opposed conventional notions of masculinity. Which often prioritize self-reliance, interpersonal control, and oppose gender equality and feminism itself [4]. Traditional sexual scripts tend to overvalue man’s pleasure over women’s pleasure. However, modern theory advocates for a redefinition of male sexuality, emphasizing balanced androgyny and challenging historical gender norms [5]. Despite this, research suggests that many men, particularly from middle- to upper-class backgrounds, may publicly advocate for gender equality while contradicting these beliefs in private romantic relationships [6]. This raises questions about the authenticity of men’s acceptance of feminist identities.
Identifying oneself as a feminist signifies an individual’s deliberate decision to match their goals and perspectives with the principles of feminism, which can be widely understood as a social movement aimed at eradicating sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression [7]. There is increasing emphasis on exploring male feminist identities and perspectives, driven by the potential consequences of men’s participation in the feminist movement. Men’s support and claim towards feminism have been stigmatized as less masculine and more likely to be gay, thereby destructing the performance of masculinity [8,9]. However, incorporating men into the movement is seen as enhancing collective action within feminism and challenging harmful gender norms. Interestingly, scholarship on feminist men often examines their sexual behaviour towards their partners, particularly those who identify as feminists but have sex with women [10]. Studies suggest that feminist men engage in sexual activities that prioritize women’s pleasure, such as oral sex and breast caresses, more frequently than non-feminist men, but this does not mean that feminist men do not participate in intra-vaginal intercourse [11,12]. This implies that feminist men prioritize their partners’ enjoyment over their own.
Such as in numerous Asian nations, feminism in Indonesia has experienced fluctuations in line with political regimens and global feminist ideologies, with the emergence of Islamic feminism gaining performance amid an Islamic resurgence in the country [1]. Despite this, research specifically focused on heterosexual feminist behaviour in Indonesia remains limited. In this context, our pilot online survey aims to explore the sexual behaviour of heterosexual feminist men in Indonesia and their attitude towards relationships with women. The purpose of this study is to investigate if private sexual behaviour between men and women is linked to the affirmation of feminist identity. In particular, we examined whether men who identify as feminists engage in more sexual activity than men who do not. By shedding light on these dynamics, we hope to contribute to a better understanding of feminist activism and gender relations in Indonesian society.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Procedure and Data Collection

This cross-sectional study used online data surveys by distributing questionnaires. The inclusion criteria for this study were men over 18 years of age, married or unmarried but having a regular sexual partner, and men in relationships who are attracted to and have sex with women. The sample size was chosen randomly on social media. Every participant received an explanation of the research (especially the definition of feminist men) and then gave their consent first by clicking “agree” before answering the questions. This research has been approved by the Faculty of Medicine Universitas Airlangga ethics committee with number 193/EC/KEPK/FKUA/2022.

2.2. Questionnaire Content

We designed our online survey in a format that explained the objective of the research, adapted and modified from previous research conducted Stick and Fetner (2021). Stick and Fetner adopted these survey questions from the full version of the National Survey of Sexual Health and Behavior Version 2016 (developed at Indiana University’s Center for Health Promotion) which includes not only sexual questions but also political and social attitudes [13]. Stick and Fetner’s version was further modified to be used as survey questions in this study such as removing minority status and adding closed questions such as post-coital habits and pornography.
Each question in this study was discussed in advance by the researcher including the grammar so as not to cause misunderstanding in interpreting the content of the question. The independent variable of this study is feminist identity. To get this identity, we only asked whether respondents believed they were feminists. The respondents received an explanation of the definition of feminism prior to taking the survey. So, it was easy for them to identify themselves if they were feminists. The results of this question were “Yes”, “Not feminist”, and “Not Sure”.
The dependent variables examined in this study included research demographic characteristics such as age, education, relationship status, religion, relationship duration, number of children, and income per month. Subsequently, we asked them a few questions about their sexual behaviour in the past few months (about 1–3 months), consisting of frequency of sexual intercourse, duration, foreplay activities, intercourse positions, oral sex activities, orgasm, masturbation, and also watching porn habits (Table 1).

2.3. Procedure

Participants were recruited through the distribution of questionnaire links on social media during the period January to July 2023. The minimal number of participants in this study was at least 320 which was estimated based on research conducted by Stick and Fetner (2021) [12]. Even if it was 320 participants, it could not be generalized for all men in Indonesia.
In the data collection process, there was no use of control questions because the study was a survey of men without prior knowledge of whether they were feminists or not. Anonymity was guaranteed, so we did not collect complete personal identity data such as legal name, date of birth, and address during data collection. We only recorded the answers to survey questions. All questions had options, so participants could only answer according to the available options. Every question had to be answered because participants were not able to move to the next question. We excluded incomplete data.
The questionnaire or survey results were then extracted and processed using the GraphPad Prism (version 10.4.3.1) application. The analysis used in this study was the Chi-Square test, with the results declared significant if the p-value was <0.05.

3. Results

3.1. Social Demographics

Table 2 shows the demographic identification of the respondents who completed the questionnaire. We compared the demographic data between men who claimed to be feminists, those who were unsure, and those who were not feminists. Only 22.98% claimed to be feminists, and 19.42% were unsure about labelling themselves feminists. Of the 335 completed samples, 75.82% were in young adulthood, and men who claimed to be feminists were most prevalent in this age range. However, there was no significant difference in age between ideological groups.
In term of marital status, only 17.91% were men with a regular sexual partner but were not married at the time of data collection. Feminist men tended to be more common in this group. The average respondent had been in a relationship for 1–10 years, and 61.04% did not have children. Among them, 38.96% of feminist men had been in a relationship for 1–10 years, and 54.55% had children. There was no significant difference regarding religion/belief, income level or education, with 85.07% of respondents being undergraduates.

3.2. Sexual Behaviours of Participants

Table 3 provides information in detail about the sexual behaviour between groups. Overall, in several significant variables were found between male ideological groups using Chi-square analysis (X2). Sexual intercourse that always began with foreplay significantly differed between groups (p = 0.002)—of men who identify as feminist, 90.91% stated that sexual intercourse always starts with foreplay. The duration of foreplay was also significantly different between groups (p = 0.024), with feminist men reporting that none of them had sex without foreplay. In contrast to non-feminist men, there were still 1.05% who did not perform foreplay. The average duration of foreplay for feminist men was in the range of 10–20 min. However, no significant results were found for the type of foreplay performed between the respondent groups.
Another significant variable was the tendency to ask for position during intercourse (p = 0.001), where 66.23% of feminist men always asked for position during intercourse, and only 8% did not ask. Face-to-face position seemed to be the most preferred position, although there was no significant difference between groups. Other sexual activities, such as oral sex, were insignificant between groups. In total, 45.46% of feminist men practiced cunnilingus more than the other groups.
There was no significant difference in the length of sexual intercourse between groups, including whether or not the partner orgasmed. Interestingly, ensuring that the partner is satisfied with sexual activity significantly differed between groups (p = 0.049), as 64.94% of feminist men always ask about their partner’s satisfaction after intercourse, more than other groups. For post-sexual activities, there was no significant difference between groups, as the habit of saying thank you after intercourse was also not significantly different. However, feminist men seemed to tend to say thank you more compared to other groups at 58.44%.
Other sexual behaviours, such as masturbation, had no significant difference between groups, with only 32.47% of feminist men and 24.74% of non-feminist men still had the habit of masturbation. Then, there was no significant difference in the habit of watching porn movies, with 42.86% and 41.05% for feminist men and non-feminist men, respectively. Of the feminist men who admitted to watching porn, 0% did not want group sex and threesome porn video themes. As many as 50% of feminist men who watched porn videos tended to watch porn films without a particular theme, and 37.5% liked porn films with romantic storylines.

4. Discussion

Research on feminist identity in men is of growing interest, as it signifies a rejection of traditional masculinities that perpetuate gender inequality. An intriguing aspect is whether feminist men extend their contributions beyond political or social spheres to interactions with women, including intimate encounters [14]. In private interactions, men prioritize women’s pleasure, considering that conventional sexual dynamics often favour male dominance [12]. Additionally, seeking satisfaction for women can sometimes be stigmatized, leading to negative perceptions of female sexuality [15]. In contrast, feminist ideology empowers women to assert control over their bodies and desires, emphasizing mutual satisfaction in sexual relations [15]. It may shed light on how feminism influences their behaviour and attitudes toward women in private settings, challenging traditional gender norms and promoting mutual respect and equality in sexual encounters.
Indonesia, the largest Muslim country in the world, boasts a rich tapestry of approximately 1000 cultures. However, its cultural landscape often emphasizes patriarchal norms, relegating women to subordinate roles as caregivers and nurturers of children at home [16]. The intersection of dominant religious and patriarchal values makes the feminist movement particularly unique in Indonesia, where it has roots dating back to the Dutch colonial era. Over time, men’s involvement in feminism has become more fluid, spurred by the dissemination of information through social media [16,17]. Despite the absence of precise records, it is evident that a significant portion of Indonesian men identify with feminist ideals, albeit not always explicitly. Our study found that 22.98% men identified as feminist, a figure in line with previous report by Stick and Fetner (2021). Notably, 58.44% of these feminist men are Muslim, highlighting the influential role of religious factors in shaping attitudes and behaviours, especially regarding the acceptance of ideologies like feminism, which may challenge patriarchal norms upheld by Abrahamic religions.
As we delved deeper into demographics, we found no significant relationship between age group, education level, income, and gender ideological identity. This contrasts with findings from previous studies, which suggested that feminist men tend to have higher levels of education [12]. Similarly, while previous literature indicated that younger age groups are more likely to promote feminist ideologies compared to older age groups, our study did not find a significant difference in these variables.
Furthermore, relationship status, length of relationship, and number of children did not differ significantly between ideological groups. While previous reports suggested that feminists are more likely to be child-free or childless [18], our study did not find significant disparities in this regard. However, it is essential to note that some participants in our study may have had relationships or marriages of less than one year, potentially skewing the results regarding childlessness. Moreover, this study did not assess contraceptive use, which is closely linked to feminism and women’s autonomy over their bodies [19]. Failure to have offspring may lead to men being labelled as demasculinized, highlighting the complex interplay between masculinity norms and reproductive choices [20].
Feminist ideology aims to combat the objectification of women by advocating for their empowerment and equal treatment in society, such as lowering their romantic expectations and enjoying casual sex as much as men [21]. This perspective characterizes feminism as supportive of sexual rights, including the realm of sexual intimacy. Consequently, it is widely assumed in literature and scholarship that the sexual behaviour of feminists differs significantly from that of non-feminism [14].
In our study, we found several significant differences in sexual behaviours between gender ideology groups. Notably, behaviours related to sexual communication within couples, such as initiating foreplay (p = 0.002), duration of foreplay (p = 0.024), discussing desired position (p = 0.001), and prioritizing partner satisfaction (p = 0.049), were more common among men who identified as feminists.
Regarding sexual fantasies, previous literature has suggested that women’s fantasies tend to be more passive and focused on affection and romance than men’s fantasies [22]. However, our results indicate that feminist men may make more effort to understand and fulfil their partners’ fantasies, as evidenced by their communication about desired positions and foreplay initiation. Foreplay, as an initiation before penetration, can play a crucial role in realizing couples’ fantasies or expectations [22]
Interestingly, the frequency of oral sex did not differ significantly between groups in this study, however, Fetner, 2022, suggested that feminist men may engage in oral sex more often than non-feminists [14]. However, it is essential to consider that beliefs about oral sex are influenced by factors such as religion and cultural norms [20]. In a conservative country like Indonesia, respondent belief and cultural influences likely play a significant role in shaping their sexual practices, despite their identification as feminists. Additionally, activities like fellatio can be viewed through the lens of gender dynamics, potentially perpetuating stereotypes and power imbalances within sexual relationships [23]
Our study found that the most frequently performed sexual position did not significantly differ between groups. This parameter, which may implicitly reflect preferences, showed no variation in gender ideologies. While current literature suggests a preference for face-to-face positions during intercourse [22,24], the correlation between these positions and gender ideology remains uncertain. Importantly, our study found no evidence of sexual behaviours leading to violence or trauma among feminist men.
Sexuality in Indonesia is generally assumed to be conservative [25]. Masturbation and sexual empowerment, closely linked to the feminist movement, are seen as ways for women to gain confidence and enhance their sexual experiences [26]. However, the acceptability of male masturbation in Indonesian culture is less clear. Some may view it as disrespectful or dehumanizing to one’s partner, although our study found no significant difference in male masturbation behaviour between groups. It appears that cultural and religious influences heavily shape men’s behaviour in Indonesia, regardless of their adherence to gender ideology.
Pornography remains a contentious topic among feminist scholars, with concerns about its portrayal of women and its potential for disrespecting women [23]. However, there is evidence that women who consume pornography report positive effects on their sex life and attitudes towards sex [27]. Nevertheless, the acceptability of pornography consumption by men or their partners remains ambiguous. Our study found no significant differences in porn-viewing habits between groups, suggesting that cultural and religious factors may influence these behaviours. Indonesia’s conservative, Muslem-majority society, coupled with strict anti-pornography laws, adds complexity to the issue [28].
In exploring porn-viewing habits, we found differences in preferences among groups. Notably, feminist men showed lower engagement with themes such as group sex and MILF, which are often associated with objectification and availability of women [23]. Feminist ideology tends to encourage porn viewing habits because of the sexual empowerment and freedom it offers. These findings suggest that feminist ideology may influence attitudes towards certain types of pornography.
The positive findings of our study in aspects such as initiating foreplay and ensuring that the partner is satisfied during sexual intercourse indicate that feminist men have an attitude that leads to respecting their partner’s needs and emotions. This implies that the feminist view of respecting women’s rights, especially in sexual activity, is worth fighting for. We believe that the implications of this positive finding can be one of the arguments in the feminist movement. Although the feminist movement tends to be more associated with the actions of politics, economics, culture, thought, cognition, ideas, and ethics [29], the feminist movement also involves equality in the family and includes the opportunity for a female partner to gain rights and satisfaction in sexual interactions.
The involvement of men in the feminist movement, along with embedding a feminist identity in men, opens up many advantages to women. Salceda et al. (2020) argue that one of the products of gender roles in society is violence against women [30]. Violence against women and sexual harassment against women often occur due to men’s lack of respect for women and making women mere sexual objects or just the second sex. Men must know that women have authority over their bodies [31]. Sexual intercourse should also respect women’s bodies. What men do in sexual activity should still consider women’s pleasure and damage to women. Thus, embracing a feminist identity and engaging in the feminist movement can be beneficial in preventing and reducing the likelihood of sexual violence in sexual interactions in society. Through the feminist movement, men can support and increase women’s social solidarity [9].
We recognize that self-perceived data can introduce certain biases which is that this pilot study was limited by its reliance on quantitative data without input from respondent partners. The challenge in research with the theme of gender equity and sexual behaviour in Asian countries such as Indonesia is still very taboo, so this causes difficulties in collecting respondents. The authors had to communicate the research objectives to the respondents in detail to obtain their willingness to participate; therefore, we realize this affects involving participants in this study. Research with similar themes before plunging into the population is accompanied by massive education first so that the perspective of the target respondent is open and makes it easier to conduct the survey.
In addition, collecting survey results like this is prone to many biases and affects the validity of the research. In this study, we tried to minimize the existing bias, starting with filling out the survey only once by the respondent, and incomplete data were excluded. However, it is still considered that the minimum number of respondents counted was still met.
The survey questions may be one of the weaknesses of this study, as the questionnaire we used was adapted from previous research with similar themes. However, these questions should be adapted to the population’s culture and level of understanding. This is a concern for conducting similar studies in the future.
Additionally, qualitative analysis allows for a deeper understanding of the context and provides valuable insight that quantitative data might not uncover. We propose mixed-method analysis in future research, and it will be helpful to capture more interesting points regarding this topic. In addition, Indonesia with its ethnic/cultural diversity has many different views on sex and gender. This is indeed one of the concerns of future studies to provide broad understanding about this movement and its impacts in society.

5. Conclusions

This pilot study sheds light on the sexual behaviour of men who identify as feminists in Indonesia, a country with conservative culture and religious influence. The significant findings prove that feminist men are more respectful and value women as more than just sex partners. While this study provides valuable insights, it is limited by its reliance on quantitative data without input from respondent partners. Future research could benefit from a qualitative approach to better understand the perspectives of feminist men and their partners on sexual behaviours. Such insight could enrich our understanding of the sexual revolution’s impact beyond political and economic policies.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, C.P. and B.A.; methodology, C.P.; software, C.P.; validation, C.P., B.A., A.N. and C.M.P.; formal analysis, C.P.; investigation, C.P., B.A., C.M.P. and A.R.; resources, C.P.; data curation, C.P., B.A., C.M.P. and A.R.; writing—original draft preparation, C.P., A.R., A.N. and C.M.P.; writing—review and editing, C.P., A.R. and A.N.,visualization, C.P.; supervision, C.P.; project administration, B.A. and C.P.; funding acquisition, C.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Institutional Review Board (or Ethics Committee) Faculty of Medicine Universitas Airlangga ethics committee with number 193/EC/KEPK/FKUA/2022 (approval date: 3 October 2022).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in this study are included in the article. Further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors confirm that there are no conflicts of interest associated with the publication of this paper.

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Table 1. List of questions regarding recent sexual Behaviour.
Table 1. List of questions regarding recent sexual Behaviour.
List of Questions Regarding Recent Sexual Behaviour
1.
What is the frequency of sexual intercourse per week? (Average)
2.
Does intercourse always begin with foreplay?
3.
How long is the duration of foreplay? (Average)
4.
What is the most frequent or favourite type of foreplay?
5.
Do you ask your partner for the position before intercourse?
6.
Do you ask your partner for role play before intercourse?
7.
What is the most frequent/or your favourite sexual intercourse position?
8.
Do you perform fellatio?
9.
Do you perform cunnilingus?
10.
Do you always make the partner orgasm?
11.
How long is the duration of sexual intercourse (from foreplay to orgasm) (average)
12.
What is the most frequent activity after sex?
13.
Do you make sure your partner is satisfied or not?
14.
Do you say thank you to your partner after intercourse?
15.
Are you still performing masturbation?
16.
Do you still watch porn?
17.
For respondents who watch porn, what type or theme of the porn that you like?
Table 2. Social demographics and characteristics of participants.
Table 2. Social demographics and characteristics of participants.
Total/OverallFeministUnsureNot FeministX2
Feminist
Yes77 (22.98%)
Unsure68 (19.42%)
No190 (57.6%)
Age
18–34 years old254 (75.82%)56 (72.73%)51 (75%)147 (77.37%)0.785
35–44 years old64 (19.10%)16 (20.77%)13 (19.12%)35 (18.42%)
45–54 years old13 (3.8%)4 (5.25%)4 (5.88%)5 (2.63%)
55–64 years old4 (1.28%)1 (1.30%)0 (0%)3 (1.58%)
Education
High school or below50 (14.93%)16 (20.78%)7 (10.29%)27 (14.21%)0.192
Undergraduate or higher education285 (85.07%)61 (79.22%)61 (89.71%)163 (85.79%)
Relationship Status
Dating60 (17.91%)20 (25.97%)11 (16.18%)29 (15.26%)0.108
Married275 (82.09%)57 (74.03%)57 (83.82%)161 (84.74%)
Religion
Muslim223 (66.57%)45 (58.44%)48 (70.59%)130 (68.42%)0.392
Protestant69 (20.60%)22 (28.57%)11 (16.18%)36 (18.95%)
Catholic26 (7.76%)6 (7.79%)6 (8.82%)14 (7.37%)
Hinduism6 (1.79%)1 (1.30%)3 (4.41%)2 (1.05%)
Buddhism4 (1.19%)1 (1.30%)0 (0%)3 (1.58%)
No Religion7 (2.09%)2 (2.60%)0 (0%)5 (2.63%)
Duration of Relationship
<1 Year71 (21.19%)17 (22.08%)9 (13.24%)45 (23.68%)0.270
1–5 Years143 (42.69%)30 (38.96%)30 (44.12%)83 (43.68%)
5–10 Years77 (40.53%)17 (22.08%)22 (32.35%)38 (20%)
>10 Years44 (13.13%)13 (16.88)%7 (10.29%)24 (12.64%)
Number of Children
0125 (37.31%)35 (45.45%)18 (26.47%)72 (36.84%)0.121
1111 (33.13%)20 (25.98%)24 (35.29%)67 (35.26%)
>299 (29.56%)22 (28.57%)26 (38.24%)51 (26.84%)
Income
<150 USD67 (22.99%)18 (23.38%)15 (22.06%)34 (17.89%)0.629
150–320 USD77 (22.99%)16 (20.78%)12 (17.65%)49 (25.79%)
320–480 USD59 (17.61%)10 (12.99%)14 (20.59%)35 (18.42%)
>480 USD132 (69.47%)33 (42.86%)27 (39.70%)72 (37.89%)
Table 3. Sexual behaviours of participants.
Table 3. Sexual behaviours of participants.
Total/OverallFeministUnsureNot FeministX2
Frequency of Sexual Intercourse
0–1/week150 (44.78%)35 (45.46%)34 (50%)81 (42.63%)0.288
2–3/week155 (46.27%)39 (50.64%)29 (42.65%)87 (45.79%)
>3/week30 (8.95%)3 (3.90%)5 (7.35%)22 (11.58%)
Always Begin with Foreplay
Always281 (83.88%)70 (90.91%)48 (70.59%)163 (85.79%)0.002 **
Sometimes54 (16.12%)7 (9.09%)20 (29.41%)27 (14.21%)
Duration of Foreplay (Average)
No Foreplay5 (1.49%)0 (0%)3 (4.42%)2 (1.05%)0.024 *
<10 min198 (59.10%)35 (45.46%)41 (60.29%)122 (64.21%)
11–20 min91 (27.16%)28 (36.36%)17 (25%)46 (24.21%)
>20 min41 (12.24%)14 (18.18%)7 (10.29%)20 (10.53%)
Most Frequent Type of The Foreplay
Cuddling with Lip-to-Lip Contact and Erotic Talk245 (73.13%)58 (75.32%)46 (67.65%)141 (74.21%)0.479
Lip-to-Genital Contact (Breast/Vagina/Penis)75 (22.39%)18 (23.38%)18 (26.47%)39 (20.53%)
None/Not Specific15 (4.48%)1 (1.30%)4 (5.88%)10 (5.26%)
Ask For the Position
Always162 (48.36%)51 (66.23%)25 (36.76%)86 (45.26%)0.001 ***
No57 (17.01%)8 (10.39%)9 (13.24%)40 (21.05%)
Sometimes116 (34.63%)18 (23.38%)34 (50%)64 (33.68%)
Ask For Role Play
Always54 (16.12%)17 (22.08%)6 (8.82%)31 (16.32%)0.317
No210 (62.69%)45 (58.44%)46 (67.65%)119 (62.63%)
Sometimes71 (37.37%)15 (19.48%)16 (23.53%)40 (21.05%)
Most Frequent/Favourite Position
Face to Face Position (Woman on Top, Man on Top/Missionary)264 (78.80%)65 (84.42%)6 (8.82%)17 (8.95%)0.384
Not Face to Face (Doggy Style, Spooning, Rear Entry Position)44 (13.13%)8 (10.39%)49 (72.06%)150 (78.95%)
None/Not Specific27 (8.07%)4 (5.19%)13 (19.12%)23 (12.10%)
Doing Fellatio
Yes160 (47.76%)35 (45.46%)35 (51.47%)90 (47.37%)0.855
No125 (37.31%)29 (37.66%)22 (32.35%)74 (38.95%)
Sometimes50 (14.93%)13 (16.88%)11 (16.18%)26 (13.68%)
Doing Cunnilingus
Yes133 (39.70%)35 (45.46%)26 (38.24%)72 (37.89%)0.729
No154 (45.97%)34 (44.15%)31 (45.59%)89 (46.84%)
Sometimes48 (25.26%)8 (10.39%)11 (16.17%)29 (15.26%)
Make The Partner Orgasm
Always229 (68.36%)54 (70.13%)42 (61.76%)133 (70%)0.198
Sometimes60 (17.91%)12 (15.58%)11 (16.18%)37 (19.47%)
I do not know46 (13.73%)11 (14.29%)15 (22.06%)20 (10.53%)
Duration of Sexual Intercourse (Average)
<20 min112 (33.43%)21 (27.27%)25 (36.77%)66 (34.74%)0.404
20–30 min133 (39.7%)32 (41.56%)22 (32.35%)79 (41.58%)
>30 min90 (26.87%)24 (31.17)21 (30.88%)45 (23.68%)
After Orgasm/Intercourse, Most Frequent Activity
Kiss, Cuddling, and Pillow Talk188 (56.12%)38 (49.35%)41 (60.29%)109 (57.37%0.688
Sleeping66 (19.7%)18 (23.38%)13 (19.12%)35 (18.42%)
Doing other things, i.e., work81 (24.18%)21 (27.27%)14 (20.59%)46 (24.21%)
Ask The Partner Satisfied or Not
Always179 (53.43%)50 (64.94%)31 (45.59%)98 (51.58%)0.049 *
No or Sometimes156 (46.57%)27 (35.06%)37 (54.41%)92 (48.42%)
Say Thank You To Partner After Intercourse
Always171 (51.04%)45 (58.44%)35 (51.47%)91 (47.89%)0.294
No or Sometimes164 (48.96%)32 (41.56%)33 (48.53%)99 (52.11%)
Doing Self Masturbation
Yes92 (27.46%)25 (32.47%)20 (29.41%)47 (24.74%)0.405
No243 (72.54%)52 (67.53%)48 (70.59%)143 (75.26%)
Watching Porn
Yes147 (43.88%)33 (42.86%)36 (52.94%)78 (41.05%)0.233
No188 (56.12%)44 (57.14%)32 (47.06%)112 (58.95%)
Porn Country
Asia75 (51.02%)17 (53.13%)17 (48.57%)41 (51.25%)0.390
Western17 (11.56%)4 (12.5%)7 (20%)6 (7.5%)
No Country Restriction55 (37.42%)11 (34.37%)11 (31.43%)33 (41.25%)
Have a Theme
Yes81 (55.1%)16 (50%)17 (48.57%)48 (60%)0.424
No66 (44.9%)16 (50%)18 (51.43%)32 (40%)
Type The Theme of The Porn
No Special Theme81 (55.1%)16 (50%)17 (48.57%)48 (60%)0.140
Orgy/FFM/Threesome13 (8.85%)0 (0%)5 (14.29%)8 (10%)
Romantic Story37 (25.17%)12 (37.5%)10 (28.57%)15 (18.75%)
Incest/Family Infidelity6 (4.08%)3 (9.38%)1 (2.86%)2 (2.5%)
MILF10 (6.8%)1 (3.12%)2 (5.71%)7 (8.75%)
* p ≤ 0.05; ** p ≤ 0.01; *** p ≤ 0.001.
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Pakpahan, C.; Parmanto, C.M.; Amanda, B.; Nguyen, A.; Rezano, A. Identification of Sexual Behaviour of Feminist Men Who Have Sex with Woman in Indonesia. Societies 2025, 15, 64. https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15030064

AMA Style

Pakpahan C, Parmanto CM, Amanda B, Nguyen A, Rezano A. Identification of Sexual Behaviour of Feminist Men Who Have Sex with Woman in Indonesia. Societies. 2025; 15(3):64. https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15030064

Chicago/Turabian Style

Pakpahan, Cennikon, Christian Melka Parmanto, Bella Amanda, An Nguyen, and Andri Rezano. 2025. "Identification of Sexual Behaviour of Feminist Men Who Have Sex with Woman in Indonesia" Societies 15, no. 3: 64. https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15030064

APA Style

Pakpahan, C., Parmanto, C. M., Amanda, B., Nguyen, A., & Rezano, A. (2025). Identification of Sexual Behaviour of Feminist Men Who Have Sex with Woman in Indonesia. Societies, 15(3), 64. https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15030064

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